Southern spy. (Washington, Ga.) 1834-18??, October 09, 1838, Image 2

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graving* in endless profusion. While (he vi*iicr was yet lost in the con templation of these treasures of the arts and sciences, he wa« storied hy the approach ol a strong and sprightly step, and turning with instinctive reverence to of entrance, he was met by the tall, animated, stately figure of the patriot himself—his countenance beaming with intelligence and benignity, and his outstretched I,and, with Its strong and cortlia! pressure, confirming the courteous welcome of his lips. And then came that charm of manner and conversation that passes all description—so cheerful—so unassuming—so free, and easy, and frank, and kind, and gay—that even the young, and overawed, and embarrassed visiter at once forgot his fears, and felt hitnsell by the side of nil old and familiar frieud.O POLITICAL. From the Suvanruih iltorgian. uov. t.II.'IKK uihl llir VKtFI.tIOK*. The Okefinok*swamp, where the po litical fume of our Governor took its birth, is destined also to he its burial place.— lli* fame is trnljr like on ignis falnns, lotions ofn swamp, in whose bog it will ultimately sink. In 1819, at tile dawn of Ids political greatness, our illustrious chief magistrate signalized his statesman ship, by a proposition to explore and survey the Okefinoka, and in 1838, lie there hogs Ins reputation, if wo mistnke not, forever. I low completely his Ex cellency is hogged, nnd bothered too, is well portrayed by the convulsive efforts, nnd desperate llmmderitigs, which lie makes in the last Recorder, to extricate himself Irom the difficulties, in which his conduct in the south-eastern part of the State has involved him. Hut let him he assured, that the more lie struggles to get out, the deeper he will sink. A fortnight since, in answer to a ques tion which wc had “specred” at his Ex cellency, as to the cause which had in duced the di-haniling of the militia of Camden and Ware, and the abandoning of those counties to the murderous incur sions of the Indians, the Recorder, re jecting the grounds which it had before ussmned in defence of its patron, produ ced in vindication of his conduct, cer tain letters, written hy the Governor, on the Tilt nnd llth of August, to Major Hopkins, (Jen. Taylor, and the Secreta ry ol War. Could '‘impudence go far ther?” What! adduce letters of that date, tis the rausr of nit act which had been done some weeks before? It will he home in mind, that the order dis charging the militia was issued prior to the 17ih July, nnd it surely partakes of the most egregious* effrontery, to al lege as the cause of that order, letters written hv him nearly a mouth nfter - r «..>pie, than J J. ‘ V him to present a letter, which he should write next year, or five years hence, as the cause of that fore- gono net. • lint tho nttempt to draw nn excuse from those letters, is worse than impo- j tent. With that fatality which nlways at- ! lends guilt, Ins Ivxcelleney only the more j eflcctually entoils hi nisei I', hy the very | means to which he resorts for extrication. J ’l’lie letters themselves display the de- ; fenceless condition to which that part of, the country had been reduced, hy the improvident order of tho Governor, it ini also that protection would have lieen as- j sored to it, hud lie not, in criminal dis- j regard of Ins duties, discharged tho mi-j litia who hnd rallied to it* defence.— ; They are written in consequence of re presentations made hy Col. Hilliard, ftlnj. Hopkins, and the citizens of Cam- j den and Wayne, of the exposed condi- j lion of that section, and of tho necessity ] of employing; tho militia, to give security j to it, and confidence to its inhabitants— j representations, therefore, which demon- ] strnte that its defenceless situation was . the result of the withdrawal of the mill- I tin, and that security would he given to j it by restoring them to service. W hat, indeed, does the (iovernor himself say, in his letter of the 7th of August, to Con. Taylor. “I send you the copies of two from Mnj. Hopkins, commanding otli ter of the militia of Camden county, and the copy of a letter from Col. Hilliard, of Ware county. You w ill perceive that both of those oißcers arc of opinion tho! * , * ;/» 'n i nj' »w . Stf '.r if counties is necessary to restore confidence to the people." And in his letter of the succeeding day, to Onpt. Dade, lie says— “ You are requested to receive into the United States service, as many compa nies of the militia of those enmities, (l Care and Camden,) as may'be suffi cient to quiet the fears oj tfie people, and secure than against the future, attacks of the Indians." 'Flic representations, therefore, of those on the spot, with adequate nnd ample means of information, and fully competent to judge, was, that the em ployment of the local militia would en sure protection to the inhabitants, and the (iovernor himself acts upon that con viction. Aiow Col. Hopkins and .Major Hilli ard were vested, by law, with authority to call out this force, which the (iovern or deemed "sufficient to quiet the fenrs of Ihe people, and secure them against the attacks of the Indians.” All, there fore, that was necessary to effect this se curity, w as that those officers should be left to the exercise of tluir authority : nnd soloug ns thev were permitted to exercise it, uiicontioiled by executive in terference. the country was eflcctually protected from the ravages of the enemy. Hut in nn evil hour, and under a penu rious devotion, as it seams, to cents, the Governor withdraws from them this uu- I thority, and thus threw open the country to Indian sack and massacre. Not only did lie do this, bin lie rejected their m treaties, to which an intensity, that should hate shaken any human heart, i was given hy the wailings from Ware, | to he allowed again t«|call the in- I to service. And yet with this flagrant evidence of misconduct, which hiuisclt fortunes he . tauntingly appeals to these very letters, I tis triumphant proof of the admirable a bility with which he has acquitted him self, in this, to him, most disgraceful affair. They are ushered into notice, in the official paper, with the following flourish : • “From-the following correspondence it will he seen, that all that lies in the : power of the. Executive to do, has been i done, to give security to them, (the citi zens of Camden and Ware,) and that the Governor Inis been endeavoring for some ! time post, to hare the Indians driven j from the Okefinoka .” i What nu illustrious exhibition is here I made, of the prowess of the chief execu | tive magistrate of the sovereign Stute of Georgia. Has he been calling into ac , *•—- C ft tW td lii'lVt? from its soil a hand of savage invaders? Has lie gallantly placed himself at the head of its physical force? Has he sum moned the ruilitia to the field? Has he allowed them to remain there, even when they voluntarily turned out, under their own generous impulses? No—no. But he ha* been endeavoring to get another Government to drive die frightful red skins away. For how long a tune past, pray, has he been so endeavoring? Why, the earliest letter in the correspondence, from “which this can be seen," is that to (Jen. Taylor, (at Tumpa Ilav,) of the Till August, fully two months after the Indians had made a lodgement in the Okefinoka ; nnd this is the first exhibi tion of any effort towards the protection of south-eastern Georgia, hy him who “had done all that la;/within the power of the Executive to do, to give security to it." And how, we demand, had lie exerted his mighty powers? Hold up your heads in pride, yevaunters of State Rights, and of the chivalry! of George R. Gilmer, at the glorious, the astound ing announcement —by liumhlv crouch ing to the Secretary of War, and beg ging his leave to call the militia into ser vice. It is thus that he addresses that functionary of the Federal Government: “I therefore propose, that the Govern ment ted/ authorize this department to cull out two regiments of militia, to act against the Indians—that they he mus tered into the serv ice of the U. States, nnd the necessary provisions and sup plies ho provided for them its soon ns they are organized.” And the request of this permission is “all that lies in the power of the Execu tive” of a State “to do,” to protect it from invasion, ami “to give security,” to its citizens, from the attneks of marauding snvuges. Yes, the Governor of a State cannot call out its otvn citizens, to de fend it* soil, and to maintain its own au thority—aye, its existence, within its otvn jurisdiction, without the previous authority of the Federal Government! Anti yet, what bellipotcnt men are not these State Rights commanders ! They are famous for “going to the death for thoir sugar.” We would fain presume, in charity to the Governor, that it was because of the want of this permission from the nation al Government, that lie did not accept the services of the one or two regiments tendered to him by the gallant Nk.i.so.v, as early as the 13th August, were we not deprived of nil ability for the exercise of such charity, by his failure to accept their services, since authority has been given hy that Government to raise a re giment. Notwithstanding these glaring eviden ces offexecutive misconduct, and nltho’ the Recorder itself claims credit for the Governor for not continuing "the militia in service from their homes and oc cupations, at the expense of the State," the editor of that paper in his last impression makes another vain effort to rescue his Excellency from the just and we believe, almost universal condemnation with which his extraordinary course has been visited, —and in doing so, resorts to wil ful misrepresentations or mean equivo cation. Arc we to understand the Recorder, ns •■lyingllmt ot the time the Governor is ! sued the order for the immediate dis ! charge of the militia he tvasiii possession I of (Jencral Taylor’s letter of the 13th of July and that hence, he was informed licit the Foiled States troops were in po sition around the Okefinoka ? If so, the task Will he easy to convict him of asser ting whnt lie knows o he untrue. 'Flic order of the Governor was issued if not before, certainly ns early as the 17th July, and the whole history of the operations in Ware proves that in no in stance has information been transmitted between that county and Millcdgeville in a time as brief as was the interval be tween the date of that letter and the Go vernor's announcement, on the 17th Ju ly, to the Secretary of War, that lie had issued the order. Why, with the pater nal anvietv of the Governor to relieve the militia front their arduous service, 1 and the State from the burthen of ma king a loan to the Federal Government for her defence, his order disbanding the militia, issued certainly as early as the i 17th July, was not received in Ware ac cording to the Recorder, “until the Oth August.” But it is not necessary to re sort to inferences—we appeal to facts. It was not miu. the -4th July, that the Governor acknowledged the receipt of Gen. T’s. letter, of the 13th—and it would but ill accord, as wrll with the imputed “ability and foresight” of the Executive, as with his feigned anxiety for the citizens of Ganfieii null Ware, to believe that his important a eomurWTcalion,®rßßKot i vv t it t * ii outlie wry day it HpAj I tlic In 1 ' ■ ii swer to such a such a subject. Wc must believe then, that the- assertion, that the Governor was , in possession of this information at the time the order was issued, is a great ca lumny on his Excellency, of the Recor der’s otvn coining. And if the Governor were in possession of this letter, prior, even to the 24th July, why did not the Recorder of that date, in the effort it made to account for, and sustain the or der, adduce this, among the other pa per»it then published ? Yet it did not, at all, advert to it. But let us ascend from the organ to his principal, and inovke the testimony of the Governor himself. In his letter to (Jen. Taylor, of the '2lth July, in reply to that officer’s letter of the 13th, so fur from pretending that this Jetter fur nished u motive for issimmtiiiLUUiUiMMH says— ' *" “ Upon receiving a communication f/fn i the A. A. Adjutant Harden, of the ■ inst. giving information, that provisiiK 1 and troops had been ordered by you jo '• the neighborhood oft he Okefinoka sivalp all the troops that were called out by lie militia officers of Camden &. Ware emp ties, were ordered to be discharged.” ; It is manifest, then, upon the testing • ny of his Excellency himself, that he w»> not in possession of the letter of GeneJkJ Taylor, at the time he issued the order!— I that he was ignorant of (Jen. position at that time, and that the was founded alone on Lieut. Hardei«M| letter. 'Fhe Recorder sensible of this, is fov j ced to retreat upon the letter of A. J. j Adjutant Harden, ns a dernier resourej, I and lias the recklessness to adduce it >« ] evidence that the Governor llU.f* 1 rrtrm edge ot (Jen. Taylor’s being in position.* Vi s, truly, as well as lie had of the posit lion of wandering Arabs. Had the Re* carder seen the remarks of the Georgian of the 23d and 25th inst. it would scarce ly have indulged in tin inference so un warranted hy this letter, from which it is affected to bo drawn. But without re peating the remarks we then made, ivr content ourselves with referring to the above extract from the Governor’s lettety to show, that even he did not pretend ; that Lieut. Harden’s statnents that troop* ! “had been sent” amounted to more than ! that tut order had been given, and if this! will not satisfy the editor, wo will pre- ! sent the Recorder itself as a witness to j disprove its own assertion. To estah-1 lish the fact that the troops were in posi-J tion the Recorder invokes the letters urKlnh a*ceusSTT\inl ‘ 1 troops did not reach their position on the# Smvanoehee until the 9th of July, andJy yet lie affirms that a letter written on the j 7th, from the other side of Black (’reek, gives information ofn fact which did not.i occur until two days afterwards in the | | county ol Ware. j But the truth is, that tiio Recorder j unable to meet the charge vve have pre | seated against his Excellency, is con j strained to resort to an unworthy eqttivo j cation, and to accomplish its purpose, i adds to it misrepresentation. In treat ing of the official misconduct of the Go vernor in reference to the defence of the south-eastern frontier and in inquiring therefore into the causes of his conduct, wc have charged that at the time the (io vernor issued his order, disbanding lltt. militia, he was ignorant 1 li " t ' States troops were in position. Dq Recorder meet this charge ? Not } —but, hy evading, admits it. And to 1 effect a disgraceful retreat, uncnudidly 1 asserts, that the charge vve made was that at the time the murders were commit ted in Ware, the Governor had not re ceived Gen. Taylor’s letter. And tp palm this misrepresentation upon t!«; public credulity has the disingenuous ness in quoting, with inverted comma) too, a sentence from us to interpolate |t passage which we never wrote, lie :,~ droitlv fabricates for us a charge whiji ; we did not make, and then most gi lantly overthrows it. He turns aw:f ! from the charge vve have presented o i him, knocks down a man ol straw ol 'is own making, and running away fr (i us, boasts of the v ictory lie has woo Lo, the skill with which lie | ty work. But says the Georgian, “his Excelle i j cy’s knowledge (at that period, the 2 and July,) extended to the fact that Genet il Taylor had been at Black Creek andw s moving in the direction of the Okefiuo a i Swamp.” ( Sncli is the quotation which the Rt eordrr professes to make of our languaje. We affirm, and there is no reader of tip Georgian who does not know, that t|e words embraced in the parenthesis, le ver were employed by us in any remarls | vve have made on the subject. But tie Recorder, not content with forgery, m fabricating words for us, is also guilty of mutilation. To accomplish the decep tion he was attempting to practice, it be came necessary for him to troncat- ony paragraph, and hence lyi Jtins ' words which immediately preH !I(J > ! mlp professed quotation. Our words lets “when his Excellency ordered the /i,. js to ho disbanded, and before be couldjos sihly have Jtceti informed that Gen. 'liv ior was in position ; bis knowledge -x --tended to the fact that Gen. Taylor lad been at Black Creek, &e. W e turn with disgust, from sttdi a shameless specimen of forgery, and with >vtnputhy, for a chief magistrate State, witose condition is so deplorufle \ as to need such aid and such a defender. , Wc would leave an admonition with t’-c Recorder. The Governor is in a hog, and the more he stirs the deeper he will . sink. From the Charleston Mercury. .Messrs. Editors : As many of those ■io are entitled A vote at the ensuing e 'ection fffrrfmemlßr to Congress, are m tVly in the dark, as respects the SubT ! Treasury scheme, you would confer a Ivor rtrt many who desire to be enligbt iied thereon, before giving their votes, w placing before them, through the co jmns of the Mercury, the meaning of jub-Treasury, its practical operation, lud the final advantage to the South, by j* adoption. The question has been repeatedly ask- | and ‘what is the nature of this Sub-Trea iiry scheme?’ and those asked, have enerally acknowledged their ignorance, j As many, from not understanding vvliat jhev are to vote for, will give their votes jo Mr. Legare, I think your compliance with the above request will have a bene- ; Icial tendency in influencing the votes ts many. Tlir IXUEPKXDEXT TBEASI'BT. \y, readily comply to the best of our jihiliry with the wish of our correspond ent ‘M v.nv,’ and to begin, we will to-day do little more than recapitulate the heads of the excellent letter of Mr. Calhoun, which we had the satisfaction of present ing to our readers yesterday. The parties who met on Friday last to nominate Independent Treasury candi dates, have in truth united to raise again in a cause than which none was ever more worthy of it, the old republican banner of ’95, the standard that led the friends of Jefferson to victory—and the movement of the Democratic party of Hiurlestnn, once more rallied to a con- j Sited effort, is now as it was then in TOhalf of State Rights Republicanism a gainst Federal usurpation and consoli dation. The Sub-Treasury system is emphat ically a measure of ‘Deliverance At Ltb mms' til ITii fiffTple of the South. In- of the revenues of the country be ing placed under the keeping and con trol of a Bank or Banks, to be hy them loaned and speculated upon, in direct opposition to the constitutional provision which prescribes the only modes in which money shall he taken from the public treasury —instead of there being given to the Northern commercial cities the ad vantage of the use of the greater part of the taxes of the country, which taxes are derived chiefly from the South ; in stead of-tlie Banks being thus encoura ged to extravagant over issues—the Sub- Treasury system makes the recognised servants of the people the keepers ot the people’s money —forbids them to use the money entrusted in their keeping, or to speculate thereon, and acts as a check Aupply of specie properly proportioned to the amount of their paper circulation. It gives the Executive no more con trol over the public purse, nor near as much as he possessed tinder the Bank and State system. For by the very same process by which he could draw monies under the one system, he could draw thorn under the other: and as to patron age, the appointment of tircnti / new of ficers as receivers or Sub-Treasurers, is a feather in the balance compared vviih the immense power he would wield bv subsidizing the Banks of the country, or the ruling Bank of the country, with *ll the thousand Bank agents and inter ested connexions. Mr. Calhoun shews that the Bank connexion is a truly Federal measure— rjginuting with, —always supported hv, -Limit nlivv urged with unanimous zeal, Tortile Federal or National party, the friends of a strong Government, of cen tralization and consolidation; the ine vitable effect of which must be the sec tional oppression and subjugation of the South, the minority section of the con federacy. The Nationals never were more united than now; they acknowl edge their end to he a National Bank; they will tolerate a pet Bank System or the use of State Banks as keepersof the pub lic money as a 'half-way house' because experience has proved to them that such a system is impracticable, must fail and be merged in their great mammoth scheme. They oppose the Sub-Treasury system, because they believe that it will certainly succeed if adopted—and that its success will he fatal to their cherished hope ot wielding die united political and money power of the one through the other.— Alexander Hamilton, the father of Fed eralism, the avowed friend of the politi cal corruption and strong monarcliial features of polity, originated by his own act the connexion between the treasury and banking. It was a most effective blow against State Rights and popular rignts—and has weakened the Demo erftie party in all subsequent struggles. Tie opportunity is now arrived to cure the Commonwealth radically of the evils it i filleted. If the Bank or a league of Banks is to ha'e the revenue of the country as so much banking capital, they will of course strive to secure a large revenue hy hea vv duties. The greater the duties, the expenditures and the surpluses, the lar- the Bank profits, if the Banks have useVrfrlie Treasury—but separate them and the interest of the Banks will be op posed to those corrupting and opptTssin results of misgovernment —and the South will have the Banks, with their mighty influence, bound by their own interest to fight with us for justice. The uncon stitutionality of a National Bank has been proved to the satisfaction of all tiie Republicans of the school of '9S; the constitutionality of a divorce lias never Been disputed. None doubt the power of the Government to collect its own mo ney in the constitutionally recognized shape—and to keep it through its ('fleers. But all State Rights republicans— w ith few exceptions—believe the other system unconstitutional. There is no power 4he constitution to charter a Na tional Rank. li the pmver irfre given, ftic location of the Mqtlier could not be fixed, without sestionnl paYtinlitv and injustice, and if the State Banks were used a* depositories, yyhat right has the Government to intermeddle and regulate State Institutions? Every departure from strict construc tion endangers the peculiar institutions of the South—and the departure proposed by the advocates of a Bank would not only be dangerous as a precedent—but would give the money power to our ene mies—and while it bound the South hand and foot—would give the Anti- j Slavery and Abolition section the sinews of war—enable them to keep our com merce in a state of enduring vassalage. ' ■ It would he unequal in it* operation, ( giving to those engaged in Banking eve- i ry advantage over citizens engaged in j other pursuits. We have thus, with very little addi tion of our own, repeated the substance of Mr. Calhoun’s views ;& we shall from time to time follow up, with others, the result of our own reflection and investi gation. We shall conclude now with stating a few facts illustrating the perni cious effect of a National Bank upon the interest of Southern Agriculture and Commerce. The Mother Bank in Philadelphia controlled the branches in the several states. It has, in direct hostility to the best interests of the planters and mer chants of this market, directed the branch here to stop taking exchange, and cur tail its discount, against the earnest pro test of the directors here. The only ob ject was to make money for the Bank and for Pennsylvania, without regard to local interests in the South. The result was a stagnation of business—a fall in the price of Rice and Cotton—and em barrassment to all our merchants who had not calculated on this arbitrary and unjustifiable interruption of the due course of business. Sterling exchange fell from 10U to 9.3, making an adverse difference of 11 per cent, upon all the Cotton & Rice sold that year in Charles ton. This sacrifice of our interests, we are assured too, was uncalled for hy the necessities of the case. Mr. Biddle then began to buy up foreign exchange ! at the reduced rates, through his agents ! here. {£/“ The Mother Bank never al | lowed the Directors here to know any thing about its dealings in foreign ex- J change, that it could keep from them— j but owing to strong remonstrances of the Directors at the time, the agent : here, who was Cashier of the Branch, | was induced, for his own justification, Jl'he Bunk sterling exchange here. V he profits all went to the Mother Bank. Now the Bank of Charleston, for in stance, a Southern Bank, buys up both j sterling and domestic exchange in this i market, and sells both here —instead of | our having, after the sterling exchange i is bought hy the Bank, to send to the j North and pay commissions for buying | it—as well as sending the profits of the I sale out of the State. By such a course the Bank caused I more distress in the South, than was j caused hy removing the deposited, or by | any government act; and it shows the ! power ofthc Bank to exert an influence j upon particular points, either from polit- I ical or avaricious views—which would j not be known as the cause, although the ! evils would he severely felt hy the people j generally. The use of Government de posites and credits, cannot fail to build tip at the expense of tiie less favored ! parts of the country, the commerce and 1 wealth of the place where it centres.— Every measure of the present Pennsyl niu Bank of the United States has re i gard to the interest of Pennsylvania— : She receives $9,000,000 for the charter | alone, which $0,000,000 is not raised out 1 of her citizens; nnd Mr. Biddle promises i also to complete by it her Internal Im provements, nnd relieve her people from taxes on real estate. At whose expense ? Y'et vve find South Carolii inns subscri bing and Itoldingstock in ihat institution; j subscribing to advance Northern trade at the expense of our own—to build up Northern cities nt tiie expense of Charles ton—and to maka Northern roads and canals to the neglect of our own, The stockholders of a National Bank would also thus use their money in fact against the South. If the millions of stock held by our citizens in such a foreign institu tion were withdrawn, and placed in the great Rail Road Bank, or divided among our other Banks at home, Charleston and 8. Carolina would soon realize the ben efit of the policy of States taking care of their own banking concerns, and using, their own capital for their own improve ment, instead of entrusting it to foreign ers, to be used against themselves. From the Mobile Commercial Register. Doctors hate to swallow their own phy sic, because none know better the na ture oftlie vile compounds which they prescribe. Politicians who are the most expert in coining nicknames, and deal ing in caricature and burlesque, are the most sensitive under similar retorts; and the real thief, like Oliver Twist’s nimble fingered fellow disciples, are the loudest brawlers and swiftest pursuers of the im aginary rogue. Whig editors and scrib blers have a dictionary of new and Whig-fangled epithets of odium and rid icule, which they shower upon the Ad ministration and its friends, with a lav ishttess which shows that the brain which conceived them is prolific quoad hoc a; least. Who hot the most practi sed in this cynical school, who but a Thcrsitcs would ever think of calling a political opponent a “microscopic ani mal,” or an’“ephemeral nothing,” and above all, who not embraced in all the “grammar party,” would have thought I of so faroversteping the modesty ofprose as to call a class of people the “futura of a day.” Tfie word (ins not a locaHtab , nation or a name in all the regions of moods, tenses, or declensions. The favorite designation by Whig«di tors, of a Democrat, is “Loco Foco,” and the latest, “Tory.” Besides these, many a weary column of senseless ap pellatives arc to be found in their vocab ulary—lnfidel, Jacobin, Fanny Wright man, &c. and any thing that conveys ridicule and odium. So much accus tomed are we to these Tuliian elegancies of diction, and so naturally do they flow front the grand reservoir of all can refinement, polish, and we look for them as for frost in Decem-® her, and Ane bugs in summer. The weapon is a truly old Federal one, and • the skill of the modern and degenerate progeny of that once great party, in its use, is one of the most marked of the features which make up the tout ensemble ; an admirable family likeness between the sire and the scion. Great efforts have been made of late to rob the true Democratic party of the country of its rightful name, and to christen it with another not so unfortunately popular. The \Y bigs, advocating Federal princi ples in all their latitude, cannot bear to be called by name. Attaching more im portance to name than to principle, they speak of themselves as the Sunon Pure j Democracy, and of the Democracy as j the “self-styled” Democracy, that is, when they don’t apply a slang term.— The attempt is likely to he, as it has j been, eminently unsuccessful, because | the people, contrary to the estimate of | these reformers, have sense enough to ! know the difference between a principle | and a name. Some how or other the Democratic | party lias contrived to make the most o i dious names, which its opponents have I applied to it, popular ; while the Whigs have never been able to preserve the per fume of the most odoriferous names, more than three month’s together. 1 lie following is the correspondence between Mr. Stevenson, the American Minister, and Mr. O’Connell. London, August loth. THK ABEIIICAX MIM vn u AMI HU. O’tUXXEI.I,. 23 Portland Place, Aug. 9. Sir—My attention has been called to the publication in the last Spectator of a speech which purports to have been de livered by you at a public meeting in Bir mingham, in which you are reported to have used the following language in re lation to myself: TT_7i»gs fho rear up slaves for the purpose of traffic. Js it possible then America would send here a man who traffics in blood, and who is a disgrace to human nature.” 1 desire to know from you whether this is a correct report of w hat yon said oil that occasion, and with that view, ad dress to you this communication. 1 am, Sir, very respectfully, Your obedient servant, A. STEVENSON, lo Daniel O’Connell, Esq. &c. Id Pall Mall, Aug. 10. Sir In consequence of your letter of yesterday’s date 1 have examined tire re port of my speech at Birmingham in the Spectator, of the 4tli inst. and have no hesitation in saying that the paragraph you have selected is not a correct report of vv liat I said on that occasion. Ihe very next sentence does, in my mind, show that the report could not be correct, and having examined another report since, as well as from distinct re collection, 1 repeat, that the report is not correct. I have the honor to be, sir, Your obedient servant, Daniel o’connell. 23 Portland Place, Aug. 11, 1838. Sir I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your note of last evening, in answer to the one from myself of the | preceding day. [ 1 resuming that you intended your re ply as a disavowal of the offensive ex pressions contained in that part of your reported speecli which had allusion to mysell, and to which your attention was ; called, I am satisfied with the answer | you have given. As nn incorrect report of your speech lias been made public through the press, l beg to inform you that I deem it due to myself that the correspondence which lias taken place should also be published. I am, sir, very respectfully, Your obedient servant, A. STEVENSON* To Daniel O’Connell, Esq. &c. From the Richmond Enquirer. SCENES IX CONDON. MU. STEVENSON AND DANIEL o’cONNEI L. “Long's Hotel, London, Aug. 15, 1838. “Dear Sir— Knowing the deep inter est which you feel in every thing which concerns the American Minister, I has ten to enclose you hy-the packet of to- I morrow from Liverpool, his correspon ! deuce with Mr. O’Connell. “You will of course have seen the re ported brutal outrage, which this Irish Caliban made on both our country and Mr. Stevenson on the first ot August, at Birmingham, w here the abolition of ne gro apprenticeship in the British West Indies was celebrated with verv extraor dinary manifestations of blackguardism and abuse. “The moment Mr. Stevenson read Mr. O'Connell’s speech, he hastened to my lodgings, and requested me to convey