Southern spy. (Washington, Ga.) 1834-18??, October 30, 1838, Image 2
einn,—after the t*.timony of the \. York
|» »nk-, nnd the universal acquiescence in
the truth of the enormous self-expansion
of the paper currency anti of speculation,
with the morbid overnctiou <>! the whole
commercial system, so resolutely
—"kiHA’liig presses, under the
iptiftf of Mr. BWj^Vpl
*’XSki .'/nee ft-' come ruanifest^Mtiat
the reaction was unavoidable, wliat lias
become of the abase of die Specie ( ircu
lar; which it i* now evident to all afford
ed a check, so far as its limited opera
tion went, upon that expansion and over
action, and was indispensable to pre
serve the public domain from the rapid
evaporation which it was undergoing on
so vast a scale—that public domain about
which eminent IV big statesmen are now
so anxious, that they are unwilling to al
low the slight and morally equitable priv
ilege of a pre-emption, to the poor man
who is willing to reclaim bis quarter sec
tion from the wilderness, on condition of
being suffered to dig from it an honest
livelihood by the sweat of bis own brow ?
W’liat has become of that high position ol
the Hank of the JUuited States, that it
_«it.mended. Into and reluctant, only for
™'*W..7rni — j, • , - ■» ■ . y- j+ r
utany moment to co-oper;!ie in restoring
the currency, and to take the lead in re
sumption? Whit lias become of the nr
gumciil jpi strongly urged and supported
hv the authority of firmer experience,
that a National Hank could a lie til the
only iiieaiisofcotitpellinga resumption
when tin; re .sumption Inis been curried in
to effect in a single year, by the banks of
a single city, against all the gigantic
power wielded against them by that in
stitution, and the enormous influence
which it controlled; so us even to force
the‘Great Regulated' itself hack to the
path of honesty and duty, against the
most determined resistance, which, in the
famous ‘cotton-hag’ letter, did not even
restrain itself within the limits of decen
cy ?—Wliut lias become of the argument
that such an institution was necessary
to manage the exchanges of the country,
—wlien our foreign exchanges so speedi
ly lighted themselves ns soon as relieved
from the i .culms of artificial 'inniiiige
mciii and the internal exchanges are
so steadily and certainly undergoing the
same process, nnd so clearly demonstra
ting that the irregularities apparent on
the surface, are owing solely to the dif
ferent degrees of credit and solvency of
the different paper currencies of respect
ive portions oftlio Union? What lias
become of the argument that banks, es
pecially a National Hank, were indis
pensable ns fiscal agents of the govern
ment, —when, through nil the severely
tryiniU'ircuiiiatnnces of the year of sus
pension, it was aide to dispense with
both; and that, too, without the provi
sion of anew legally organized scheme of
independent management, such as il has
twico applied to Congress to grant?—
Wliut has become of the charge that the
attitude assumed by the Administration,
on the suspension, was ruinous and de
structive to all the interests oftlio coun
try, in its stern determination not to ac
quiesce in an indefinite continuance of it,
|,v bending the knee to the Huai of paper
money, ami consenting to receive a de
preciated irredeemable uirreney—w hat
has become of the ‘ten cent revolution’ of
the merchants and gentlemen of Huston
n"ailist Mr. Kendall —w hen it is now too
manifest to admit of serious denial, that
a different course, on the part of the Ad
ministration, would have prolonged the
suspension ol several years; ami that to
the moral force of the public sentiment
which it alone kept alive anil stimulated,
to the rail) iiijg influence of the specie ling
u high it alone kept lly iug, has been main
ly, if not solely, due tile happy direction
which events have now taken? What
has become of the charge of hostility to
legitimate credit, or !<> sound and honest
blinking, after the signal manner in
which the Administration nnd its friends
have lent their countenance nnd support
to the process of resumption I Anil now
that time has sifted the subject a little,
what has become of all the ridiculous
charges that the Independent Treasury
Scheme would absorb all the specie ol
the country, destroy the banks, cripple
commerce nnd industry, extend ahiini
inglv the Intlneuee of the Executive, and
endanger the public lands !
What lias become of nil these, and n
host of similar ‘arguments’ and charges,
which, while they lusted, afforded such
rich topics ot declamation to \\ big fluent
speakers mid ready writers ! Have they
curled upwards into impalpable and in
visible ether, like the morning mists of
our mountains, before the slow but iiie
sistiblc power oi the bml ot login I
Have they been laid, like unquiet ghosts,
nt the bottom ol the hnl Sen, by the
stern exorcism of the voice of reason and
truth, never more to revisit the pale
glimpses of the nmini ? Have they been
flouted awav and dispersed, by the ebb
of the tide of panic excitement, out of
sight of land, on the boundless ocean of
the absurd, never more to be re-assem
bled, ia all the imposing array in which
they were once so gallantly decked out f
Or have they betaken themselves, as con
genial to their niootndiioy natures, to that
I.nnbo said to be the receptacle of all
things lost on earth! M here are they ?
ltis'very certain that they arc no longer
to he seen or heard of on ‘this dark ter
restrial ball;* and that the homes that
once knew them, in the columns and
paragraphs of the M big press, now know
them no inure. It is said that, whatever
processes of transformation all creatures
nod substances undergo trom time to
time—from a ‘godlike statesman down
to a silkworm’s egg—nothing actually
perishes. Hut confessing ourselves m
teilv unable to answer ao puzzling a que
ry, us the present whereabout ot all those
shadowy ghosts of arguments, that used
to come trooping up from the vast deep
of the imagination at the magic call of
Whig eloquence, we can only refer the
reader, desirous of laying Ins linger on
them, for information to our friends ol
i># Whig press. Where are they, then ?
‘ Where* to etTv*y all, so sweet, so many ?’
rtih eir. tj' iherd, fell iij* where! ,
The contrast, thyrf, exhibited by the
press on the one siire and mi the oilier,
in the vigor and ith which they
carry on the great'j. .contest ot argu
ment, notwithstanding all the adventi
tious advantages po-st -i and by the \\ lug
press, cannot surprise. Thus
must it always be in the struggle between
truth and error. The one possesses
within itself inexhaustible resources ol
an immortal energy, u hieh,n**winly to
be fully drawn out by the iffq .-itioa of
falsehood ; and under wliatcWV disad
vantage* of circumstance it sets out, it
never goes backward, but still moves on
ward, ever gathering strength as it goes.
The other must depend for any hope ol
success, in a contest with the adversary
‘armed so strong in honesty,’ upon the
effect of it* first dashing oiim!. I! that
can he but parried, or staunchly with
stood for a time, it speedily exhaust* it
?rtT, artfJVTPnre.irio mo'nitirr mi* posses
sion of the field, with that noblest and
surest of triumphs,
The victory of endurance borne.
Thus is it, iti a most signal manner, in
the present case. Up to the present pe
riod the Opposition has bail the Demo
cratic party at great disadvantage. Hat
the g inind has been gradually and insen
sibly slipping away from under their feet.
Tint tests of time and truth have been
successively exploding their arguments,
and refuting their charges, one after the
other, until really little or nothing re
in tins to them. The cause of the Ad-
ministration rests oil a basis of right and
truth, on the great questions- at issue,
broad and firm as the everlasting bills.—
The glittering spray of oratory, the vex
ed foam ol declamation, the dashing
waves of personal abuse, can avail no
thing against ibis rock. And here our
Cardinal democratic principle, of confi
dence in the eventual sober judgment of
the people, salads 113 in good stead.—
W e know that when we have the whole
field of the argument open before us, no
panics, no excitements, no delusions, can
long mislead the popular judgment; and
mi intelligent and reflecting democrat can
entertain a douhl that, before the close ol
this great struggle, the people, in their
broad mass, will obey the deep and strong
instinct of their natural democratic ten
dency, mid rally to the support of the
Administration, in its present position
mid policy, in numbers not less over
whelming than those which bore the late
Administration in triumph through its
•lentil-struggle w ith the same power now
foremost in the tie Id in opposition to the
present.
Another of the signs of the times which
we regard with great satisfaction is ibis
—the manifest progress that democratic
principles are making among the young
men oftlio Whig party itself. The youth
of this country must, ot necessity, incline
with a strong niitnrul bias towards the
generous ami glorious truths ot the de
mocratic faith, —notwithstanding the nu
uierous powerful influences always in op
eration upon them, especially in nor cit
ies, our literary institutions, and the learn
ed professions, to warp them to the op
posite direction. In fact it is Irma tins
clu>s that ibn democratic party is con
stautlv recruiting the losses it bus from
time to time to sustain, of those of its
numbers who, as they proceed in life
waxing fat anil proud, are gradually
weaned from the nttnclnnents of their
more ardent ami liberal youth. Thus
lor the corrupt and diseased portions ol
the one putty, which always gather over
the surface till they fall off and attnch
themselves naturally to the other, the
former is receiving a constant compensa
tion, in the sounder portions ot tins lat
ter, which, trout their mutual bias of
congeniality, pass over to fill tip the de
sertions thus periodically dropping off.
The main bulk oftlio W lug party itsell
—that is to say, of its voters, not ot its
politicians or lenders —is at heart demo
cratic, though kept, from a variety of
causes and in a variety of modes, in u
constant state of delusion mid mystifica
tion. The peculiar combination of cir
cumstances which has lately borne so
severely upon the democratic party,
throwing its cause mid candidates into
an apparent temporary minority in so
many quarters where it lias been long ac
customed to prevail, lias been seen so
far to intoxicate the Opposition with tri
umph, as to cause them to reverse the
true relations and names ol parties,—to
believe themselves to have gained over
the ‘democracy of numbers’ they were so
long wont to despise and abuse, —and
even to crown the climax of the long ar
ray of names they have from time to time
assumed with the singularly factitious
title of ‘ Democratic. Whig:-!’ This is the
iinkinilest cut of all. Thus to ‘filch from
ns our good name’ is indeed too bad, —
though we arc vastly mistaken it it will
prove m the end to have greatly ‘enrich
ed’the unblushing wearers. It is utter
ly vain for that party to iitlcuipfto main
tain such an assumption. Their more
intelligent and liberal men, in private,
freely ridicule it us a bold electioneering
trick.— .-iM/t’-dcmocracy is the principle
of their party organization now, as it has
always been, from its first infusion un
der the auspices of the high Federalism
of the olden time. Hy affecting the name
of democracy they only impair their own
unity and cohesion, such as it is, and
weaken their own principle of life. The
effect is only to introduce a fatal dissen
sion, the proud and stout hearted old
heads of the party having been already
seen to be prompt in repudiating the of
fensive term, and all the abominable as
3 trtnflErasiT 33*y*
■ociations of Jeffersonitinism
plies; while at the same time it oiilyiy
iraols ptteutioii tin- more con ;■ pie 1105 :
mtbm wbicb it i, tl.eir iJi| c
IS-ep in tin; shade, the rfe;
cratic character of .tiieir
faith. The movement A was fi
with much significance, w biclTttViMuir
in the late Whig Young Men’s Convert*
tion at IJlica, to arrest the abuse of the
memory and principles of Jcllersou,
which the excitements of tfie present con
test had naturally drawn forth from the
Federal press ; and even to attempt to
blazon that noble name on the banner of
a cause, and a party, it. all respects llif!’
most repugnant lu the principles of which
that inline is the Condensed expression.
It was a strong symptom of a lieahhN
spirit at work in thdniore generous youth
olT.e “sporty,—a spirit which cannot
rAviit in bringing over a large proportion
of them to the true Democratic cause.
The indignant maimeriii which these iu
disdlicAffcrvcsceticcs </|nteut democra
cy wet liirowned upon, \iy so many of
the old recognized authorities and mag
nates of the Whig party, wail go far, jn
spite of the prompt efforts made to gloss
over the dillicully, to «'l>en the ryes!- K
ftlie- former nothe true CtnitacTer-tK ’
party hv whose plausible professionsw*
have heretofore suffered themselves liVl;
deluded and placed in false position. |
Some of our readers may possibly rj
nitmhcr a remark made hy us on ra;
sweeping Whig victory of last fall, in tie
.State ot New York, that it would iiavtii
happy effect in democratizing (if tV
word may he permitted) a large portiiji
of that party itself; and that on the di
feat which certainly awaited them, as >}>
18:! I, after a short fruition of the sweets
of the ascendency, they would go out of
power better republican* than they
in.—This spirit manifesting itself in va
rious modes ami especially emhodvine
itself in that expression of sentiment In
the Utica Convention referred to, affords
already a singular illustration of the
truth ofllie remark.
W e had intended to devote
able portion of the present article to sortie
reflections on the direction taken hy the
course of events lit the late session of
Congress; and the exact position in
which they left the great Jiulepindek e
question—for such should he the prop r
designation of the Sub-Treasury poltc .
Its allotted space is, however, so far e p
hausted as to permit only a few briefn •
marks on that subject. The Admiuistrr ■
lion was, it is true, defeated on that is
leading tneasitfe. It failed to carry i
through the House ot Ketirescnlnm M
The mode & causes oftliat failure we cajt
not pause to dwell upon. Vet was it Bit
victory to the other side, —or at best iJm
of those Pyrrhic triumphs that are iruic
than defeat. On the whole, the Ailnjf ',
istlutinu may fie said, I
to have borne off the honors of the rauT
paigu ; and never was a party mure dis
mally disconcerted than were the Oppo
sition ul the very close of the session, in
the midst of their imagined irkiimphy »ua
the clear majority which had voted dutßtt
the Independent Treasury bill. The es
sential principle of that policy was not
voted down, and couhl not be voted down.
It was, on the contrary, asserted by bush
Houses. The Democratic press, gene
rally, does not appear to have fully ap
preciated the importance of that iuej
deu'al vole in the House of Hi piescnta
tives, during that memorable struggle
which w as so admirably conducted by the
friends id the Administration, on the
night of the third of July, by which the
great principle, that the public limits
shall not be employed for bank ■ /*•*
ses, was expressly asserted, hy the vote
ol 101 to 101, decided by the casting
vote oftlio Speaker,—a vote which, il is
iimleuiahle, would have been increased
to n considerable m ijority in favor of the
principle by the attendance ol all the ab
sentees. We refer to the vote on tlib
amendment of Mr. Campbell, of?*. CJf.
to the amcnduifiit offered hv Mr. Curtis,
of N. York, to Mr. W right’s second bi(l
as sent down from the Senate. It is
true that that invaluable declaration was
not eventually incorporated with the hid
as it passed. Having been attached by
force of that unexpected Democratic vote
to a Whig proposition, it made the lat
ter so obnoxious to its own friends thnt
they themselves atumdimcil it rather than
swallow the hitter condition ; and tIA
w hole thus fell through. Hut there stavig
nit the record, the principle assTio|
w hich can never lie retraced—the posi
tion assumed which can never be rece
ded from—the seed planted which can
not but germinate, and produce eventu -
ally the full and perfect fruit of the con
summation of the Divorce policy. That
vote will and must be fatal to the Opposi
tion. It brought them distinctly up to
the question which had never before been
fully met; and as a parti/ they voted
that the bank* siiai.i. have the use of the.
public revenue fur bunking purposes. —
That vote exploded all the mystifications
with which the Administration had been
opposed, and revealed the one original
cardinal motive of hostility to the Divorce
—the use of the public money as a basis
fur discounts. That vote unsuccessful
too, ill fact—must and will proven mill
stone round the neck of that most fac
tious an»l iniquitous Opposition, and '■-a**'
open the eyes of thousands, before blind
ed to the true character of the issue in
volved between the two parties.
The National Hank party was power
less in the House, as in the Senate.—
They, with the still more insignificant]
Slate Bank party, could only, by their
union on that common ground, clog the
action of the third party more poweiful
than either singly,—and thus relieve the
latter from the responsibility of majority.
Vet they could not prevent the adoption
of a bill framed by Mr. Wright as hi*
second best, and which—though still but'
J' r Ymporary measure of transition, and
leaving too laigc a discretion.try respon
sibility upon the Executive for the man
\gement of the public finances, till fu
ture legislation—went very far to luoseji,
vi! it did not quite dissolve, the criinec
*tj,yn between the Government and the
ruin king system. j
And wh i’t can the Opposition do at
the next session—vvliat position assume ?
It is impossible to prevent the gradual
ripening ot these great public questions.
They cannot again rest on the policy of
‘prevention .’ The mjnic is over, ami
Dthello’s oecopatiii gone. They must
tome down, fully "and fairly, into the
|iiuin, and meet the simple issue, pro or
fin — the Independent Treasury, or a
National Bank. What decent show' of
opposition to the former in
, fare to face before the bar of the country,
can then be made—or what new argu
mliit, ns yet undreamed of, in behalf of
th« latter, to supply the place of the ex
ploded and exhausted old ones now no
| longer fit for service—time only can dis
close; ns we confess ‘t to be beyond the
scope of our imagination* to conjecture.
Wh'it may be the general issue of the
elections of this fall, it 4 is impossible for
“JtT the date of tin, present article, to
anticipate. We are by no means san
guine of all the successes confidently ex
pected by many of our friends. But tin/
tliev should still go decidedly against the
Democratic party, our confidence in our
cause and our position would not he sha
ken in the least degree. We can ‘hide
our time;’ and even though the Admin
istration should, possibly, be embarrass
ed during the latter half of the present
term by an adverse majority in the House
of Representatives, it can never arrest
or materially impede the operation of
those deeply seated and widely diffused
causes, which cannot fail to secure to it
an overwhelming support before the
next Presidential struggle, when the last
and decisive battle is to lie fought upon
its principles and policy.
■>- ■ From the. Albany Argus.
POMTIUAI, AIIDMTIO.MSTS.
Although we have long been satisfied
that the Church and State party inten
ded to use the Abolition question, ns
they did Antimasonry, for the acquisi
tion of political power, we have not tie
lore met with such unequivocal evidence
of the fact as will be found in the letter
which we now lay before the public.
After reading this letter, no one can
doubt that the New York State Anti-Sla
very Society, whatever may have been
j the original objects ol its formation, is
! NOW IN THE FIELD OF POLITICAL WARFARE,
! SECRETLY LENDING ALL ITS ENERGIES TO
I TIIE SUCCESS OF THE FEDERAL PARTY IN
] THE COMING ELECTION.
The State has, it seems, been divided
Full* #nissiomii'.v ifi-.lrii.ts. and the foul
|wesfern counties have been assigned ns a
|"fielil of labor” to the Reverend J. M.
tl/alisley, who writes from Aurora, Erie
county, to one of his supposed partisans
in the county of Chaiitauque. This po
litical priest, instead of obeying tile high
behest of his M eter to publish the Gos
pel, savs: Qj? 53 “ The object to which J
am lending all mi/ rnergii s is the holding
of rtrunfi/ millings HEFOHF. THE t O
MING ELECTIONS;” mid lie wishes
especially to excite Abolitionists “In car
ry their principles to the polls," and wield
all their political ns “well as moral and
religions power.” The thin disguise of
sv nipntbv for “the crushed slave” but ill
conceals the real design oftliis champion,
u Ini is ready to “lead on” Ins “tirelbien,”
anil “create u tremendous reaction” a
tint Republicans of Cliaiitauqne,
two of w bom lie mentions bv name, and
characterizes tin* rest as “their Southern
whiffet-ilog train.”
We ure told that arrangeniente are now
alniiit made for holding emueiitinns in
Niagara and Eiit—that “many of the
counties have been for a year past bidd
ing monthly meetings,” and that “tliev
have the prospect of a complete victory"
in Genessc, where “the Whigs have
nominated for Congressman a full-blood
ed Abolitionist.” The local executive
committee is expected to get up county
and town meetings, and for that pur
pose to “write letters all over the coun
try, and have notices given in the church
es” This “Whig” missionary thinks it
important that his friends should show
their “political strength,” and says,
“especially are the Chaiitauque Ah
■oTTrhfilists called upon to act at tins elec
tion, on account of this county being
the residence o f one of the candidates for
Governor." This appeal hi lu half of
the Great Speculator of the West is too
plain to he mistaken.
The New York State Anti-Slavery So
cietv has, we believe, county and town
executive committers throughout the
’State,besides ecclesiastical & lay agents,
and missionaries without number. What
ever may have been the opinions or w ish
es of particular members of the society,
it must now be apparent that this power
ful organization is wielded by the ene
mies of the Democratic party,and that its
utmost efforts are to be put forth to sus
tain the Federal candidates in the com
ii.g contest. Hut Republicans need not
be alarmed. In contending with an un
scrupulous adversary, it is worth while
know beforelnuid u hat weapons he in
tends to use.
If it is now manifest that the cause of
Abolitionism is to be employed, as the
Indian question nod the Antimasonic ex
citement were, for the uses of the enes
Allies of the Democracy, Republicans
can be at no loss in choosing their ground.
Nor ought we to doubt, when it is seen
that the holy cause of Religion is to he
[dragged into the arena of politics, and to
be made a participant in the strife of con
tending parties, that its true friends,
wherever they tnay be found, will take
4«c course w hich shall most significantly
rebuke an attempt so well calculated to
bring down dishonor upon it, and to im
pair its influence in its appropriate sphere
of exertion.
“Aurora, Oct. 8, 1633.
“ Dear Sir: 1 have just had assigned
to me hv the Executive Committee of the
New York State Society,
as inv field ol laborttiir several months to
come, Niagara* Eric, Cliaiitauqne
CiftTariitigus cottigi'S. The first object
to which 1 u&H v energies,
i< THE HOLDING OF COI’NTV MEETINGS
BEFORE THE COMING ELEC
TION, with a view, especially, of prepar
ing and exciting Abolitionists to carry
their principles to the polls, and wield
tiieir political as well as moral and
religious power for the redemption ot
one-sixth portion of our fellmv citizens,
who are groaning at every breath and
bleeding at every pure under tlie crushing
weight of American oppression, created
and upheld hy American law. Now,
brethren, what say you ] Are you alrea
dy nt your posts in this work ia oldClniu
tatique, or are you waiting for someone
to lead on? Can yen not create a tre
mendous reaction at this time against a
mohiicratic Judge Foote, and Esquire
Waite, and all their Southern whiffet
( dog train ? The only way in which we
! can move the pro-slavery and dough-fa
ced politicians, is by showing them our
1 political strength ; and especially are the
Chautnuqiie Abolitionists called upon to
; act at this election, on account of that
county being the residence of one of the
candidates for Governor.
“Arrangements are now about made
for holding conventions in Niagara and
Erie counties. Many of the counties
have been fora year past holding month
ly county meetings. Genesse has been
for some time holding weekly county
meetings, expressly for the purpose ot
effecting un election of candidates who
are Abolitionists. They have the pros
pect of a complete victory. The Whigs
have nominated for Congressman a full
blooded Abolitionist. Now will you call
together your executive committee, and
fix on a time and place for a convention?
and let me know immediately, and write
letters all over the country—ltaveNOTl-
<’ESG I VEXOFT 1 N TiIECIU RCII
ES, vVe. and have town abolition meet
! ings held before the county convention.
'■ Ifyou will appoint the county meeting
j the 26th nr 30ih instant. 1 will attend.
“Yours for the Crushed Slave,
J. M. IJLAKESLEY,
“Agt. TV. y. Stale, A. S. Society."
FEDUBA 1.5K31.
We are sometimes blamed for our use
oftliis term. None can he found more
appropriate to the doctrines of the pre
sent Opposition. Os mongrel nature and
incongruous materials, the whole party
opposed to the Administration yet agree,
' m ii» rwrirl, »*t iltii;-
trines essentially Federal. Tin ir head,
tfie man whom they wish to advance to
the Presidential chair, has identified him
self with every opinion and project to
which the old Republican State Rights
party has ever been opposed. Protect
ive tariff, internal improvement hy the
General Government, Ij. States Hank,
i he whole progeny of Federal iisi: rpations,
are the very hobbies upon which he has
vainly attempted to ride into *iivrr, un
til they have actually broken down under
him, mill left him sprawling in the dust
ofllie political course. W e employ terms
ncciii ding to their real nnd obvious signifi
cation. All those who are in favor of
popular rights, who are for keeping the
General Government within the limits of
its Special powers, and maintaining the
rights of the States-in nil their plenitude,
vet without encroaching upon the central
autlioniy, fur the benefit of till, not the
oppression of the weaker Slates, are, in
our eves, Republicans, whatever mav
have been tiieir previous names or early
assoeiat ions.
Those are Federalists in our view—
and we shall feel no hesitation in so de
nominating them, whatever mav he the
guise they wear, the names they assume,
or the parly relations in which they once
stood—who distrust the people; who are
in favor of building lip, under the Go
vernment, a foreign power stronger than
the constituted authorities; who are for
straining the privileges and expanding
the functions of the General Government,
hy the exercise of forbidden, or, at best,
doubtful powers ; who are for collecting
nn excessive revenue from the people,
and then expending it by corrupt liar
gaining, upon speculative jobs, under
the name of internal improvements; who
:re for violating the Constitution, by
creating a banking corporation of dan
gerous immunities; in defiance, too, of
the historical fact that such a power was
refused by tlie Convention which formed
the Constitution; who are for swallow
ing up the rights of the States, which
they regard as mere municipal corpora
tions, in the vortex of Federal usurpa
tions; who are, in a word, for ruling
the country by power, instead 14’ right,
and converting our free institutions into
a monarchy in disguise, and that of the
worst and most oppressive character.—
These, we again assert, are Federalists,
and the term expresses their opinions,
doctrines, and designs, better than any
other upon which we can fix. It litis the
advantage, too, of being old and gene
rally understood by the people, who know
how to apply it with justice and discrim
ination. By it we designate not so much
old party associations, but present opin
ions and prejects, which bear a remark
able affinity with those which first drew
the well-defined political lines of Demo
cracy and Federalism.— Globe.
Definitions. — Loco Coco is ijerived
from the Latin words locus focus ; trans
lated thus— Locus, a place, foci (geni
tive) of light.
Hoc.o Pool is from Hocus pocus,
(w hicli Juniiisderivesfrom hccced, Welsh,
a cheat, and poke, or pocus, a bag) a jug
gle, a client. — Johnson.
Hence the Democratic party is Locus
foci, (loco foco) a place of light, upon
the (Hocus pocus) boco poco’s, or dark
doings of W higs, Conservatives, & “ half
way" ot bank corrupted politicians.
Globe.
THE XEx 1
The dust and smoke rj.iised'uy the re
cent election, have not so cleared away,
as to enable us to discern clearly the al
titude and relative strength of parties in
the next Legislature. By some, a ma
jority lor the party called the State
Rights, is claimed—hy others, a major
ity fur the Union party is insisted 011 in
the House, while it is stated that there is
a tie in the Senate. Re this as it may,
•me thing is certain, and it is this—that
the strength of the Union party is such,
that it can prevent the election of any
man to ofiiee, in either House, or on
joint ballot, who is a hank mail—who is
avowedly an advocate of a bank of the
United States, or who, by opposing the
separation of the government from banks,
proves liinisejf an enemy to the only mea
sure which will effectually prevent its ul
timate establishment)** Thil one thing is
: certain, mid we do hope that the Union
patty will poise themselves alone on
this great question, which we consider
one most vitally important to our coun
try. All considerations should yield to
this paniuioiiut one. lathe election to
ofiiee, the first question which shuuld be
asked is, lias ibis matt arrayed himself
in favor of monied aristocracy? Is he
the advocate of giving a bead and body
to the monied power of the United States,
hy imparting corporate privileges to it?
They should not be content with any
candidate’s mere negative to this inquiry.
Events that have recently transpired and
are still passing, serve to show that
"■among the aspirants to office, there are
many, who either favor a hank of the
United States, or arc not decidedly hos
tile to it." There is a searching, never
failing test, to w hich the principles of
every man, on this point, may he sub
jected—and it is one which may he ap
plied with ease. That test, is the sim
ple question, does this man oppose the
divorce ofhaitk and state? If he does,
he is pursuing the very course that all
the friends of a hank are pursuing. Dau
iei Webster, Henry Clay, Nicholas Bid
dle, and the whole crowd of stockjobbers,
speculators, f t id omne genus, are oppo
sed to a divorce between government and
| hanks; lie is travelling in such company,
j anil the road they travel together, will
i undoubtedly conduct them to the same
point. No .nan can lie heartily opposed
to a bank ol the United States, who is
pursuing a course identical with that pur
sued by the warm advocates of such in—
I-i it minus. Tin* strongest any most 1111—
j tiring friends of the hank, are exhaust
ing their energies in opposition to the
; “great measure of deliv eranee and liber
ty ;” and the man w ho is aiding them in
! their effort to prostrate it, “may talk with
! the tongue of angels, and plead w ith the
] fervor of seraphs,” against a hank, yet,
! as tin* cour-e he is poistiing, aids the es
j taliiishment of such institution, he is not
\ to be trust id.
Let the Union party sustain none but
Sub-Treasury 1111 n—let them merge all
personal and party considerations in the
support of the great principle for which
they are comending—anil if the people
ot this State are destined to continue
free, that principle will triumph. If, on
the other hand, Nicholas Biddle is on
] their shoulders, and they cannot shake
him ofl'—il they are reserved, hv the in
j serutalile dispensations of Providence, to
he the vassals ofthe most vulgar and op
j pressive of ail aristocracies—a monied
: one—the U nion party will have done its
duly to themselves, and to their country
j —they will have a right to feel, and to
draw comfort from the thought, that they
have not contributed to forge the chains,
rivitted hy ihe fatuitv and blindness of
their opponents. But God forbid, that
we should indulge the fear that such is
the destiny reserved for freemen. There
is. there must he, (else patriotism is ex
tinct, and the love of liberty lias become
“a phrase of sound, signifying nought,”)
a redeeming spirit, a recupi rative energy
in the people, w hich will enable them to
live their chains, and to thrust from off
their shoulders Nicholas Biddle, and all
: his followers. It is/or th«* Union party
to give tin impetus to this spirit. Let
: them look to it—a heavy responsibility is
theirs, of which, if they bravely acquit
themselves, the thanks and blessings of
n country redeemed, will he their high,
their noble guerdon.— Sav. Georgian.
From the Standard of Union.
“DON'T BE AI.AB.IIED!”
We discover from the tone of the Re
-1 corder, that they are in dread of the
great questions of Bank and Sub-Trea
| sury, and are warning their party to
' avoid ali discussion upon them.
They predict that “the Van Ruren par
; tv will no doubt attempt to distract their
ranks at the approaching session of the
Legislature, by using every effort to get
up and pass some useless resolutions in
; regard to the Sub-Treasury, the United
States Rank,” &x*. and advises their par
ty to vote them down.
This is indeed forestalling the opin
ions and actiousof the people’s represen
tatives, and manifesting a spirit of dic
tation rarely to be met with.
Are they afraid to meet and discuss
these questions? Do they dread the
consequences of showing the people the
true ground upmi w hich they stand ? If
not why so much anxiety to press them
down ?
We do not know that the Union party
will tiling forward any such resolutions,
i but if vve can assure the Recor
der that it ‘.rill not be a very easy matter