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Southern spy. (Washington, Ga.) 1834-18??, October 30, 1838, Image 2

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einn,—after the t*.timony of the \. York |» »nk-, nnd the universal acquiescence in the truth of the enormous self-expansion of the paper currency anti of speculation, with the morbid overnctiou <>! the whole commercial system, so resolutely —"kiHA’liig presses, under the iptiftf of Mr. BWj^Vpl *’XSki .'/nee ft-' come ruanifest^Mtiat the reaction was unavoidable, wliat lias become of the abase of die Specie ( ircu lar; which it i* now evident to all afford ed a check, so far as its limited opera tion went, upon that expansion and over action, and was indispensable to pre serve the public domain from the rapid evaporation which it was undergoing on so vast a scale—that public domain about which eminent IV big statesmen are now so anxious, that they are unwilling to al low the slight and morally equitable priv ilege of a pre-emption, to the poor man who is willing to reclaim bis quarter sec tion from the wilderness, on condition of being suffered to dig from it an honest livelihood by the sweat of bis own brow ? W’liat has become of that high position ol the Hank of the JUuited States, that it _«it.mended. Into and reluctant, only for ™'*W..7rni — j, • , - ■» ■ . y- j+ r utany moment to co-oper;!ie in restoring the currency, and to take the lead in re sumption? Whit lias become of the nr gumciil jpi strongly urged and supported hv the authority of firmer experience, that a National Hank could a lie til the only iiieaiisofcotitpellinga resumption when tin; re .sumption Inis been curried in to effect in a single year, by the banks of a single city, against all the gigantic power wielded against them by that in stitution, and the enormous influence which it controlled; so us even to force the‘Great Regulated' itself hack to the path of honesty and duty, against the most determined resistance, which, in the famous ‘cotton-hag’ letter, did not even restrain itself within the limits of decen cy ?—Wliut lias become of the argument that such an institution was necessary to manage the exchanges of the country, —wlien our foreign exchanges so speedi ly lighted themselves ns soon as relieved from the i .culms of artificial 'inniiiige mciii and the internal exchanges are so steadily and certainly undergoing the same process, nnd so clearly demonstra ting that the irregularities apparent on the surface, are owing solely to the dif ferent degrees of credit and solvency of the different paper currencies of respect ive portions oftlio Union? What lias become of the argument that banks, es pecially a National Hank, were indis pensable ns fiscal agents of the govern ment, —when, through nil the severely tryiniU'ircuiiiatnnces of the year of sus pension, it was aide to dispense with both; and that, too, without the provi sion of anew legally organized scheme of independent management, such as il has twico applied to Congress to grant?— Wliut has become of the charge that the attitude assumed by the Administration, on the suspension, was ruinous and de structive to all the interests oftlio coun try, in its stern determination not to ac quiesce in an indefinite continuance of it, |,v bending the knee to the Huai of paper money, ami consenting to receive a de preciated irredeemable uirreney—w hat has become of the ‘ten cent revolution’ of the merchants and gentlemen of Huston n"ailist Mr. Kendall —w hen it is now too manifest to admit of serious denial, that a different course, on the part of the Ad ministration, would have prolonged the suspension ol several years; ami that to the moral force of the public sentiment which it alone kept alive anil stimulated, to the rail) iiijg influence of the specie ling u high it alone kept lly iug, has been main ly, if not solely, due tile happy direction which events have now taken? What has become of the charge of hostility to legitimate credit, or !<> sound and honest blinking, after the signal manner in which the Administration nnd its friends have lent their countenance nnd support to the process of resumption I Anil now that time has sifted the subject a little, what has become of all the ridiculous charges that the Independent Treasury Scheme would absorb all the specie ol the country, destroy the banks, cripple commerce nnd industry, extend ahiini inglv the Intlneuee of the Executive, and endanger the public lands ! What lias become of nil these, and n host of similar ‘arguments’ and charges, which, while they lusted, afforded such rich topics ot declamation to \\ big fluent speakers mid ready writers ! Have they curled upwards into impalpable and in visible ether, like the morning mists of our mountains, before the slow but iiie sistiblc power oi the bml ot login I Have they been laid, like unquiet ghosts, nt the bottom ol the hnl Sen, by the stern exorcism of the voice of reason and truth, never more to revisit the pale glimpses of the nmini ? Have they been flouted awav and dispersed, by the ebb of the tide of panic excitement, out of sight of land, on the boundless ocean of the absurd, never more to be re-assem bled, ia all the imposing array in which they were once so gallantly decked out f Or have they betaken themselves, as con genial to their niootndiioy natures, to that I.nnbo said to be the receptacle of all things lost on earth! M here are they ? ltis'very certain that they arc no longer to he seen or heard of on ‘this dark ter restrial ball;* and that the homes that once knew them, in the columns and paragraphs of the M big press, now know them no inure. It is said that, whatever processes of transformation all creatures nod substances undergo trom time to time—from a ‘godlike statesman down to a silkworm’s egg—nothing actually perishes. Hut confessing ourselves m teilv unable to answer ao puzzling a que ry, us the present whereabout ot all those shadowy ghosts of arguments, that used to come trooping up from the vast deep of the imagination at the magic call of Whig eloquence, we can only refer the reader, desirous of laying Ins linger on them, for information to our friends ol i># Whig press. Where are they, then ? ‘ Where* to etTv*y all, so sweet, so many ?’ rtih eir. tj' iherd, fell iij* where! , The contrast, thyrf, exhibited by the press on the one siire and mi the oilier, in the vigor and ith which they carry on the great'j. .contest ot argu ment, notwithstanding all the adventi tious advantages po-st -i and by the \\ lug press, cannot surprise. Thus must it always be in the struggle between truth and error. The one possesses within itself inexhaustible resources ol an immortal energy, u hieh,n**winly to be fully drawn out by the iffq .-itioa of falsehood ; and under wliatcWV disad vantage* of circumstance it sets out, it never goes backward, but still moves on ward, ever gathering strength as it goes. The other must depend for any hope ol success, in a contest with the adversary ‘armed so strong in honesty,’ upon the effect of it* first dashing oiim!. I! that can he but parried, or staunchly with stood for a time, it speedily exhaust* it ?rtT, artfJVTPnre.irio mo'nitirr mi* posses sion of the field, with that noblest and surest of triumphs, The victory of endurance borne. Thus is it, iti a most signal manner, in the present case. Up to the present pe riod the Opposition has bail the Demo cratic party at great disadvantage. Hat the g inind has been gradually and insen sibly slipping away from under their feet. Tint tests of time and truth have been successively exploding their arguments, and refuting their charges, one after the other, until really little or nothing re in tins to them. The cause of the Ad- ministration rests oil a basis of right and truth, on the great questions- at issue, broad and firm as the everlasting bills.— The glittering spray of oratory, the vex ed foam ol declamation, the dashing waves of personal abuse, can avail no thing against ibis rock. And here our Cardinal democratic principle, of confi dence in the eventual sober judgment of the people, salads 113 in good stead.— W e know that when we have the whole field of the argument open before us, no panics, no excitements, no delusions, can long mislead the popular judgment; and mi intelligent and reflecting democrat can entertain a douhl that, before the close ol this great struggle, the people, in their broad mass, will obey the deep and strong instinct of their natural democratic ten dency, mid rally to the support of the Administration, in its present position mid policy, in numbers not less over whelming than those which bore the late Administration in triumph through its •lentil-struggle w ith the same power now foremost in the tie Id in opposition to the present. Another of the signs of the times which we regard with great satisfaction is ibis —the manifest progress that democratic principles are making among the young men oftlio Whig party itself. The youth of this country must, ot necessity, incline with a strong niitnrul bias towards the generous ami glorious truths ot the de mocratic faith, —notwithstanding the nu uierous powerful influences always in op eration upon them, especially in nor cit ies, our literary institutions, and the learn ed professions, to warp them to the op posite direction. In fact it is Irma tins clu>s that ibn democratic party is con stautlv recruiting the losses it bus from time to time to sustain, of those of its numbers who, as they proceed in life waxing fat anil proud, are gradually weaned from the nttnclnnents of their more ardent ami liberal youth. Thus lor the corrupt and diseased portions ol the one putty, which always gather over the surface till they fall off and attnch themselves naturally to the other, the former is receiving a constant compensa tion, in the sounder portions ot tins lat ter, which, trout their mutual bias of congeniality, pass over to fill tip the de sertions thus periodically dropping off. The main bulk oftlio W lug party itsell —that is to say, of its voters, not ot its politicians or lenders —is at heart demo cratic, though kept, from a variety of causes and in a variety of modes, in u constant state of delusion mid mystifica tion. The peculiar combination of cir cumstances which has lately borne so severely upon the democratic party, throwing its cause mid candidates into an apparent temporary minority in so many quarters where it lias been long ac customed to prevail, lias been seen so far to intoxicate the Opposition with tri umph, as to cause them to reverse the true relations and names ol parties,—to believe themselves to have gained over the ‘democracy of numbers’ they were so long wont to despise and abuse, —and even to crown the climax of the long ar ray of names they have from time to time assumed with the singularly factitious title of ‘ Democratic. Whig:-!’ This is the iinkinilest cut of all. Thus to ‘filch from ns our good name’ is indeed too bad, — though we arc vastly mistaken it it will prove m the end to have greatly ‘enrich ed’the unblushing wearers. It is utter ly vain for that party to iitlcuipfto main tain such an assumption. Their more intelligent and liberal men, in private, freely ridicule it us a bold electioneering trick.— .-iM/t’-dcmocracy is the principle of their party organization now, as it has always been, from its first infusion un der the auspices of the high Federalism of the olden time. Hy affecting the name of democracy they only impair their own unity and cohesion, such as it is, and weaken their own principle of life. The effect is only to introduce a fatal dissen sion, the proud and stout hearted old heads of the party having been already seen to be prompt in repudiating the of fensive term, and all the abominable as 3 trtnflErasiT 33*y* ■ociations of Jeffersonitinism plies; while at the same time it oiilyiy iraols ptteutioii tin- more con ;■ pie 1105 : mtbm wbicb it i, tl.eir iJi| c IS-ep in tin; shade, the rfe; cratic character of .tiieir faith. The movement A was fi with much significance, w biclTttViMuir in the late Whig Young Men’s Convert* tion at IJlica, to arrest the abuse of the memory and principles of Jcllersou, which the excitements of tfie present con test had naturally drawn forth from the Federal press ; and even to attempt to blazon that noble name on the banner of a cause, and a party, it. all respects llif!’ most repugnant lu the principles of which that inline is the Condensed expression. It was a strong symptom of a lieahhN spirit at work in thdniore generous youth olT.e “sporty,—a spirit which cannot rAviit in bringing over a large proportion of them to the true Democratic cause. The indignant maimeriii which these iu disdlicAffcrvcsceticcs </|nteut democra cy wet liirowned upon, \iy so many of the old recognized authorities and mag nates of the Whig party, wail go far, jn spite of the prompt efforts made to gloss over the dillicully, to «'l>en the ryes!- K ftlie- former nothe true CtnitacTer-tK ’ party hv whose plausible professionsw* have heretofore suffered themselves liVl; deluded and placed in false position. | Some of our readers may possibly rj nitmhcr a remark made hy us on ra; sweeping Whig victory of last fall, in tie .State ot New York, that it would iiavtii happy effect in democratizing (if tV word may he permitted) a large portiiji of that party itself; and that on the di feat which certainly awaited them, as >}> 18:! I, after a short fruition of the sweets of the ascendency, they would go out of power better republican* than they in.—This spirit manifesting itself in va rious modes ami especially emhodvine itself in that expression of sentiment In the Utica Convention referred to, affords already a singular illustration of the truth ofllie remark. W e had intended to devote able portion of the present article to sortie reflections on the direction taken hy the course of events lit the late session of Congress; and the exact position in which they left the great Jiulepindek e question—for such should he the prop r designation of the Sub-Treasury poltc . Its allotted space is, however, so far e p hausted as to permit only a few briefn • marks on that subject. The Admiuistrr ■ lion was, it is true, defeated on that is leading tneasitfe. It failed to carry i through the House ot Ketirescnlnm M The mode & causes oftliat failure we cajt not pause to dwell upon. Vet was it Bit victory to the other side, —or at best iJm of those Pyrrhic triumphs that are iruic than defeat. On the whole, the Ailnjf ', istlutinu may fie said, I to have borne off the honors of the rauT paigu ; and never was a party mure dis mally disconcerted than were the Oppo sition ul the very close of the session, in the midst of their imagined irkiimphy »ua the clear majority which had voted dutßtt the Independent Treasury bill. The es sential principle of that policy was not voted down, and couhl not be voted down. It was, on the contrary, asserted by bush Houses. The Democratic press, gene rally, does not appear to have fully ap preciated the importance of that iuej deu'al vole in the House of Hi piescnta tives, during that memorable struggle which w as so admirably conducted by the friends id the Administration, on the night of the third of July, by which the great principle, that the public limits shall not be employed for bank ■ /*•* ses, was expressly asserted, hy the vote ol 101 to 101, decided by the casting vote oftlio Speaker,—a vote which, il is iimleuiahle, would have been increased to n considerable m ijority in favor of the principle by the attendance ol all the ab sentees. We refer to the vote on tlib amendment of Mr. Campbell, of?*. CJf. to the amcnduifiit offered hv Mr. Curtis, of N. York, to Mr. W right’s second bi(l as sent down from the Senate. It is true that that invaluable declaration was not eventually incorporated with the hid as it passed. Having been attached by force of that unexpected Democratic vote to a Whig proposition, it made the lat ter so obnoxious to its own friends thnt they themselves atumdimcil it rather than swallow the hitter condition ; and tIA w hole thus fell through. Hut there stavig nit the record, the principle assTio| w hich can never lie retraced—the posi tion assumed which can never be rece ded from—the seed planted which can not but germinate, and produce eventu - ally the full and perfect fruit of the con summation of the Divorce policy. That vote will and must be fatal to the Opposi tion. It brought them distinctly up to the question which had never before been fully met; and as a parti/ they voted that the bank* siiai.i. have the use of the. public revenue fur bunking purposes. — That vote exploded all the mystifications with which the Administration had been opposed, and revealed the one original cardinal motive of hostility to the Divorce —the use of the public money as a basis fur discounts. That vote unsuccessful too, ill fact—must and will proven mill stone round the neck of that most fac tious an»l iniquitous Opposition, and '■-a**' open the eyes of thousands, before blind ed to the true character of the issue in volved between the two parties. The National Hank party was power less in the House, as in the Senate.— They, with the still more insignificant] Slate Bank party, could only, by their union on that common ground, clog the action of the third party more poweiful than either singly,—and thus relieve the latter from the responsibility of majority. Vet they could not prevent the adoption of a bill framed by Mr. Wright as hi* second best, and which—though still but' J' r Ymporary measure of transition, and leaving too laigc a discretion.try respon sibility upon the Executive for the man \gement of the public finances, till fu ture legislation—went very far to luoseji, vi! it did not quite dissolve, the criinec *tj,yn between the Government and the ruin king system. j And wh i’t can the Opposition do at the next session—vvliat position assume ? It is impossible to prevent the gradual ripening ot these great public questions. They cannot again rest on the policy of ‘prevention .’ The mjnic is over, ami Dthello’s oecopatiii gone. They must tome down, fully "and fairly, into the |iiuin, and meet the simple issue, pro or fin — the Independent Treasury, or a National Bank. What decent show' of opposition to the former in , fare to face before the bar of the country, can then be made—or what new argu mliit, ns yet undreamed of, in behalf of th« latter, to supply the place of the ex ploded and exhausted old ones now no | longer fit for service—time only can dis close; ns we confess ‘t to be beyond the scope of our imagination* to conjecture. Wh'it may be the general issue of the elections of this fall, it 4 is impossible for “JtT the date of tin, present article, to anticipate. We are by no means san guine of all the successes confidently ex pected by many of our friends. But tin/ tliev should still go decidedly against the Democratic party, our confidence in our cause and our position would not he sha ken in the least degree. We can ‘hide our time;’ and even though the Admin istration should, possibly, be embarrass ed during the latter half of the present term by an adverse majority in the House of Representatives, it can never arrest or materially impede the operation of those deeply seated and widely diffused causes, which cannot fail to secure to it an overwhelming support before the next Presidential struggle, when the last and decisive battle is to lie fought upon its principles and policy. ■>- ■ From the. Albany Argus. POMTIUAI, AIIDMTIO.MSTS. Although we have long been satisfied that the Church and State party inten ded to use the Abolition question, ns they did Antimasonry, for the acquisi tion of political power, we have not tie lore met with such unequivocal evidence of the fact as will be found in the letter which we now lay before the public. After reading this letter, no one can doubt that the New York State Anti-Sla very Society, whatever may have been j the original objects ol its formation, is ! NOW IN THE FIELD OF POLITICAL WARFARE, ! SECRETLY LENDING ALL ITS ENERGIES TO I TIIE SUCCESS OF THE FEDERAL PARTY IN ] THE COMING ELECTION. The State has, it seems, been divided Full* #nissiomii'.v ifi-.lrii.ts. and the foul |wesfern counties have been assigned ns a |"fielil of labor” to the Reverend J. M. tl/alisley, who writes from Aurora, Erie county, to one of his supposed partisans in the county of Chaiitauque. This po litical priest, instead of obeying tile high behest of his M eter to publish the Gos pel, savs: Qj? 53 “ The object to which J am lending all mi/ rnergii s is the holding of rtrunfi/ millings HEFOHF. THE t O MING ELECTIONS;” mid lie wishes especially to excite Abolitionists “In car ry their principles to the polls," and wield all their political ns “well as moral and religions power.” The thin disguise of sv nipntbv for “the crushed slave” but ill conceals the real design oftliis champion, u Ini is ready to “lead on” Ins “tirelbien,” anil “create u tremendous reaction” a tint Republicans of Cliaiitauqne, two of w bom lie mentions bv name, and characterizes tin* rest as “their Southern whiffet-ilog train.” We ure told that arrangeniente are now alniiit made for holding emueiitinns in Niagara and Eiit—that “many of the counties have been for a year past bidd ing monthly meetings,” and that “tliev have the prospect of a complete victory" in Genessc, where “the Whigs have nominated for Congressman a full-blood ed Abolitionist.” The local executive committee is expected to get up county and town meetings, and for that pur pose to “write letters all over the coun try, and have notices given in the church es” This “Whig” missionary thinks it important that his friends should show their “political strength,” and says, “especially are the Chaiitauque Ah ■oTTrhfilists called upon to act at tins elec tion, on account of this county being the residence o f one of the candidates for Governor." This appeal hi lu half of the Great Speculator of the West is too plain to he mistaken. The New York State Anti-Slavery So cietv has, we believe, county and town executive committers throughout the ’State,besides ecclesiastical & lay agents, and missionaries without number. What ever may have been the opinions or w ish es of particular members of the society, it must now be apparent that this power ful organization is wielded by the ene mies of the Democratic party,and that its utmost efforts are to be put forth to sus tain the Federal candidates in the com ii.g contest. Hut Republicans need not be alarmed. In contending with an un scrupulous adversary, it is worth while know beforelnuid u hat weapons he in tends to use. If it is now manifest that the cause of Abolitionism is to be employed, as the Indian question nod the Antimasonic ex citement were, for the uses of the enes Allies of the Democracy, Republicans can be at no loss in choosing their ground. Nor ought we to doubt, when it is seen that the holy cause of Religion is to he [dragged into the arena of politics, and to be made a participant in the strife of con tending parties, that its true friends, wherever they tnay be found, will take 4«c course w hich shall most significantly rebuke an attempt so well calculated to bring down dishonor upon it, and to im pair its influence in its appropriate sphere of exertion. “Aurora, Oct. 8, 1633. “ Dear Sir: 1 have just had assigned to me hv the Executive Committee of the New York State Society, as inv field ol laborttiir several months to come, Niagara* Eric, Cliaiitauqne CiftTariitigus cottigi'S. The first object to which 1 u&H v energies, i< THE HOLDING OF COI’NTV MEETINGS BEFORE THE COMING ELEC TION, with a view, especially, of prepar ing and exciting Abolitionists to carry their principles to the polls, and wield tiieir political as well as moral and religious power for the redemption ot one-sixth portion of our fellmv citizens, who are groaning at every breath and bleeding at every pure under tlie crushing weight of American oppression, created and upheld hy American law. Now, brethren, what say you ] Are you alrea dy nt your posts in this work ia oldClniu tatique, or are you waiting for someone to lead on? Can yen not create a tre mendous reaction at this time against a mohiicratic Judge Foote, and Esquire Waite, and all their Southern whiffet ( dog train ? The only way in which we ! can move the pro-slavery and dough-fa ced politicians, is by showing them our 1 political strength ; and especially are the Chautnuqiie Abolitionists called upon to ; act at this election, on account of that county being the residence of one of the candidates for Governor. “Arrangements are now about made for holding conventions in Niagara and Erie counties. Many of the counties have been fora year past holding month ly county meetings. Genesse has been for some time holding weekly county meetings, expressly for the purpose ot effecting un election of candidates who are Abolitionists. They have the pros pect of a complete victory. The Whigs have nominated for Congressman a full blooded Abolitionist. Now will you call together your executive committee, and fix on a time and place for a convention? and let me know immediately, and write letters all over the country—ltaveNOTl- <’ESG I VEXOFT 1 N TiIECIU RCII ES, vVe. and have town abolition meet ! ings held before the county convention. '■ Ifyou will appoint the county meeting j the 26th nr 30ih instant. 1 will attend. “Yours for the Crushed Slave, J. M. IJLAKESLEY, “Agt. TV. y. Stale, A. S. Society." FEDUBA 1.5K31. We are sometimes blamed for our use oftliis term. None can he found more appropriate to the doctrines of the pre sent Opposition. Os mongrel nature and incongruous materials, the whole party opposed to the Administration yet agree, ' m ii» rwrirl, »*t iltii;- trines essentially Federal. Tin ir head, tfie man whom they wish to advance to the Presidential chair, has identified him self with every opinion and project to which the old Republican State Rights party has ever been opposed. Protect ive tariff, internal improvement hy the General Government, Ij. States Hank, i he whole progeny of Federal iisi: rpations, are the very hobbies upon which he has vainly attempted to ride into *iivrr, un til they have actually broken down under him, mill left him sprawling in the dust ofllie political course. W e employ terms ncciii ding to their real nnd obvious signifi cation. All those who are in favor of popular rights, who are for keeping the General Government within the limits of its Special powers, and maintaining the rights of the States-in nil their plenitude, vet without encroaching upon the central autlioniy, fur the benefit of till, not the oppression of the weaker Slates, are, in our eves, Republicans, whatever mav have been tiieir previous names or early assoeiat ions. Those are Federalists in our view— and we shall feel no hesitation in so de nominating them, whatever mav he the guise they wear, the names they assume, or the parly relations in which they once stood—who distrust the people; who are in favor of building lip, under the Go vernment, a foreign power stronger than the constituted authorities; who are for straining the privileges and expanding the functions of the General Government, hy the exercise of forbidden, or, at best, doubtful powers ; who are for collecting nn excessive revenue from the people, and then expending it by corrupt liar gaining, upon speculative jobs, under the name of internal improvements; who :re for violating the Constitution, by creating a banking corporation of dan gerous immunities; in defiance, too, of the historical fact that such a power was refused by tlie Convention which formed the Constitution; who are for swallow ing up the rights of the States, which they regard as mere municipal corpora tions, in the vortex of Federal usurpa tions; who are, in a word, for ruling the country by power, instead 14’ right, and converting our free institutions into a monarchy in disguise, and that of the worst and most oppressive character.— These, we again assert, are Federalists, and the term expresses their opinions, doctrines, and designs, better than any other upon which we can fix. It litis the advantage, too, of being old and gene rally understood by the people, who know how to apply it with justice and discrim ination. By it we designate not so much old party associations, but present opin ions and prejects, which bear a remark able affinity with those which first drew the well-defined political lines of Demo cracy and Federalism.— Globe. Definitions. — Loco Coco is ijerived from the Latin words locus focus ; trans lated thus— Locus, a place, foci (geni tive) of light. Hoc.o Pool is from Hocus pocus, (w hicli Juniiisderivesfrom hccced, Welsh, a cheat, and poke, or pocus, a bag) a jug gle, a client. — Johnson. Hence the Democratic party is Locus foci, (loco foco) a place of light, upon the (Hocus pocus) boco poco’s, or dark doings of W higs, Conservatives, & “ half way" ot bank corrupted politicians. Globe. THE XEx 1 The dust and smoke rj.iised'uy the re cent election, have not so cleared away, as to enable us to discern clearly the al titude and relative strength of parties in the next Legislature. By some, a ma jority lor the party called the State Rights, is claimed—hy others, a major ity fur the Union party is insisted 011 in the House, while it is stated that there is a tie in the Senate. Re this as it may, •me thing is certain, and it is this—that the strength of the Union party is such, that it can prevent the election of any man to ofiiee, in either House, or on joint ballot, who is a hank mail—who is avowedly an advocate of a bank of the United States, or who, by opposing the separation of the government from banks, proves liinisejf an enemy to the only mea sure which will effectually prevent its ul timate establishment)** Thil one thing is : certain, mid we do hope that the Union patty will poise themselves alone on this great question, which we consider one most vitally important to our coun try. All considerations should yield to this paniuioiiut one. lathe election to ofiiee, the first question which shuuld be asked is, lias ibis matt arrayed himself in favor of monied aristocracy? Is he the advocate of giving a bead and body to the monied power of the United States, hy imparting corporate privileges to it? They should not be content with any candidate’s mere negative to this inquiry. Events that have recently transpired and are still passing, serve to show that "■among the aspirants to office, there are many, who either favor a hank of the United States, or arc not decidedly hos tile to it." There is a searching, never failing test, to w hich the principles of every man, on this point, may he sub jected—and it is one which may he ap plied with ease. That test, is the sim ple question, does this man oppose the divorce ofhaitk and state? If he does, he is pursuing the very course that all the friends of a hank are pursuing. Dau iei Webster, Henry Clay, Nicholas Bid dle, and the whole crowd of stockjobbers, speculators, f t id omne genus, are oppo sed to a divorce between government and | hanks; lie is travelling in such company, j anil the road they travel together, will i undoubtedly conduct them to the same point. No .nan can lie heartily opposed to a bank ol the United States, who is pursuing a course identical with that pur sued by the warm advocates of such in— I-i it minus. Tin* strongest any most 1111— j tiring friends of the hank, are exhaust ing their energies in opposition to the ; “great measure of deliv eranee and liber ty ;” and the man w ho is aiding them in ! their effort to prostrate it, “may talk with ! the tongue of angels, and plead w ith the ] fervor of seraphs,” against a hank, yet, ! as tin* cour-e he is poistiing, aids the es j taliiishment of such institution, he is not \ to be trust id. Let the Union party sustain none but Sub-Treasury 1111 n—let them merge all personal and party considerations in the support of the great principle for which they are comending—anil if the people ot this State are destined to continue free, that principle will triumph. If, on the other hand, Nicholas Biddle is on ] their shoulders, and they cannot shake him ofl'—il they are reserved, hv the in j serutalile dispensations of Providence, to he the vassals ofthe most vulgar and op j pressive of ail aristocracies—a monied : one—the U nion party will have done its duly to themselves, and to their country j —they will have a right to feel, and to draw comfort from the thought, that they have not contributed to forge the chains, rivitted hy ihe fatuitv and blindness of their opponents. But God forbid, that we should indulge the fear that such is the destiny reserved for freemen. There is. there must he, (else patriotism is ex tinct, and the love of liberty lias become “a phrase of sound, signifying nought,”) a redeeming spirit, a recupi rative energy in the people, w hich will enable them to live their chains, and to thrust from off their shoulders Nicholas Biddle, and all : his followers. It is/or th«* Union party to give tin impetus to this spirit. Let : them look to it—a heavy responsibility is theirs, of which, if they bravely acquit themselves, the thanks and blessings of n country redeemed, will he their high, their noble guerdon.— Sav. Georgian. From the Standard of Union. “DON'T BE AI.AB.IIED!” We discover from the tone of the Re -1 corder, that they are in dread of the great questions of Bank and Sub-Trea | sury, and are warning their party to ' avoid ali discussion upon them. They predict that “the Van Ruren par ; tv will no doubt attempt to distract their ranks at the approaching session of the Legislature, by using every effort to get up and pass some useless resolutions in ; regard to the Sub-Treasury, the United States Rank,” &x*. and advises their par ty to vote them down. This is indeed forestalling the opin ions and actiousof the people’s represen tatives, and manifesting a spirit of dic tation rarely to be met with. Are they afraid to meet and discuss these questions? Do they dread the consequences of showing the people the true ground upmi w hich they stand ? If not why so much anxiety to press them down ? We do not know that the Union party will tiling forward any such resolutions, i but if vve can assure the Recor der that it ‘.rill not be a very easy matter