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^—
Morniug New-a bn «•*> largest city
,i,l mail circulation of noy paper pob-
I*”bcd i> '• '" M "-
Affairs in Georgia,
some of our more enthusiastic sub-
gcribers are
remitting money to pay the
postaj
rre on their paper. In view of this,
0 beg to repeat that the postage on the
is paid bj the proprietor.
A subscriber has only to forward the
amount of subscription to receive the
* er regularly. The sums sent to pre
pay postage will, in all cases, be credited
to subscription accounts.
^ novel method of sending money
through the mails is to pin the bill to a
) 0 stal°card. We have received two sub
scriptions forwarded in this way, but we
would not recommend the practice. It is
evidence, however, of sublime faith in
the integrity of route agents and post
office officials.
The Washington correspondent of the
Augusta <'■’ utitutionaUst says: ‘‘I am glad
to he able to announce to your readers
that Mr. Stephens has succeeded in hav-
* j u „ Augusta re-established as a poet of
delivery. ’ Now here is some more
trouble. We don’t see why Mr. Stephens
can t let the Augusta poets alone. How
ever. we can get five hundred signatures
to a petition setting forth that the de
liver}* of these poets is copious enough.
Xow then, we should like to see the
(piestion of a constitutional convention
submitted to the people.
The Atlanta Commonwealth says that
jhe public printing, under the present
system, becomes in the hands of the Leg
islature. a species of patronage which can
be employed to subsidize the press.
Probably. But, if such a thing was
thought of, what muet have been the
feeling of the last Legislature, which
elected Mr. Estill to the position of Pub
lic Printer? The Morning News criti
cized that body in the severest manner—
being in fact, with perhaps, one excep
tion, the only daily journal in the State
to call public attention to the shortcom
ings of the General Assembly while yet
it was in session.
The tame geese in Augusta saw *t large
flock of wild ones fly over the city the
other day.
General Young is preparing a bill to in
crease the quota of arms furnished the
State from 5,000 to 7 ; 500.
There will be several contests of county
elections. In Burke and Itandolph coun
ties ail the officers are contesting. In
Gordon county, the County Treasurer is
contesting; in Decatur county, the
Sheriff and Clerk; and in Spalding the
Tax Collector.
Augusta had a smoothing scrape on
Monday. A man named William Riley
was wounded in his right cheek.
The Eagle and Phcenix mill, of Colum
bus, announces that it will pay its stock
holders dividends this year to the amount
of one hundred and twenty-five thousand
dollars.
Our Sandersville correspondent is re
minded that the happy flea has already
jumped through our columns.
The Atlanta Constitution says that Gen
eral Austell on Friday made an assign
ment to Mr. Fisher of all his interest as
trustee in the Atlanta and Richmond Air
Line Railroad. Mr. Fisher made a de
mand upon him for the deed some time
ago. m accordance with the order passed
by .Judge Woods at Savannah, but Gen
eral Austell did not act in the matter un
til Friday. The other trustee, Mr. Lan
caster, made the assignment of his inter
est several days since.
Macon Star: Sunday night, about half
past six o’clock, an employe of this office
was standing on the east side cf Third
street, about opposite our office, when he
'iiw a light blaze up in the room of the
building in which our office is situated,
occupied by R. W. Stubbs, Esq., as
a law office. Thinking strange of
any one kindling a fire in the
office on Sunday night, he rushed across
tbe street and up the stairs, when he
found the door to the office open, and a
desk inside on fire. There was no one in
the room at the time, and he at once sum
moned an officer and they succeeded in
extinguishing the flames, not, however,
before the papers and desk had been so
badly burned* as to be rendered useless.
Examination developed the fact that the
office door had been unlocked, and the
■villain who attempted the dastardly deed
must have opened the drawer and set
ffrt to the papers, leaving the drawer
open. There was no matches in the
drawer or in the room, and hence the
fire was unquestionably the work of an
incendiary.
Florida Affairs.
M e beg to state once more that sub
scribers to the Morning News are not re
quired to pay any postage.
Hie Radicals in the Florida Assembly
at last discovered what is the mat
ter with Hannah.
And now Pur man puts in an appear
ance, It is a wonder that his excessive
modesty will allow him to be seen in Tal
lahassee.
Stearns is a graceless wretch after all.
He refused to organize the Senate be
cause there was no precedent. He didn’t
refuse, however, to aid Johnston in
swindling the people of Columbia county
at the last election.
And so Cheney is lobbying for ReQua.
^ L *ll—well! Who’d have thought such a
talented man would lobby for any less a
personage thana demnition king, or some
thing 0 f that kind?
^ ho is the Hicks, from Dade, who ran
as the Liberal Republican candidate for
Speaker of the Assembly? Is he the
Hev. William Watkin, late of Augusta,
Georgia ?
Colonel E. Piuribus J. Unum Adams,
the Jacksonville New South, is of the
opinion that the average carpet-bagger is
* good egg. Colonel Sawyer, of the
n 'ion, thinks differently.
H lorn Long doesn’t get some office
Florida it will be his own fault. We
are always ready to aid struggling merit.
Col. Milton Hhakspeare Littlefield, late
°f North Carolina, admits that there are
110 ‘‘banditti” in Florida, that he knows
of.
^ ^ e venture to name General Horatio
Nevermore Jenkins as Sheridan’s suc
cessor.
Amos J. Cutnmings, of the New York
. says Pratt, of the Palatka Herald,
the only man in America that he is
jealous of.
J. H. ESTILL, PROPRIETOR.
SAVANNAH, THURSDAY, JANUARY 14, 1875.
ESTABLISHED 1850.
The editor of the Tallahassee Sentinel
is actually getting fat over the riots in
the Radical caiup. But he still sticks to
Stearns.
We shall never hear the last of Bagdad.
Another correspondent writes to say that
there is such a town on the may. It
would be some compensation if these
amateur geographers would enclose us
two dollars and a half every time they
write, but hanged if you’ll ever catch
them at that.
The Ocala Banner appeared the other
day with only one paragraph on the edi
torial page. It was about a tournament,
and was two columns long.
Colonel Purveyance, of the Live Oak
Times, seems to have forgotten that there
is such a thing as an “Internal Improve
ment Fund.”
Ocala had an elopement in high life
the other day.
The Monticello Constitution slightly
touches up one Alden on the carpet-bag
ger question.
Aunt Harriet is in Florida, but is the
Professor with her ? That’s what we
want to know. And, furthermore, how
can Aunt Harriet enjoy herself sucking
oranges and catching butterflies while
Henry Ward is hanging on the ragged
edge in Brooklyn ?
McCallum, of Lake City, has moved to
Jacksonville. We can almost fancy we
hear him whetting his trusty claymore on
the curbstone preparatory to lifting the
hair from the talented head of J. Sisero
Adams.
Col D. P. Holland and his equity of re
demption seem to have passed from
memory.
The negro Walls threatens to tear up
the Radical party by the roots if General
Finley gets nis seat in Congress. In that
case Walls might as well begin to loosen
things now, for General Finley is certain
to get the seat.
The Palatka Herald contains nothing
romantic recently. We are afraid Pratt
has broken his rudder.
Dr. Westcott is happy. The railroad
from St. Augustine is completed, and
will shortly be equipped with new
rolling-stock.
Mr. A, G. Grant is now in Florida with
a staff of artists for the purpose of pre
paring illustrations of the State for pub
lication.
Marianna is shaking over ripe water
melons.
Monroe county forwarded four repre
sentatives to Chattahoochee county re
cently.
The State Treasurer is paying the in
terest on the six per cent, bonds in gold.
A Jefferson county farmer realized last
season* $280 from one acre of sugar cane,
besides saving enough for seed.
The Jacksonville Union (Republican)
goes to the bottom of the Louisiana mat
ter.
Escambia county is without a jail.
The Gainesville Citizen says: The last
election has clearly demonstrated that
something should be done to prevent
fraudulent and illegal voting. There are
hundreds in this county (Alachua) that
have an eye to voting—for themselves,
and friends, both dead and alive. Minors
and non-residents all help to swell the
poll-list, but what of the registration ?
The registration system is a farce. It
matters not whether a man be registered
or not, if he goes to the ballot-box and
swears to something, he is allowed to
vote. If we have a registration law, why
not have it complied with—register or not
be allowed to vote.
A serious collision occurred at the
eastern end of the Jacksonville, Pensa
cola & Mobile Railroad on Monday,
which delayed the arrival of the train from
the east eight hours. The particulars of
the collision we find in the Jacksonville
Union of the 7th inst.: “The down log
train, engine No.|13, was due here about
half past seven a. m., and not having ar
rived it is supposed it was waiting at the
White House for the up train, which
leaves here at 7:45 a. m. On this morn
ing the engine No. 15, J. Hopper, with
fifteen flat cars, ran out for the purpose
of conveying John Robinson’s circus to
this city from Live Oak. Instead of wait
ing at the White House, No. 13 came on.
At the curve just beyond Hardee’s cross
ing the two trains came in sight of each
other. The engines were reversed,
but the track being wet, down
grade, and no brakes on the cars,
they could not be stopped in time to
avoid a collision. Both engines came
together with a fearful crash, stack to
stack, and head-lights smashed. Tbe
lumber train having the greatest impetus
and the lightest engine sustained the
greater injury. The tender of No. 13
was completely wrecked, and with the
forward lumber car and cab car was
thrown upon the engine's dome. The
cylinder and steam chest were broken
open and fore-trucks knocked from
under her. The J. D. Hopper was
less damaged. Her tender was
wrecked, and cowcatcher and forward
trucks badly broken and twisted. Both
engineers jumped from their engines
when they discovered that the collision
was unavoidable, and escaped uninjured.
The estimated loss caused by the
accident, made by competent men,,
is estimated at $5,000. The
7:45 outward-bound passenger train
was but a short distance behind
♦he train of flat cars, but was able to
stop in time to avoid a collision.
The passenger train from Savannah,
due at 9 o’clock a. in., was about four
hours behind time, its engine having
broken down. As it was impossible to
pass the wrecked engine, a special train
was sent from the depot and the passen
gers transferred. The track was cleared
in time for the 4 p. m. train to pass last
evening.
General Grant continues to maintain
his impassive, hardened aspect of immo
bility, like some wooden fixture, amidst
the rising execrations of the American
people. He tries to keep his seat like a
Stoic, but it is on a stove, and there is a
fire in it, and the stove is gradually grow
ing warmer, and pretty soon he will be
gin to kind o’ hitch around in his seat a
little. In fact, he has already begun to
squirm, but his explanation shows where
the pain is—not that he is wholly easy.—
Hartford Times.
Butler’s specific for Louisiana is a new
election under a list of officials appointed
bv the President. This will not do. The
President cannot be trusted. Besides, the
last election was conducted properly.
The trouble is that results are not recog
nized. Let the President respect the
voice of the people, and all will be well.
But this Cassarism will not do.—Brooklyn
Argus.
Grasshoppers are now hatching out in
ereat numbers in the Greenwood settle
ment in Manitoba. The remark may pos-
siblv be regarded with suspicion, but the
thing is a fact. A settler built himself a
house, and didn’t put any floor in.it. Con
sequently when things got warmed up
the grasshoppers commenced to hatch
out and things are now pretty lively in
that house.
Great alarm exists among the people of
the mining towns in Pennsylvania, owing
to the turbulent disposition of the miners
now on a strike. More than twenty thou
sand men are penniless and idle, with
starvation staring them in the face. At
a miners’ meeting on Thursday a resolu
tion was passed calling on the men to
arm and help themselves to bread.
The membership of the Louisiana
Legislature was not determined by the
clause of the Constitution demanding
that each House shall be the judge of the
qualifications of its own mombers. bu
by the claws of the Lieutenant General
of the army, who isn’t invited to parties
in New Orleans.—Cincinnati Enquirer.
ULYSSES EXPLAINS.
HIS MESSAGE OX THE LOUISIANA
OUTRAGE.
THOROUGHLY PARTISAN REPI-
TITION OF STALE LIES.
The Presiednt as a Special Pleader.
SHERIDAN’S SHAMELESS SLANDERS
APPROVED AND ENDORSED.
DISGRACEFUL ATTEMPT TO
VIVE THE WAR FEELING.
Forecast of the Third Term Programme.
To the Senate of the United States:
I have the hpnor to make the following
answer to a Senate resolution of the 8th
inst.. asking for information as to any in
terference by any military officers or any
part of the army of the United States with
the organization or proceedings of the Gen
eral Assembly of the State of Louisiana,
or either branch thereof, and also inquiring
‘in regard to the existence of armed organiza
tions in that State hostile to the govern
ment thereof, and their intention to over
throw or overturn the government by
force:
raking up the embers.
To say that lawlessness, violence and
bloodshed have characterized the political
affairs of that State since its reorganization
under the reconstruction acts, is only to re
peat what has become well known as a part
of its unhappy history; but it may b© proper
here to refer to the election of 18G8, by
which the Republican vote of the State,
through fraud and violence, was reduced to
a few thousand, and to the bloody riots of
18G6 and 18G8, to show that the disorders
there are not duo to any recent causes i r to
any late action of the Federal authorities.
Preparatory to the election of 1872, a
shameful and undisguised conspiracy was
formed to carry that election against the
Republicans without regard to law or
right,- and to that end the most glaring
frauds and forgeries were committ© . in the
returns, after many colored citizens had
been denied registration and others deterred
by fear from casting their ballots. When
the time came for a final canvass of the
votes, in view of the foregoing facts,
William P. Kellogg, the Republican candi
date for Governor, brought suit upon the
equity side of the United States Circuit
Court for Louisiana; and against Warmoth
and others, who had obtai ed possession of
the returns of the election, representing
that several thousand voters of the State
had been deprived of the elective franchise
on account of their color, and praying that
steps might bo taken to have said votes
counted, and for general relief. To enable
the Court to inquire as to the truth of these
allegations, a temporary restraining order
was issued against the defendants, which
was at once wholly disregarded and treated
with contempt by those to whom it was di
rected
THE LAW OF THE CASE.
These proceedings have been repeatedly
denounced as an unwarrantable interference
by the Federal judiciary with the election
of State officers, but it is to be remembered
that by tbe Fifteenth Amendment to the
Constitution of the United States the po
litical equality of colorod citizens is secured,
and that, under the second section of that
amendment, providing that Congress shall
have power to enforce its provisions by ap
propriate legislation, an act was passed on
the 31st of May, 1870, and amended in 1871,
the object of which was to prevent the
denial or abridgement of suffrage to citizens
on account of race, color or previous cou-
diiion of servitude; and it has been held by
all tbe Federal Judges before whom the
question has arisen, including Justice
Strong, of the Supreme Court, that tbe pro
tection afforded by Uiis amendment and
these acts extend to Slate as well as to other
elections.
JURISDICTION OF THE FEDERAL COURTS.
That it is the duty of the Federal Courts
to enforce the provisions of the Constitu
tion of the United States, and the laws past
ed in pursuance thereof are too clear for
controversy. Section fifteen of said act,
after numerous provisions therein to pre
vent an evasion of the Fifteenth Amend
ment, provides that the jurisdiction of
the Circuit Court of the United States
shall extend to all cases in law or
equity arising under the provisions of
said act, and of the act amendatory there
of. Congress seems to have contemplated
equitable as well as legal proceedings to
prevent the denial of suffrage to colored
citizens, and it may be safely asserted that
if Kellogg’s bill in the abovo-naaied case did
not present a case for the equitable inter
position of trie court that no such case can
arise under the act. That the courts of the
United States have the right to interfere in
various ways with State elections so as to
maintain political equality and rights there
in, irrespective of race or color, is compara
tively a new, and, to s.une, seems to be a
startling idea; but it results as clearly from
the Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitu
tion, and the acts that have been passed to
enforce that amendment, as tbe abrogation
of tbe State laws upholding slavery results
from the Thirteenth Amendment to the
Constitution.
DRUNKEN DURELL’S ORDER.
While the jurisdiction of the court in the
case of Kellogg vs. Warmoth and others is
clear to my mind, it seems that some of
the orders made by the Judge in that and
in the kindred case of An tom© were illegal;
but while they are so held and considered,
it is not to be forgotten that the mandate
of this court had been contemptuously de
fied, and they were made while scenes of
anarchy were sweeping away all re
straint' of law and order. Doubtless
the Judge of this court made grave
mistakes, but the law allows the Chancellor
great latitude, not only in punishing those
who contemn his order and injunctions, but
in preventing the consummation of wrong
which he has judicially forbidden. What
ever may be said or thought of those mat
ters, it was only made known to me that a
process of the United States Court was re
sisted, and as said act provides for the use
»f tbe army and navy when necessary to
•ufurce a judicial process arising thereunder,
£ considered it my duty to see that such
process was executed according to the judg-
mppt of the court resulting from these pro
ceedings.
kelloog’s claims.
Through various controversies and com
plications a State administration was organ-
ganized with Win. P. Kellogg as Governor,
which, in the discharge of my duty, under
section 4, article 4 of the Constitution, I
have recognized as the Government of the
Siato. It has been bitterly and persistently
alleged that Kellogg was not elected.
Whether lie was or not is not altogether
certain. Nor is it any more certain that his
competitor, McEnery, was chosen. The
election was a gigantic fraud, and there are
no reliable returns of its result. Kellogg ob
tained possession of tbe office, and in my
opinion has more right to it than his com
petitor. On the 20th of February, 1873, the
Committee on Privileges and Elections of
the Senate, made a report in which they
lav they were satisfied by testimony
that tbo manipulation of the election
machinery by Warmoth and others, was
equivalent to twenty thousand votei, and
they add, that to recognize the McEnery
government would be to recognize a Gov
ernment based upon fraud in defiance of
the wishes and intention of the voters of
the State. Assuming the correctness of
the statements in this report—and they
seem to Lave been generally accepted by
the country—the great crime in Louisiana,
about which so much has been said, is that
me is holding the office of Governor who
was cheated out of twenty thousand votes,
against another whose title to the office is
undoubtedly based on fraud and in defiance
J the wishes and intentions of the voters of
the State.
Misinformed and misjudging as to the na
ture an 1 extent of this report, the support
ers of McEnery proceeded to displace by
force in some counties of tbe State the ap
pointees of the Governor, and on the 13th
of April in an effoit of that kind a butchery
>{ citizens was permitted at Colfax which,
in bloodthirstiness and barbarity, is hardly
surpassed by any facts of savage warfare.
To put this matter beyond controversy I
quote from the charge of Judge Woods of
the United States Circuit Court to the jury
m tbe case of the United States vs. Cruik-
shank and others, in New Orleans in March,
1874. He said:
WOODS’ CHARGE ON THE COLFAX AFFAIR.
“In the case on trial there are many fac
tions in controversy. I proceed to state
some of them in the presence and hearing
if counsel on both sides, and if I state as a
couceded fact any matter that is disputed, j
tbev can correct me.” After stating the
origin of the difficulty, which grew out of
an attempt of white persons to drive the
Parish Judge and Sheriff (appointees of
Kellogg) from office, and their attempted
protection by colored persons, which lea to
some fighting, in which quite a number of
negroes were killed, the Judge states that
thu most of those who were not killed were
taken prisoners. Fifteen or sixteen of
the blacks had lifted the boards and
taken refuge under tbe floor of the Court
Bouse. They were all captured. About
tbirtv-seven * men were taken prisoners,
though the number is not definitely fixed.
Tbev were kept under guard until dark.
They were lea out two by two and shot.
Most of the men were shot to death. A few
were wounded, but not mortally, and by pre
tending to be dead, were afterwards, durmg
the night, able to make their escape. Among
them was the Rev. Nelson, named in the
indictment. The dead bodies of the ne
groes killed in this affair were left
unburied until Tuesday, April loth, when
they were buried by a deputy marshal and
an officer of the militia from New Orleans.
These persons found fifty-one dead bodies.
They showed pistol-shot wounds, the great
majority in tbe head and most of them in
the back of the head. In addition to the
fifty-one dead bodies found, some charred
remains of dead bodies were discovered near
the Court House, and six dead bodies were
found under a warehouse, all shot in the
head but one or two, which were shot in
the breast. The only white men in
jured from the beginning of these
troubles to their close were Hadnett
and Harris. The Court House and its con
tents were entirely consumed. There is no
evidence that any one in the crowd of
whites bore any lawful warrant for the ar
rest of any of the blacks. There is no evi
dence that either Nash or Cass, who were
beat after tbe affair, demanded their offices,
to which they had *-et up claims; but Regis
ter continued to act as Parish Judge and
Shaw as Sheriff
These are the facts in this case, as I un
derstand them to be admitted. To hold the
people of Louisiana generally responsible
for the atrocities would not be just, but it
is a lamentable fact that insuperable ob
structions were thrown in tbe w ty of pun
ishing these murderers, and the so-called
Conservative papers of the State not only
justified the massacre, but denounced as
Federal tyranny and despotism the attempt
of the Uuited States officers to bring
them to justice. Fierce denunciations rang
through the country about office-holding
and election matters in Louisiana, while
every one of the Colfax miscreauts goes
unwhipped of justice, and no way can be
fouud in this boasted land of civilization
and Christianity to punish these perpetra
tors of this bloody and monstrous crime.
ACCUMULATION OF HORRORS.
Not unlike this was the massacre in Au
gust last of several Northern young men of
capital and enterprise who had started the
little and flourishing town of Coushatta.
Some of them were Republicans and office
holders under Kellogg. They were there
fore doomed to death. Six of them were
seized and carried away from their homes
and murdered in cold blood. No one has
been punished, and the Conservative press
of the State denounced all efforts to that
end and boldly justified tbe crime.
Many murders of a like character have
been committed in individual cases which
canuot here be detailed. For example: T. S.
Crawford, Judge, and P. H. Harris, District
Attorney of the Twelfth Judiciary District
of the State, oil their way to courts, were
shot from their horses by men in ambush
on the eighth of October, 1873, and tbe
widow of the former, in a communication to
the Department of Justice, tells a piteous
tale of the persecutions of her husband be
cause he was a Union man, and of the
efforts made to screen those who had com
mitted a crime which, to use her own
language, “left two widows and uine orphans
desolate.” To say that the murder of a
negro or a white Republican is not con
sidered a crime iu Louisiana, would proba
bly be unjust to a great part of the people;
butjt is true that a great number of such
murders have been committed and no one
has been punished therefor—and manifestly
as to them, the spirit of hatred and violence
is stronger than law.
Representations were made to me that
the presence of troops in Louisiana was un
necessary and irritating to the people, and
that there was no danger of a public dis
turbance if they were taken away. Conse
quently, early iu last summer, the troops
were all withdrawn from the State, with the
exception of a small garrison at the New
Orleans barracks. It was claimed that a
comparative state of quiet had intervened,
and political excitement as to Louisiana
affairs seemed to be dying out; but the No
vember election was approaching, and it was
necessary for party purposes that the flame
should be rekindled.
THE PENN REVOLUTION.
Accordingly, on 14th of September, D. B.
Penn, claiming that be was elected lieuten
ant Governor in 1872, issued an inflamma
tory proclamation calling upon tbo militia
of the State to arm, assemble and drive
from power tbe usurpers, as he designated
the officers of the State. The White
Leagues, Rrm°d and ready for the conflict,
promptly responded. On the same day tbe
Governor made a formal requisition upon
me, pursuant to the act of 17U5, and section
4, article 4 of the Constitution, to aid in
the suppression of domestic violence. On
the next day I issued my proclamation
commanding* the insurgents to disperse
within five days from the date thereof;
but before tbe proclamation was published
in New Orleans the organized and armed
forces, recognizing a usurp ng governm-nt,
had taken forcible possession of the State
House and temporarily subverted tbe gov
ernment. Twenty or more people were kill
ed, including a number of’the police of the
city,and the streets were stained with blood.
All* that was desired in the way of excite
ment had been accomplished, and in view of
tbe steps taken to repress it, the revolution
was apparently, though, it is believed, not
really abandoned, and the cry of Federal
usurpation and tyranny in Louisiana was re
newed with redoubled energy. The troops
had been sent to the State under this re
quisition of the Governor, and as other dis
turbances seemed imminent, they were al
lowed to remain there to render tne Execu
tive such aid as might become necessary to
enforce the laws of the State and repress
the continued violence which seemed inevi
table the moment Federal support should be
withdrawn.
THE WHITE LEAGUES.
Prior to, and with a view to, the late elec
tion in Louisiana, white men banded them
selves together iu armed bodies called
White Leagues, and at the same time threats
were made in the Democratic journals of tbe
State that the election should bo carried
against the Republicans at all hazards,
which very naturally greatly alarmed the
colored people. By section 8 of the act of
February, 1871, it is made the duty of
Uuited 'States Marshals and their depu
ties at the polls where votes are cast
for Representatives in Congress to
keep the peace and prevent any viola
tion of the so-called enforcement acts,
and other offenses against the laws of the
United States, and upon a requisition of the
Marshal of Louisiana, and in view of said
armed organizations and portentous cir
cumstances, I caused detachments of troops
to be stationed iu various localities iu tne
State to aid him in the performance of his
official "duties. That there was intimidation
of Republican voters at the election, not
withstanding these precautions, admits of
no doubt. The following are specimens of
means used. On the 14th of October eighty
persons signed and published the following
at Shreveport:
THE SHREVEPORT COMPACT.
“We, the undersigned, merchants of the
city of Shreveport, in obedience to a request
of the Shreveport Campaign Club, agree to
use every endeavor to gel employes to vote
the people’s ticket at the coming election,
and in the event of their refusal so to do, or
in case they vote the Radical ticket, to
refuse to employ them at the expiration of
their present contracts.”
On the bame day another large body of
persons published in the same plase a paper
in which they used the following language:
“We, tbe undersigned, merchants of the
city of Shreveport, alive to the great im
portance of securing a good and honest
government to the State, do agree and
pledge ourselves not to advance any supplies
or money to any planter the coming year
who will give employment or rent lands to
laborers who vote the Radical ticket in the
coming elections.”
THE RETURNING BOARD.
I have no information of proceedings of
the Returning Board for said election, which
may not be fouud in the report which has
been published; but it is a matter of public
information that a great part of the time
taken to canvass the votes was consumed by
the arguments of lawyers, several of whom
represent each party*before the Board. I
have no evidence that the proceedings of
this Board were not in accordance with the
law under which they acted. Whether, in
excladiug from their count certain returns,
they were right or wrong, is a question that
depends upon the evidence before them, but
it is very clear that the law gives them
power, if they choose to exercise it, of de
ciding that way, and, prima facie, the per
sons whom they return as elected are enti
tled to the offices for which they were candi
dates.
EXPLAINING THE OUTRAGE.
Respecting the alleged interference by
the military with the organization of the
Legisiature in Louisiana on the 4th inst., I
have no knowledge or information which
has been received by me since that time.
My first information was from the papers of
the morning of the 5th of January. I did
not know that any such thing was antici
pated, and no orders and no suggestions
were ever given to any military officer in
that State upon that subject prior
to the occurrence. I am well aware
that military interference by the officers
or troops of the United States with the or
ganization of a State Legislature or any of
its proceedings, or with any civil depart
ment of the government, is repugnant to
onr ideas of government. I can conceive
of no case not involving rebellion or insur
rection where inch interference by authori
ty of the General Government ought to bo
permitted or can be justified; but there are
circumstaooes connected with the Legisla
tive imbroglio in Louisiana which seems to
exempt the military lrom intentional wrong
in that matter.
LAME EXCUSES.
Knowing that they had been placed iu
Louisiana to prevent domestic violence, and
to aid in tbe enforcement of the State laws,
the officers and troops of the Uuited States
raav well have supposed that it was their
dut'v to act when called upon by the Dover- : £7.?* ae.urauce av u,e
nor-for that purpose Each branch of a * at .
s de of the preservation of good oader, the
maintenance of law and the protection of
life. Their bearing reflects credit upon the
soldiers, and if wrong has resulted, the
blame is with the turbulent elements sur
rounding them.
I now earnestly ask that such action be
taken by Congress as to leave my duty per
fectly clear in dealing with Hie affairs of
Louisiana, giving assurance at the same
purpos-
Legislature is the judge of the election and
qualifications of its own members, but if a
mob or a body of unauthorized persons seize
aud hold the legislative hail iu a tumultuous
and riotous manner, and so prevent any or
ganization by those legally returned as elect
ed,it might become tne duty of the State
Executive to interpose, if requested by a
majority of the members elect, to suppress
the idisturbance and enable the persons
elected to organize the House. Any exer
cise of this power would only be justifiable
under the most extraordinary circumstan
ces, and it would thus be the duty of the
Governor to call upon the constabulary, or,
if necessary, the military force of the State;
but with reference to Louisiana, it is to be
borne in mind that anv attempt by the Gov
ernor to uss the police force of that State at
this timejwouldhave undoubtedly precipitat
ed a bloody conflict with the White League,
as it did on the 14th of September. There is
no doubt but that the presence of the Uni
ted States troops upon that occassion pre
vented bloodshed andjthe loss of life. Both
parties appear to have relied upon them as
conservators of the public peace.
OBSCURING THE REAL QUESTION.
The first call was made by the Democrats
to remove persons obnoxious to them from
the Legislative Hall, and the second was
from the Republicans to remove persona
who had usurped seats in the Legislature
without legal certificates authorizing them
to seats, and iu sufficient number to change
the majority. Nobody was disturbed by
the military who had a legal right at that
time to occupy a seat in the Legislature.
That the Democratic minority of the
House undertook to seize its organization
by fraud and violence ; that in this at
tempt they trampled under foot the law; that
they undertook to make persons not return
ed as elected members so as to create a ma
jority; that they acted under a preconcerted
plan, and under false pretenses introduced
into the halls a body of men to support tlieir
pretensions by force if necessary; and that
conflict, disorder aud riotous proceedings
followed, are facts that seem to be well es
tablished; and I am credibly informed that
those violent proceedings were a part of a
premeditated plan to have the House or
ganized, and in this way recognize what has
b-en called the McEnery {Senate, then to
depose Governor Kellogg aud so revolu
tionize the State Government.
Whether it was wrong for the Governor,
at tho request of the majority of the mem
bers returned as elected to tbe House, to
use such means as were in his power to de
feat these lawness and revolutionary pro
ceedings, is, perhaps, a debatable question;
but it is quite certain that there would have
been no trouble if those who now complain
of illegal interference had allowed the House
to be organized in a lawful and regular
manner.
ENDORSING SHERIDAN’S LIES.
Lieutenant General Sheridan was request
ed by me to go to Louisiana to observe and
report tho situation there, aud if, in his
•-'pinion, necessarv.to assume the command,
which he did on the 4lh, after the Legisla
tive disturbances hid occurred, at 9 o’clock
p. m., a number of hours after the distur
bances. No partv motives, no prejudices,
can reasonably be imputed to him; but
honestly convinced by what he has
seen and heard there, he has char
acterized tho leaders of the White
Leagues in severe terms, and suggested
summary modes of procedure against them,
which, though they canuot bo adopted,
would, if lega>, soon put an end to the trou
bles and disorders iu that State. General
Sheridan was looking at facts, and possibly
not thinking of proceedings which would
bo the only proper ones t© pursue in time of
peace, thought more of the lawless condi
tion of society surrounding him at the
time of his dispatch and of what
would prove a sure remedy. He
never proposed to do an illegal act,
nor expressed a determination to proceed
beyond what the law in the f ltnre might
authorize for tho punishment of the atroci
ties which hare been committed and tbo
commission of which cannot be successfully
denied. It is a deplorable fact that political
crimes and murders have been committed
in Louisiana which have £oue unpunished
and which have been justined or apologized
for, which must rest as a reproach upou the
State and country long after the present
generation has passed away.
MILD MR. CJESAR.
I hnve no desire to have United States
troops interfere in the domestic concerns of
Louisiana or any ether State. On the 9th
of December last Gov. Kellogg telegraphed
to me his apprehensions that the White
League intenued to make another attack
upon tho State House, to which, ou the
same day, I made the following answer,
since which time no communication has
been sent to him:
“Your dispatch of this date just received.
It is exceedingly unpalatable to use troops
in anticipation of danger. Let the State
authorities be right, anil then proceed with
their duties without apprehension of dan
ger. If they are then molested tbe question
will be determined whether the United
States is able to maintain law and order
within its limits or not.” *
I have deplored the necessity which
seemed to make it my duty under the eon-
stitutiou and laws to direct such interfer
ence. I Lave always refused, except where
it seemed to be my* imperative duty, to act
in such a manner under the constitution
and laws of the United States. I have re
peatedly and earnestly entreated the people
of the South to live together in peace aod
obey tbe laws, and nothing would give me
greater pleasure than to see reconcilia
tion anil tranquility everywhere prevail,
and thereby remove all necessity for
the presenoe of troops among them.
BIG IKE.
I regret, however, to say that this state
of things does not exist, nor does it seem
to be desired in some localities; and at to
those, it may be proper for me to say that
to the extent that Congress lias conferred
power upon mo to rrevent it, neither Ku-
Klux Klan, White League, nor any o»lier
associations using arniB and violence to exe
cute their unlawful purpose*, can be per
mitted in that way to govern anv part of
she country, nor can I see with lodifference
Union men or Republicans ostracised, per
secuted and murdered on account of their
opinions, as they now are in some localities.
I have heretofore urged the case of Louis
iana upon the attention of Congress, and I
cannot but think that its inaction has pro
duced great evil.
TWITTING CONGRESS.
To summarize : Iu September last an
armed and organized body of men in the
support of candidates who had bs*n put in
nomination for the offices of Governor and
Lieutenant Governor at the November elec
tion in 1872, and who had been declared not
elected by the Board of Canvassers recog
nized by all the Courts to which the' aues-
tion had been submitted, undertook to
subvert and overthrow the State Govern
ment that had been recognized by me
in accordance with previous precedents.
The recognized Governor was driven from
the State House, and but for his finding
shelter in the United States Custom House,
in the capitrl of the 8tate of which he wae
Governor, it is scarcely to be doubted that he
would have been killed from the State House.
Before he bad been driven to tho Custom
Bouse a call was made in accordance with
the 4th section, 4th article of the Constitu
tion of the United States, for the aid of the
General (government to suppress domestic
violence. Under these circumstances, and
in accordance with my sworn duty, my
proclamation of the 15th of September,
1874, was issued. This served to reinstate
Governor Kellogg to bis position nominally,
but it cannot be claimed that the insurgents
have to this day surrendered to the State au
thorities the arms belonging to the State,
or that they have iu any sense disarmed.
On the contrary, it is known that the same
armed organization that was used on the
14th of September, 1874, in opposition to
the recognized State Government, still re
tain their organization, equipments and
commanders, and could be called out at any
hour to resist the State Government. Under
these circumstances the same military force
has been continued m Louisiana as was
sent there under the first call,and under the
same general instructions.
C.ESAR REPEATS.
I repeat that tbe task assumed by the
troops is not a pleasant one to them, that
tbe army is not composed of lawyers capa
ble of judging at a moment’s notice of just
how far they can go in the maintenance of
law and order, ana that it was impossible
to give specific instructions providing for all
possible contingencies that might arise.
The troops were bound to act upon the
judgment of the commanding officer npon
each sadden contingency that arose, and
await instructions which could only
reach them after the threatened wrongs
had been committed which they were called
on to prevent. It should be recollected, too,
that upon my recognition of tbe Kellogg
Government, I reported the fact with the
gronnds of recognition to Congress, and
asked that bodv to take aotion m the matter,
otherwise I should regard their silence as
acquiesenoo in my course. No action has
been taken by that body.
THE PEACE or WARSAW.
If error has been committed by the army
in these matters, it has always been on the
body in tbe premises will be executed ac
cording to the spirit and letter of the law
without fear or favor.
I herewith transmit coDies of documents
containing more specific information as to
the subject matter of the resolution.
[Signed] U. 8. Grant.
Executive Mansion, January 13, 1875.
OUR ATLANTA LETTER.
Some Legislative Note*—The Financial
Condition of Georgia— Report of the
Comptroller General—The State Tax on
Railroads— .Miscellaneous Item*.
[Special Correspondence of the Morning News.]
Atlanta, January 12. 1875.
THE LEGISLATURE
convenes to-morrow at 10 o’clock. Nearly
all the members are here, and about
three candidates to one legislator. CoL
E. F. Hoge has withdrawn from the race
for Speaker, leaving the contest between
Messrs. Hardeman, Bacon and Anderson,
all three of whom will obtain a handsome
support. The session will be a busy one.
Many important measures are to be dis
cussed and disposed of. The election for
State printer will probably* not occur in a
week or ten days, when every quill-driver
in Georgia will beset tbe capital and its
environs.
THE STATE’S FINANCES.
Treasurer Jones has just issued liis an
nual report, which shows a balance of
one million three thousand one hundred
and twenty-eight dollars and eighty-
eight cents in the Treasury on January
1st, 1875. The total receipts for the year
1874 amounted to $1,895,1156 86; the to
tal expenditures to $1,814,594 23.
The public debt cost during the year
1874 one million thirty-eight thousand one
hundred and sixty-nine dollar* and thir
ty-four cents. The public debt not yet
due amounts to $8,105,500, and the an
nual payments on this, principal and in
terest, is as follows : In 1875 (March of
this year) must be paid $670,385; in 1876
must be paid $662,385; in 1877 must be
paid $654,385; in 1878 must be paid
$746,385; in 1879 must be paid $832,385;
in 1880 must be paid $812,385; in 1881
must be paid $692,385; in 1882 must be
paid $578,385; in 1883 must be paid
$570,385; in 1884 must be paid $562,385;
in 1885 must be paid $554,385: in 1886
must be paid $4,446,385; in 1890 must be
paid $2,266,385; in 1890 must be paid
$328,025, aggregating $14,377,030, prin
cipal and interest, to be paid by the peo
ple of Georgia on their public debt in
sixteen years, all of which arises out of
a debt of a fraction over $8,000,000. Of
tho bogus bonds issued during the. ad
ministration of Bullock and Kimball, and
Blodgett, there are $8,755,000, distribu
ted as follows : State gold bonds, act of
October 17, 1870, $1,880,000; State cur
rency bonds, act of August 27, 1870,
$1,500,000; Brunswick and Albany Rail
road,' $3,300,000; Bainbridge, Cuthbert
and Columbus Railroad, $600, (XX): Carters-
ville and Van Wert Railroad, $275,000;
Cherokee Railroad, $300,000.
RAILROAD BONDS.
Of course the railroad bonds are simply
indorsed bonds. Of railroad bonds in
dorsed by the State, and admitted to be
valid and binding on the State, there are
$2,881,000, distributed as follows: Issued
by the Macon and Brunswick Railroad,
$1,950,000; Alabama and Chattanooga
Railroad, $194,000; South Georgia and
Florida Railroad, $464,000; North and
South Railroad, $240,000 ; Memphis
Branch Railroad, $33,000. The railroad
companies having failed to meet their
obligations or these bonds, they have
been removed from the management, and
the Governor has seized upon them. It
remains for the Legislature to make the
indorsement good, and otherwise dispose
of the roads as it seems in their wisdom
proper and necessary. These debts from
State indorsed railroad bonds continue to
accumulate. Here are five bankrupt
roads on the hands of the State at once,
and at a time when it costs more to
operate a railroad than the State can de
rive from the railroad’s income. This
policy is the most disastrous one ever
adopted by the State government, and
should be forever abolished. Treasurer
Jones strongly recommends to the Legis
lature the policy of exempting all its
bonds from taxation, as an expedient to
induce citizens of our own State to in
vest in them. In this way the price of
exchange to forward money to New York
would be saved, “and the interest on
our bonds amounting to over a half
million annually, would, in the hands of
our own citizens, pay the tax on that
amount of ready money.” Treasurer
Jones supposes that a large portion of
the overdue bonds of the State are in the
hands of Henry Clews. The other over
due bonds he recommends be paid when
ascertained that they are held by persons
not connected by Henry Clews, and that
they have not passed through the hands
of that great bond manipulator, now so
hopelessly bankrupt. The Treasurer
further intimates that a large portion of
these bonds have been converted by
Clews to his own use.
THE COMPTROLLER’S REPORT.
The report of Comptroller General
Goldsmith has just been issued. From
it it appears that the total amount of tax
able property m Georgia on April 1st,
1874, was $273,092,999; for the same
time in 1873 it was $242,487,382, show
ing an increase of $30,605,617 in one
year, the tax on which, at present rates,
is $153,028 08. This remarkable increase
in the value of taxable property is to be
attributed mostly to the new tax laws,
than to the increased property of the
State. The Legislature at its last ses
sion repealed all the exemption laws,
which amounted to $500 for every head of
a family in Georgia, and supposing there
be 50,000 heads of families in the State,
they alone would account for $25,000,-
000 at $500 each. It is a remarkable cir
cumstance, as it appears from the ex
hibit in the Comptroller’s report, that in
nearly every county whose taxable prop
erty has decreased there is a preponder
ance of negro population. In Baker,
Brooks, Bryan, Burke, Calhoun, Charlton,
Chatham, Chattahoochee, Coffee,Decatur,
Dodge, Dougherty, Early, Glynn, Hous
ton, Jones, Laurens, Lee. Macon, Marion,
Miller, Mitchell, Quitman, Randolph,
Stewart, Taylor,Telfair, Thomas, Twiggs,
Wilkinson and Worth counties there is a
striking decrease in the value of taxable
property. In every other county there
is a marked increase, and it is a remark
able coincidence that these counties
named are those where the negro pre
ponderates. The most remarkable in
increase of property in one year is that
of Walton county. In 1873 its taxable
property was $1,090,799, and in 1874
$2,409,104, showing an increase of $1,-
318,305. If the Comptroller’s figures
be correct it is one of the most start
ling instances of the increase of the
wealth of any section on record, the
county more than doubling its wealth
in a single year. The increase of
Richmond county is $833,401; Fulton
county, $904,420; Bibb county, $426,272.
The value of property in Chatham is
$24,200,000; in Richmond, $18,200,000;
in Fulton, $20,475,000,
THE RAILROAD TAX.
The railroads that have paid their tax
under the new McDaniel law, are the
West Point, $4,312 70; Eatonton Branch,
$839 50 ; Savannah, Seaboard and Skid-
away, $383 04 ; South Carolina, $485 ;
Atlanta Street, $310 75; Cherokee, $445;
North Eatonton, $41 44; Macon Street,
$45 50; Alabama and Chattanooga,
$495 50; and Augusta and Summerville,
$385 56, aggregating $7,735 99. Fi. fas.
against all the other roads, amounting to
$176,636 99, have been placed in the
hands of the Attorney General, who is
engaged in prosecuting the cases in the
courts.
DEFAULTING TAX COLLECTORS.
Three tax collectors have defaulted:
W. E. Griffin, of Decatur county; S. C.
Gregory, of Colquitt county, and Ivan
Parker, of Johnson county.
RECOMMENDATIONS OF THE COMPTROLLER.
The Comptroller recommends that
there be enacted a law authorizing sher
iffs to]execute all tax fi. fas. of any amount,
the law heretofore allowing him to exe
cute only those of $50 and over. He
further recommends that insolvent tax
lists be allowed tax collectors, not by
sworn lists, but by tax fi. fas. marked
nulla bona by proper officers.
COLORED PROPERTY OWNERS.
The total value of property owned by
colored people in Georgia, is $6,157,798,
of which $1,200,000 is for 338,000 acres
of land. The State tax on this property
is $31,000. Seminole.
OUR WASHINGTON LETTER.
The Louisiana Outrage in Congres*— A
Pitiable Hpeetacle of Partisanship In
the American Senate—Onr Gallant Gor
don Defending the South—An Eloquent
Effort of the Georgia Senator—Drunken
Durell’s Successor.
[Special Correspondence of the Morning News.]
Washington, January 9, 1875.
The events of the past week should be
sufficient to alarm not only the people of
the South, bnt to arouse the indignation
and resentment of those of the North.
Never in the annals of constitutional
liberty in the United States has there
been so gross an invasion of the underly
ing principles of that rich boon to the
human family than has occurred at the
hands of the Federal military at New
Orleans.
THE WHOLESALE IMPEACHMENT
of the temper and forbearing spirit, as
well as the character of the people of the
South, was the natnral offspring of that
exercise of unwarranted and illegal au
thority which has afflicted the State of
Louisiana since the advent of the thiev
ing crew who yet grasp the very
vitals of the State, and, supported
by Federal bayonets, seem deter
mined to crush out the last remnant
of opposition. These conspirators, in
their audacity, heightened by past
forbearance On the part of the citizens of
Louisiana and their eagerness to perpetu
ate themselves in their ill-gotten power
have at length over-stepped the farther-
est limits of their usurpation, and must
perish before the righteous indignation of
the entire land from Maine to Texas.
The unparalelled conduct of the federal
troops in dispersing the Legislature of a
■overeign State and the crowning of this
dangerous assumption of military power
by pronouncing the citizens of the South
“banditti,” and the call to wipe out the
last vestage of justice by setting aside all
further judicial forms and assigning their
trial and punishment to the superior mili
tary officer, savors more of the civilization
of despotic Russia than the free United
States.
THE MOST FORCIBLE WEAPON
of offense and defense against the un
pardonable usurpation of the carpet-bag
power inflicted upon the Southern States,
and particularly upon Louisiana, where it
has assumed its worst type, has and will
be to the end the calm forbearance of the
Southern people. The old cry of out
rages committed and other accusations
having no ether foundation than in the
hell-inspired imaginations of their invent
ors, is thus shorn of its force and the de
lusion under which the people of the
North have been so long laboring has
been dissipated. The mask behind which
the unprincipled scalawags have hidden
their faces has fallen, and they stand out
before the country and the world in their
true nature.
The real policy of the Southern people
in this last desperate game of the carpet
bag conspirators is well put by that gal
lant and patriotic Georgian, Gen. John
B. Gordon, who, in his dispatch to Gov.
McEnery and others, says: “I congratu
late you on the forbearance of the people.
Still forbear—bear every wrong; and if
arrests and handcuffs are resorted to,
still forbear, and your rights will be vin
dicated by the American people. You
cannot better subserve the interests of
Louisiana, of the South generally, and of
liberty than by continued forbearance,
even unto death.” These words of a
brave soldier and true citizen should be
indelibly inscribed upon the memories of
every man, woman and child of the
South. The popular sentiment of the
North'recoils from the late glaring en
croachments upon the most sacred rights
of Amerioan citizenship. The spectacle
is now presented of the North and the
South uuited in one common outcry
against the dangers which threatened the
Constitution and the supremacy of the
law. The debate upon
SENATOR THURMAN’8 RESOLUTION OF IN
QUIRY
of the President whether any portion of
the military force of the United States
was used against the Legislature of
Louisiana, gave occasion for a discussion
which demonstrated to the country the
spirit which actuates the friends of the
Louisiana usurpation in Congress. By
various devices they attempted to frus
trate the object of the resolution by leav
ing it to the discretion of the Executive
to report or not on the important subject
of inquiry, by inserting “if not incom
patible with the public interests.” This
subterfuge was fully exposed by the au
thor of the resolution, who laid open the
mock-heroic attitude of the bombastic
New York Senator. At first there was
exhibited an inclination on the part of
the Radical Senators to choke off the reso
lution of inquiry entirely, but fearing the
indignation which they felt would rise up
against them for such an unwarrantable
exercise of majority power, they deferred
to their doubts of the popular approval,
and chose rather to attempt to bewilder
public opinion with specious arguments
and sophistry. After Conkling had well
ventilated his roll of platitudes, Morton
rehashed his tale of outrages of various
kinds. His inventive genius in his line
would be hard to beat. The greatest in
consistency, however, is in hia figures,
for, were but one-half the murders he
alleges committed in the South, truly that
fair section of the land by this time
would be well nigh depopulated.
The interest manifested in the
question before the Senate was evi
dent in the vast throngs of residents and
strangers at the capital who gathered,
after the discussion going on became
known, in the galleries of the Senate.
Although they will comfortably seat
twenty-five hundred people, every avail
able space was occupied, and the corri
dors outside were packed with a jostling
crowd fully as large, and eager to get but
a glimpse of the chamber. The great
event of the debate occurred on Wednes
day, when Senator Gordon, of Georgia,
took the floor in response to thQ villainous
falsehoods and malicious as well as sweep
ing accusations against the Southern peo
ple indulged in by the Radical Senators.
THE SPEECH OF SENATOR GORDON,
under these circumstances and uttered
by a thorough Southerner—one who had
shown his fidelity to principle and his
patriotic zeal on behalf of the cause he
had espoused—one who had proven him
self as brave a soldier as had ever drawn
a sword—fell upon the ears of Senators
and the hundreds of spectators with
double force. The speech was masterly
in conception, a jewel of discretion, and
delivered with foroe and expression,
which oarried open conviction to the
hearts of every one who heard it, save
the bitterest advocates of the Kellogg
crew, and even to them it rang with no
welcome pound. The popular voice was
starts' iTevd
dred timeafc
imgft of tlis^Aatertfci V£3ite#*up«#d by
demonstrations from the gs11«ri^f Now
the etecttrmn TrrgmodlA-
and ability*
Wednesday won for. mi
His allusion to the chamo
Senators presenting the spectacle of
x>dy of men with a common ancestry,
jroud of a common history, inheritors of
a common birthright of freedom, con
fronted by a common destiny, seeking to
pillory the reputation, the honor, the fair
name, and even the rights and the liber
ties of one large section of this country
before the civilized world, was listened to
with breathless attention. After the Sen
ator concluded he was warmly congratu
lated. The speech will be printed and
widely circulated, and will no doubt bring
many a Northern voter to a realizing
sense of tbe deception which has been
practiced upon him.
durell’s successor.
Mr. Pardee, the newly appointed suc
cessor to Uuited States District Judge
Durell, at New Orleans, does not receive
the approval of the Radical usurpers in
Louisiana. His opponents are beginning
to trump up objections against him.
These accusations will probably not be
brought out at once. The parties having
the matter in hand say that they will
wait and produce them when they will do
the most good. The main charge is that
he was court martial ed at New Orleans
while General Banks was in command of
the Department of the Gulf. If all that
they say be correct, his reputation’is not
of the fairest and may effect the object
of the accusers, which is to secure a
Judge of their own choosing. s
THE BEAL FRIENDS OF LOUISL^A
are in hopes that the uprising of the
people in many pans of tne North may
result in some action by Congress which
will set at rest the disorders which have
afflicted that unhappy State. The ma
jority of the Radical leaders are heartily
disgusted with their carpet-bag proteges,
and if they dared would like to throw
them overboard. The game inaugurated
under the guise of reconstruction is very
effectually played out. The late scenes
in Louisiana show the desperation of the
case. The remedy is at hand. The peo
ple of the whole country will settle tbe
question promptly and effectually.
F. A. R.
gry ©oofl$.
Prices Reduced!
Gray, O’Brien&Co.
No. 147.Brougliton Street.
To decrease our Stock, pre
paratory to our Annual Stock
taking, we will offer our Goods
at reduced prices from now
until tlie 1st of February next.
GKEAT BARGAINS IN
Shawls, Cloaks,
BLANKETS,
AND ALL CLASSES OF
WINTER GOODS.
jan4
GRAY, O’BRIEN Jfc CO.
LOOK ! LOOK I
$1,200,000 IN PRIZES!
The Grandest Single Number Scheme an
Record, will be drawn In public in
St. Louis on March 31, 1873.
Capital Prize, $100,000!
Missouri State Lotteries!
Legalized by State Authority,
MURRAY, MILLER A CO., Managers,
ST. LOUIS, MO.
1 Prize of $100,000
1 Prize of 50,000
1 Prize of 22,300
1 Prize of 20,000
5 Prizes of. 10,000
10 Prizes of 5,000
20 Prizes of 2,500
100 Prizes of 1,000
And 11,451 other Prizes of from $1,500 to $60.
Amounting In the Aggregate to $1,200,000
Whole Tickets, $20; Halves, $10; Quarters, $3.
Prize payable in full and no postponement of
drawings take place.
Address, for Tickets and circulars,
MURRAY, MILLER k CO., Managers.
8T. LOUIS, MO.
P. O. Box 2443. j»n5-Tn.Th.8aAwly
%ttiUinmi floods.
Millinery! Millinery!
—AT—
Reduced Prices!
I AM now offering all of my Stock of Mflffnery
Goods, consisting of
PATTERNS,
BONNETS, HATS,
RIBBONS, VELVET.
FELT and STRAW GOODS,
For less than they can be bought elsewhere in
the city. Also a fall line of Velvets on the bias,
in all colors.
I have just received a large and beautiful as
sortment of TIES, in all the new colors.
Also, a new assortment of Hosiery, Kid Gloves,
Corsets, Rushing, etc.
My line of Ladies* Underwfar, made of the
beet Musliu and Cambric, is stiff complete.
Real Hair Switch, Hair Ornaments, and Fancy
Goods.
Also, a large assortment of Silk Umbrellas for
Ladies and Gents.
Ladies, call and examine my stock. You will
find them cheap and of the best quality of goods.
H. C.
jan5-tf
HOUSTON,
22 Bull street (Masonic buikling}.
(fenutrt &c.
CEMENT PIPES.
also in
and expressed itself in re
use from the galleries. The
taking additMMinl alarm
onstrations, crowned their
ordering oat a detach-
Savauuah Brick Mana’fg Co.
Having purchased the
Cement Pipe Machine Patents
are now manufacturing Cement Pipes for Drains,
Sewers, or Well Curbs, of all sizes, and have
on band a large stock of pipe of the following sizes:
3, 4, 6. 9, It, 15, 30, and 36 inches, and Bends and
Branches to suit. Contractors are requested to
give them a call
BEFORE USING ANY OTHER PIPE.
This Patent Pipe has been tested for years in
the North, East and West, where it has given en
tire satisfaction; and it has also been used in tbe
South with success.
Orders for Pipe in any quantity are solicited and
will receive prompt attention. Orders left at the
store of Messrs. Crawford A Lovell, 157 Brough
ton street, for Pipe or Brick will be promptly at
tended to.
E. C. SWAIN, President Sav. B. MTg Co.
D. Bailey. Sec. and Treas. jan4-Sm
BLANK BOOKS