Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

y V CHROMtIiKAXI^SENTIXEL. ' a UGUS'f A. Tfji-rtSDAY MORNING,|FEBRUARY 13. «We notice that the Augusta Sentinel and the Constitutionalist, publish st&ements of the val ue of country bank notes, w|ich are not recon cilable. The commercial eds or of the Constitu tionalist is generally very ■* in these matters, —snd as these different starti|ients create serious difficulties in commercial operations, we should like to know which V*r*r gtjfo the roost correct valuation. * , The following will exhibit Je character of those different statements: ? _ Censth * tomhst. Sentinel. Savannah Banks. P» 5 d ‘»- 1 P m - Mechanics Bank. t P»r- 5 P™* Agency Brunswick, * par* 5 pm. Plant, A Mech’s, Cohitnbua>T a 10 dis. 2$ dis. Monroe Railroad, £0 a 15 dis. 10 dis. Ocmulgee Bnank, ’1 a 15 dis. 25 dis. Miliedgeville Bank, *7 alO dis. dis. Both papers of Thursday Jhe 6th inst. The Constituticnalist says, that the bills of but two banks are at par, and tire Sentinel says, there are about twenty-four at par Vt hat is the stand ard or regulating means that causes this contra diction 1 What benefit car, the people derive from tables which so pointedly contradict each other 1 The people are at j|l times anxious to know the standing of the bulking institutions at commercial points, and looi* anxiously for the statements which the publishers in Augusta make weekly in reference to this natter; but instead of affording infermation upHp which the people might rely, the papers give Recounts which are opposed to each other. W'ho can determine which is right !” I The above is from the Stanford of Union of Tuesday last. It is about much as might have been expected. Frienf Haynes has been holding forth to the y for a year or two past in the most oracular ‘ •/'ains about banks, currency, Ac., and yet he cannot comprehend the simplest tables in relalkn to the value of banknotes. Any merchants clerk in this city, could unriddle this apparent, mystery, and with out the slightest difficulty, rS.-oncile these appa rently conflicting tables. Tjey agree with each other in every single item except that in relation to the Ocmulgee Bank. Th« explanation is sim ple and we will endeavor to intake it 'hort. The Conslitutianalist assumes Specie as the par standard ; we assumed *. the par standard* the notes of those Banks whifh pass currently in payment of debts and are receivable at Bank— such as our city Banks, the |ank of Columbus, Ac. Specie is about 5 per cjjfut. in value above <he bills of thuse Banks—of *>urse the assuming specie as the par the bills of those Banks are five per cent par. Therefore when the Constitutionalist s:£.i that Mechanics’ * Bank notes are at par, it m.ytis that they are equal to specie; and when w*'«ay that the same notes are five per cent premium, we mean that they are worth that much ore than current notes and equal to specie, |a>th papers quote Mechanics’ Bank no'es and Specie as equal to each other. We quoted Savannah Bank notes at one per cent premium; th.,t is, four per cent -under specie. The Constitutlmalist quotes them at from three to Jive per c *it under specie.- Where’s the difference 1 except that one paperdixes it at four and theptber at from three to Jive. I We quoted Miliedgeville 1% nk notes at per cent, under par; (i. e.) 2j cent, below cur rent notes, and specie as 5 pe;* cent, above cur rent notes; this of course will Miliedgeville notes 7h per cent, below spee p they are quoted by the Constitutionalist at fro*i 7 to 10 percent, below specie! Where’s the deference 1 None! Both papers were right, and|Bgree with each * other as nearly as could be in giving the market price of any artsJo which fluctu ates as much as bank not£» do at the pre sent time. Tho only discrepancy of any importance is in relation Ocmulgee bank notes, and that no doubt the fact that each editor received differen t information fiom the other, from those of they enquired in relation to the matter, —or from some •rror in type; the Editor ol |he Sentinel, who made that report, is now abs<|it, and we are not aware ol what his inforr atiou was. F nend Haynes, thou wilt nitdo v o lecture up * 0n thc currency, Banks, Ac. k'ou no doubt un derstand Democracy, but not tie currency. Thc Legislature of Tennes|c , on the Ist inst. reversed their decision in frl>r of Murfreesbo rough as the seat of Gevernmjnt, and by a ma jority in both Houses, decidedlthat ;i should con « iinue at Nashville. * Correspondence of the Court r. Wash!kgtov, Feb. 6. The speech delivered by Ml. Calhoun, in tb Senate yesterday, is said by h| friends to be on* of hi* best efforts. Though hf spoke for an hou only, he succeeded in alluding to almost ever • J°P ,c of th e day—the Tariff, Navigation, Publi'i Lands, Slate Rights, and thc clsuraption of Stat Debts, by the General Goveijment; the latU being the subject directly belie the Senate, o the motion ot Mr. Benton, to lint tne Report . ' Mr. Grundy. Mr. C. attnbutf I the present dn tress of the country to the lar} ; quantity of im dcemable hank paper which wl floating through out the land at a merely nlnnal value H considered the whole scheme h a paper curren cy as unconstitutional, and irfthe framers of Z ConstiUon had imagined the ,/fects of it whic they did not. some provision I would have bee made in that instrument to prjent its ever hem received by this government il payment of debt* Mr. C. recognised no currencyijut gold and silv« in the United States—and if *|,* could succeed i obtaining that, all the power 1 Europe would b inefficient to make us hereaftei what we now ar in a monetary {mint of view, h*- vassals, Nortl ern gentlemen were mi taken |i regard to the e feels of a tariff—New Englandiwith a liarren soil \ »°d nothing but timber as a abide, furnished nav igatton for the whole country-Sit was hergrea source of wealth—but, with til single exceptio. ol the raw material, every thiijrused in buildin, and fitting out vessels, was subs et to a heavy du vv ! r ° n ’ na,,s ’ cordage. caiilass, copper, Ac «e p..J , merited .rihute to tie .North for he' industry and enterprise » n .t I„„. that hr', „oe .„tr,M, „ * ‘ J Jr m on "> P™ the great principle. of free X72**! I? city of the States to pay their <*h, B he V* the least doubt, but he thought?: lL, on d Afce.iett.tS, note, the, no .hid,,^“ nn « * he held ... the .unite hai7 r X” ££ where, anout the duty of ® . , ,*' . to assum-t them; be was, therefore, m fa|»r of the R epo^ I r«: S As for his own State, although her loans had been made for the most chimerical and extravagant purpose, he would disown her, if she refused to meet ev.jry dollar ot her pecuniary engagements. Mr. Preston said, as the different gentlemen entertained no doubt of the ability of the States to pay their way, he would move to lay thc re port on the table. Mr. Clay of Ala., objected and pressed the motion to print 30,000 copies which was carried by a large majority. Since the election of a Chaplain, which occu pied two days, the House have done nothing.— Yesterday was occupied with petitions, and wt onlv reached New Jersey, when the election business was again brought up, {tending action on which the House adjourned. The Speaker presented to the House, this morning, a copy of bis letter to the Governor ol New Jersey, giving his reasons for not presenting thc Resolutions of the Assembly of that Stale It seems the document was only directed to “R M. T. Hunter, a member of the House of Rep resentatives from V irginia, and the Speaker therefore, considered it derogatory to his station and to the character of the House, that he shoult present a paper which went directly to question his and their right of office. After some discussion, Mr. Randolph, of N* J. : succeeded in carrying the printing of the rcsolu s tions, for the use of the House. The Speaker then laid before the House the • statement of the democratic members of the N. 5 J. Assembly, as they ha<l been directed to him in i his official capacity, which was also ordered to > be printed. . I The balance of the time was taken up m the s presentation of petitions. Lhc bcnile is doing s nothing of general interest. 1 Apalachicola, January 29. Monk Ivdiax Massacres. —We this morn ing received the distressing intelligence that the family of Mr. Rowlett, at Rowlett’s Mills, in this county, about 30 miles from this city, were mas sacreed by a party of Indians, just before sun down last evening. Mr. P, W. Rowlett and a mulatto man were shot down by the Indians be fore they had shown themselves. The Indians then approached the house, and the inmates were shot down in endeavoring to make their escape. Mrs. Hollis a daughter of Mr, Daniel Rowlett, was seen to run som#distance from the house be fore she lei!. A negro man was shot near the house. One individual a Mr. Robinson we be lieve, who was near the premises, alone escaped to tell the story. The elder Mr. Rowlett, and one of his sons were from home, when the massa cre took place. Immediately after receiving this intelligence, the Franklin Guards with great spirit and promp titude, mustered under Lieut. Roberts, (the Cap tain being absent from the city,) and having char tered the steamer Roanoke, to take them up the river to the landing nearest the scene of the mas sacre, started off in pursuit of the Indians. By the. steamer Commerce arrived this morn ing we hear of the murder of another family, on Monday evening last, that ot Mr. Holland’s, six miles above lola. Particulars not known. By the Commerce we also hear of an attack which was made upon a party of U. S. Dragoons near Rocky Bluff, on Friday last. The party were fired on by the Indians and several of their mules ki led. The soldiers fled, and the Indians took possession of their provisions and baggage. From, th e N. Y. Commercial Advertiser of the ith. Fire and Fatal Accident. Between 7 and 8 o’clock last night, a fire broke out in th<? building fronting on Ann, Beckman, and Gold-streets owned and occupied by William Sharp, as; a cabinet warehouse and manufactory, and by R. C. Poillon, tailor, Mrs. Elizabeth Worts porter house keeper, and R. C. and J. E. John son, as a refectory. The building, which was five stories high, is entirely destroyed. A poition of the Stock of Mr. Sharp was saved, as was near ly all that of the other occupants. Mr. Sharp’s loss is estimated at about $30,000, He is insur ed for $6 000, There was a great scarcity of water at the fire, most of the hydrants being frozen, and the boxes of one or two were burned in ineffectual attempts to obtain a supply from those sources. In those which we re in working order, it took two streams to supply one engine with a sufficiency. This was owing to the want of a head of water, the tank being almost empty, and the whole supply derived from the works of the Manhattan Co. which were connected with the city water pipes on Saturday night. Lines v/ere also formed f om tha fire to the riv er, and water drawn from that source. In connexion with this subject we would ask leave to inquire whose duty it is to attend to the hydrants, and see that they are kept in working order. II they are allowed to freeze up every winter, and to be rendered useless during those months v, hen the city is most liable to be visited ey fires, then we would say that the vast sums of money al-eady extended by the city for the pur pose of obtaining a supply of water, are so much squandered away. A part of the walls of the building destroyed fell last evening, during the conflagration, and the remainder came to the ground this morning, burying in the ruins at least two, and it is feared | h greater number of persons. Fvvo persons were extricated—one dead, and the other badly woun ded. The name of the former was John Con naughty, nn Irishman, residing at 79 John street. He has lei t a family. A number of laborers were employed durin" the morning, under the direction of the coroncr° to extiica e the bodies, should there be any un der the reins. j Tllt n OF Instruction—We entertain j great hopes that the ridiculous extent to whktn the J doctrine of instructing Senators is carried hv some of the States will work its own cure. Attached, ourselves to the right of instruction, in the sense in which that right was contended for and used by the Democratic party in former times, we are mor'ified to sec the loolish extremes to which it is published by the “patent” democrats of Uiepres ent day. Where a State entertains a thorough and settled conviction on any great point of public policy, an d her Senator should differfrom his State in his vie ws with regard to that particular meas ure of policy, the State, in our humble opinion may instruct, and the Senator ought to obey. But to be instructing Senators out of their seats! on all the miserable petty political questions of the day—inst.tided, too by accidental party majori ties in thc Legislature, which majorities may be changed in six months—is too, absurd! It is ; time for independent statesmen to resist this thing. Let the Constitution be placed above the reach of the two-p nny politicians in the Legislatures.— | Alexandria Gazette. An amusing incident occurred in the Tennessee House of Representatives on Saturday, the 18th ultimo. I't seems that Mr. Baugh, of Hawkins i made soma motion, which in the confusion of the House was not heard. Thereupon he started up m a great rage, and exclaimed, that if no notice would ° f . lliS m ° lion ’ he hoped tlle House would grant him leave o’, absence during the rest E-H'-with .he House Oh V !‘L ‘ -, eave! “leave!” Os course the Ih h [ put ' he *)riesuon. Shall Ihe member from Harikme have lea.e o fub«„re! Mr Bau -h called for the yeas and nays. When rT or .he ,o„ huu ,'e„ Mr. AUrt... of Maury. ».d h„„ au.hmixed hy Mr. Baugh to withdraw the motion f or l eave L absence. The Chair remarked that M r . Bai „h could not withdraw the motion ig I must make the motion himself. Baugh then j proposed himself to withdrawn thc motion. Mr i Fletcher insisted that these motions were out of t order; that the roll must first be gone through » with, and the question decided; and then, if the i. member from Hawkins chose to ask to be rein ,3 stated, he could do so. The Chair directed the s Clerk to proceed with the call, which order was !- promptly complied with, and the leave asked was I, granted by a vote of 41 to 27. i. So Mr. Baugh, sorely against his will, has leave of absence for the rest of the session ! I- Extract of a letter from a highly respectable e attorney at Detroit, dated January 17, 1840. n “Our Circuit Court has just closed its session u of some six weeks, during which time, out of eight hundred and seventy-nine cases at issue, '* the Court got rid of forty-five, leaving the bal ance untouched, amongst which is your claim g which stands over until the next April terra —if the Court should not dispose of more cases than • at present, it will consume some five years or ** more to get off the cases now ready for trial.” r ’ Eight hundred and seventy-nine suits for debt *’ in one court in Michigan. It is useless to argue “ against locofocoism while we have such evidences Q as these of its practical effects!—Aetc York TV mes. The public lands of the nation, are estimated e to be worth $1,250,000,0(;0, or 1000,000,000 of acres, at $ I 25 per acre. It will thus be seen 3 that ail the State debts may be paid, and yet more 9 than 1,000,000,000 of acres be leii untouched.— Phil. Inq, ? Remarks of Mr. Cooper, OF GEORGIA, On the Resolution of Mr. Waddy Thompon , to amend the rules re 'ative to the reception and * disposal of abolition petitions. 9 House of Rkpresextatives, Jan. 16, 1840. Mr. Cooper, of Georgia, rose and said : I vo ted yesterday on this question to suspend further debate. The House had refused the previous * question, and thereby indicated a disposition to hear. If, however, the House is indisposed to hear discussion, I am more than content to de sist. If this be the pleasure of gentlemen, it is ’ now in their power to give that direction. It is only necessary !o give the intimation, and I will put the subject in such a shape as to accomplish j their wishes. [Here Mr. C. made a short pause.] j Without such a desire expressed, it will not be considered a trespass on the time to proceed with what I have to say on a subject of fearful import. It would be my purpose, touching this matter, ’ t»’iiake no move, to call for no action, but to sit, with folded arms, resolved to leave it to those who bring such firebrands here, to propose such course [ as, in their opinion, the House should adopt. It is to be regretted that my friend from South Car olina (Mr. Thompson) has felt it his duty to pre sent a proposition. It I could flatter myself that a request of mine could prevail with that gentle | man, I would as*, him to withdraw his amend ment. [Mr. Thompson of South Carolina, rose and ‘ said that, rather than have any difficulty with his friends, he would withdraw his proposition. , Mr. Biddle entreated the gentleman from South ; Carolina not to withdraw his resolution. He appealed to his generosity, and implored him to allow him an opportunity of explaining his views on this matter—an opportunity he had been seeking for in vain for the last two years. ' Mr. Black hoped the gentleman from South Carolina would withdraw his resolution, unless , every gentleman on the floor who desired to t»d --i dress the House on this subject should have the , same opportunity of doing so. i Mr. Thompson of South Carolina. Then I • do not withdraw it.] ( Mr. Cooper resumed. Two days ago, Mr. i Speaker, when a question of reception was pro pounded on presentation of abolition petitions, a i well-informed gentleman stated to us that, on a direct vote, less than one-fourth of the members would be found voting to reject them. If at a crisis like the present such a result could obtain Jet it be made known. Upon this, as upon all questions, it is the duty of the United States Congress to act with perfect frankness. A n open and manly course is due to its own character, and that alone is calculated to exhibit its true senti ments to the People we represent. We should march directly up to the point, and pronounce unequivocally what we think is expedient and right in regard to the reception of these petitions. Any other policy on this occasion argues either disrepect for the petitioners, or a Tearfulness of responsibility unworthy of a membei of Congress. This plain, direct and upright course is demand ed by the wishes of those who petition, as well as by the interests of those who are to be aggriev ed by the petitions. Sir, the welfare of the State of Georgia requires that you should pronounce an opinion rejecting these petitions; or if you would not reject them, that you should make it known. She has no party interests to serve by this. These are con siderations too light, too trivial, too pitiful, to en ter into her estimate at this time and on this oc casion. The same influences which bring these , petitions here, and the same arguments whieh 1 are invoked in behalf of the petitioners, have ( earned and sustained an open attack upon her domestic relations, and upon the rights of pro perty held by her citizens. It is. therefore, she claims of you, by the obligation of duty you owe to her, (o reject this class of petitions, saying to the petitioners you are endangering the Govern ment, and destroying the peace and harmony of the States. If you will not deal thus candidly with them, and are of opinion they ought to he re ceived, let the South understand von. The State of Georgia may then, with prudence, safety, wLs dotn and efficiency, adopt her own policy in res ’ r C^ mattersabout which she is deeply con ; I desire to disembarrass this subject of the par- I ty trammels that have been thrown around if.— ! (le L S L°K nd t f n n bkb . y ° U fi = ht is sacred—ren t dered so by the Constitution. The People as . fecled by your political bandyism, are, by that in > * trun J ent : urging on you the obligations^/! July • ■ ? r ® da ™ in » the response of peace and quiet > fh ® I kotball, which is the instrument of your 1 you g“e 8 1U< bounds us at every impulse ' 1 ? ® ll ; 11 ,s a weapon which, placed in the , hands of either, deals death blo»s to alUround —deaih to us and our interests, or death to your . Government. Sport on, therefore, if you ml, , and strive whtch shall receive most pleasure or , suffer least pain; in the wind up, you, pleas’url l *° P ain ’ and your joy into sorrow rh « subject before us is the reception or reiec f t, ° n .. of abo J ,u l on petitions—petitions praying the . abolition of slavery in the District of (Jolmnbil and the Territory of Florida. We complain of these petitions as an evil. I propose to examine into: i The nature, source, and extent of this evil our duty in regard to it; and the remedy. s The proposition of my friend from South Car , olma, now on your table, is not the proper one' s j being at best ambiguous, uncertain and indirect’ s i 1 desire a rejection of the petitions. ■ j I proceed, however, to consider the first point I ; —the nature, source, and extent of evil i n tlLj ' I Here, sir, I an. advised by seme | the argument was exhausted on some former or casions, before another Congress I «,;n j tbeless, offer the reasons which, as I clniv/t I y ,,ur wisdom should control this subject Ide | sire to do it dispassionately and deliberately that the truths which I may utter may not he lost in a tempest being ascribed to rage. I ' , it w liiuu, the aid of declamation. In its l.cflhrt the gravity of those truths Wuu ld sink 1 them beyond our view. I What shall I say i* intended for this House, if it please to hear; for those especially who bring and advocate here these petitions; for them and their constituents, not for mine. When I ad dress my constituents, I prefer to be near to them, and meet them fa<se to face. Before I proceed, sir, it is indispensable that I exact of gentlemen a concession ot one point, without which no argument can be maintained, no truth tested. What is that 1 It is this : Ihe Constitution, as adopted and written, shall prove the truth of our position, and form the sole mea sure of our right and wrong. Without this we are thrown back on first principles. Each State stands for itself, and this Government is dissolv ed. You admit, then, the Constitution is the only rule and measure of our obligations and powers. That every assertion of power, every claim of right, or declaiation of duty, is tested by its provisions. That no higher lest can be re ferred to, to correct or overrule politically a de cision made by the application of its principles. The gentleman from New York, (Mr. Gran ger.) after expressing his contempt of local opin ions and sectional interests, has pointed us to the « corrected opinion of mankind , the enlight ened philanthropy of the age” to put us right on questions here involved. Sir, I have else where heard of *'obligations pa;amount to the Cons*itution by which to test these political rela tions. This error is radical, strikes at the foun dation of our Government, and prostrates the whole fabric. The States have created no such obligations, acknowledge none such politically; and will have none such forced on them. Such opinions are disorganizing and revolutionary.— They gi v e a death-blow to all constitutional free dom, will establish the Church, and make the Pope supreme on earth. The Constitution, then, is the true rule of our political faith, the sole test of rectitude in prac tice. It was made by the States whose people had pre-existing political relations. It was made for them, according to these established connex ions. By these, the beings forming the subject of these petitions had no citizcnsiiip, but were as verily property as your lands. Is this denied ? If so, the argument is exhausted, and the Union dissolved. This instrument, rendered practical by agents appointed for that purpose, is the Government, and is formed for the Stales that made it, and for the people of those States, who then possessed a political relation to each other, and for no other ; and for them in no other relation. The rights and privileges then existing, not thereby surrendered or forbidden, with those which were by it created, were the objects to be secured to those for whom the Government was established. The right of property was one; yes, the right of property in slaves. Does any one deny it here ? I pause for reply. Not one ! (Sir, it has been denied elsewhere by high au thority.) Without that, this Uriien would not have been formed. Is this dented 1 I pause for reply. It is admitted. Among those privileges is the quiet and peace ful enjoyment of this right. Another is the freedom of speech, “the freedom of the press, and the right peaceably to assemble and to peti tion the Government for redress of gdevances.” All of these, however sacred or inviolate, are in some sense more or less restricted, limited, and deniable in the exercise—the “right of petition,” or freedom of speech, not less so than the right of property. This results from the fact that, as between the several States, or the citizens of each, the one has rights and privileges equal with the other; wherefore the Government cannot be ad ministered, or long exist, unless you decline the exercise of a mere privilege when it destroys a right of properly; the ‘ freedom of speech,” for instance, when it would rob me of reputation; the “freedom of the press,” when ihe effect is the same, or tP destroy the peace of a whole com munity. This is right, too, ou the plain principles of that “natural justice” which is such an idol in your worship. To speak, to write, or petition, in a matter that does not immediately interest you, with which you are not personally connect ted. and lies not at your door, if a privilege at all, is a mere naked privilege, the benefits of which result not to youn-elf particularly, but to “man kind at large.” Do you not perceive it 1 Is not this going beyond the Constitution 1 And what is this but a second crusade? Sir, it wants but the armor, the military parade, and the battle array, to make it literal. Let it be remembered that it is the pride and glory of these States to hate instituted the novel experiment of a written Constitution, without which, and beyond which, there is no power and no government; without that we have no ride of political action, and dare not express a political opinion. The “universalopinion of mankind” is not our rule; half of them have not seen or heard of our Constitution. Now, si \ suppose the exercise of this mere na ked privilege, which benefits another, not your self, the lost consequent on which exercise falls not on you, but on another, whose rights you have not only pledged but sworn to respect and defend, shall tend to take from me my property in person or thing ? Have you a right to such exercise ! By the Constitution you must say no ; by those “eternal principles of right” which these petitioners worship, for which they run rough shod over the charter of our liberty, and subvert the Union, you will answer no. Suppose again, undersuch circumstances, you refuse to receive petitions—is that a denial of the “right peaceably to assemble and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances ?” If so, how do you check debate here ? how does one man rise and speak whilst all are made to sit ? how do you chain the slanderer’s tongue, tie the hand of the libeller, or hang a man for inditing treason 1 3 This privilege, or right of petition, in the cases before you, is inferior to my right of property, and the enjoyment thereof, under the compact. The latter is greater, the former less, must yield. Is this not so ? Most certainly. If so, then the refusal to receive these petitions, which is made the false pretext for exciting the sympathies and inflaming the passions of men, women, and chil dren, is not only right, hut becomes your duty, i under the most solemn of all obligations. Dutv ; to us requires it, that we may peaceably enjoy the rights that belong to us. Duly to them - demands it, that they may turn their thoughts on them selves, and perceive their error. And if you owe any thing to the opinions of mankind, to “j us . tice, oi religion, duty to all requires it, that men may not be “inquisitive about other men’s mat ters nor become railers nor disturbers of the peace-” that you may not do injustice, without warrant to let what you call « natural injustice” be done and that this “opinion of mankind” may be cor rected, by reierence to your rule, of which they are ignorant. J Under our Government, there are not only mu tual rights but reciprocal duties. Your Govern ment is under the same obligations, if not greater, t respect and maintain the rights of Georgia, an she is to obey your lawful enactments. So of these petitioners, and the people of Georgia Having admitted our right of properly, it is your uuty not to move by petition or otherwise. This true, whether the effect of your petitions be to destroy my property contrary to my will, or to lessen us value by indirect means beyond my control. If this be not so, what right have you to complain of your neig ,bor, who puts a torch to his own dwelling, which, by poLiSuty? may communicate to you.s 1 y ma ? , iTV 5 one o'lwr political an<l historical truth ma !' 'or, in tracing the c.ils that round us to their source, we shall illustrate that a failure to notice this had led most of the ,M| tiornsts into dangerous errors. It th U • Gove., lment nut made so, negrnrt or sla.es If, in forming it. you had attempted that, it would ' have failed. Those who come here with peti tion*, claimingywj/icc, need not startle at this ; and if, in your excursions through Europe, you blush to be told of it, hide your blushes, come home, upset your Government, and form a new one. Do not hold us to the old one. and 'set up the “opinion of mankind,” gathered in Europe, as the rule of our political action. Our people are about as ignorant of that rule as you and half of Europe are of the Constitution. We sel i dom go to Europe, because we pay you to go for us; hence, we do not suffer the infliction of that i “opinion” as you do; but if that is your “griev • an ce ,” you may stay at home, and let us go. This Union was formed for the ''tales —the ! People of the States—that People who then had 1 their respective Constitutions and laws establish ing their political, civil, and domestic relations. Negroes had no hand in it, here or at home, and • were not referred to when you proposed “to es tablish justice,” and “secure the blessings of lib erty to ourselves and our posterity.” Do you • think so ? If so, speak out. ■ Now, sir, having presented these undeniable ! truths, with a view to trace existing evils to their ■ source, I proceed to inquire who are they that pe t tition us I Are they the owners of the property in slaves ? Not so. Are they citizens ofslave : holding communities 1 No; they are citizens of Massachusetts. Very well. As a general rule, ■ we admit the right of Massachusetts citizens to s petition. i To whom do they petition I To Congress; ; composed of members from slaveholding as well i as non-slaveholding States. By the same gener • al rule, it is granted to be the duly of Congress to ■ receive petitions. ! When are these petitions offered ? True, it is at the call of Massachusetts, hut happens to be very prejudicial to very important money claims • of my constituents, as well as those of other gen s tlemen. and possibly to the prejudice of still i larger interests; and, therefore, it would have • been hotter to have kept them back for a few weeks. Still it was their day. and no objection ■ can rightfully be urged on that ground. For whom do they petition 1 For themselves 1 ? i No. For Europe, or Asia, or Africa, or the citi zens of ei her ? It is not so represented ; and, if i' it were, it must be admitted that they, as individ , uals, could not petition you. For whom then 1 It need not be disguised ; those petitions are for and on behalf of the negroes or slaves of this Dis* trict and the several States. Yes, these petition ers have placed themselves by the side of the slaves of the South, inciting them to rebellion ; aiding them to wage war with their masters; presenting petitions for those who have no right to ask any thing of you; joining an issue with ; their masters, which, to make or join at home, and under the laws governing master and slave, is death; doing and saying that which, being done and sail within the jurisdiction of a State here represented, is incendiary, insurrectionary, and felonious. All this is done and said here to those who are deputed specially to represent the I great interests of the South. And we, it is con j tended, are bound to receive all this, to bear it, I and submit. It this be true, then.do your worst; | and you can only take one step further under * the banner of a “sacred right of petition ;” that will be, to look a little closer into our domestic circle, and petition that out children quit their parents, and our wives have permission to 1c ve their husbands. Where is the philanthropist who can insist on the reception of such papers; or where is the Christain, with all the light be fore him, who can pray for such results 1 What true republican can support such startling doc trines? But for what, do they pray ? “For the aboli tion of slavery and the slave-trade in this District and the Territories.” This you have no power by the Constitution or laws to do. Why? The reasons are at hand. Grant, for argument sake, that your Govern ment has all the power in this District and the Territories which the States have in their limits; you still have no power to do it. since it would deprive individuals of their property without their consent. Government is made to protect and defend the rights of property, not to subvert them. There would be wanting even the pretext that the pro perty was for public use. By numbers and the aid of the sword, you might effect your object; but the history of the last twenty years has prov ed that fredmen will fight for much less cause. Is it prentended that this Government has a “public use” for this property ? Quite the re verse. What, then, do you do with that clause of your Constitution which says: “Nor shall pri vate property be taken for public use without just compensation 1” And let it be remembered, this taking “for public use” is an exception to the broad provision that it shall not be taken at all. And what shall we do with our oaths to support such items ? But it is denied that Congress has the same powers here and in the Territories which the States have in their respective limits. Why?— Because its powers are defined and limited, both as to the objects and purposes for which and on which it may act. The “exclusive power to leg islate in all cases whatsoever” in this District is subject to co. responding limitations and restric tions laid on rs powers in other respects, and must be consonant thereto, otherwise this grant of “exclusive power,” would operate to subvert every right of the citizen here. Not only so, Congress is under obligations to Virginia and i Maryland, as well as to all the slaveholding j States, not to abolish slavery here or in the Ter -1 ritories. The existence of such obligation is neither more nor less than, in other words, to as sert a want of power to do what it is obliged not to do. Consider these petitions in reference to their practical effect, and what is it but to ask you to rob us by form of law, to subvert our institutions, burn our dwellings, stir up civil war, and com mit murder and rapine? Sir, we ask not your protection at home, we do not need it. If we need it, it is against your ignorance of our rights, or your wilful disregard to them, and to your* sol emn obligations of duly. It follows, then, that there is no power to grant such petitions; that, if therewas.it would be manifestly unjust, as much so as to receive a petition from me lo burn the dwelling of the gen tleman from New York, (Mr. Granger.) Where fore, then, the obligation to receive ? In truth, is there not a positive duty lo reject them ? The abolitionists are not that worthless, disre putable and unimportant class of people they are sometimes represented to be. And here I beg to correct the honorable gentleman irom South Car olina, (Mr. Thompson.) In the large commer cial cities, comparatively few respectable and in telligent citizens are f >und to be abolitionists There is an interest felt in those commercial com munities which bears down this spirit of fanati cism. But go into the country, the interior vil lages and towns; there you will find the soul and spirit of that body called abolitionists; and they lx!m S l,m ; "wan, or contemptible; they are sober, industrious, religion, and intelli gent on all matters pertaining to their own inter. and~oo,°HZ noran s ° f T «d laws, and our rights under them. Unfortunately bv “»<1 habits, they are confiding, and’rra lo have th*° ‘r 8 „ ead °l, those "hose interest it is for t l be ™. foll . ow - The, have a fanatical zeal lor this abolitionism, and nothing causes them to pause but a conviction that the Government will be dissolved if they persevere. Knowing this, their leaders persuade them there is no danger. You have only to satisfy them that disunion re sult from abolition, and they give it up. Am I right, or am I wrong ? Two summers, spent north of this, taught me that. I have it not from politicians, but from the unsophisticated farmer having conversed with him in his fields. You’ therefore, who represent this body of men will allow us, through you, to address a word to vs cons! ituents. Do now what you have failed ti l heretofore. Examine ‘ strictly your rule of I ert/jtruth. R ;ad our Constitution and the histn ® of its formation. Call on your editors, lecture and agents lo disseminate, utter and publish u ** on those subjects without comment; ponder your duties and obligations under them the P pect you owe to our rights ; compare the forced these with your sense of duty, merely to oem ° f for abolition. P 1,011 Have you made no pledges to us in that i nstr ment by which we united as States ? As c - tians can you he insensible lo the obligation/ 18 '. J your promises? After you shall have ansvvo i 1 these questions, and made the examination* ’ I nianded of you, then remember that among grievances enumerated by the colonies durh,.r Ij Revolution, and published in your Declaration f I Independence, inciting your slaves to insunt I lion, was one. How can you expect us to c-J to burn with indignation, whilst you, under th* I pretence of “ a sacred right of petition ” w „ I upon us the very grievance your fathers’ foLu I 1 to revenge’ You are inveigling and cnticinl * our slaves, seducing them from the path of O \J dience, and inciting them to insurrection, 6 Sir, I call 011 the gentlemen from New Y 1, from Maine, and from Massachusetts, when th go home, to give their constituents light on points. Ask the Governor of New* York wh** are his opinions ? Are you prepared, with him to deny this right of property ? If so> let u< ’ | know it W ill you join issue with hinr-then publish his error to the four winds I s not a o personal property a subject of thefi and larceny t But I forbear. One item of recent history strike me here; it is this; “Larceny of a slave i 3 crimein the Empi.e State”—the obligations of your Constitution notwithstanding—since the Governor of that State [The Speaker here interrupted Mr. C. and i n . formed him that it was not in order to allude to the Governors of the States. Mr. Barnard begged that the gentleman might proceed.] 0 . Mr. Cooper continued. Mr. Speaker, it B p. pears to me that a very large and respectable portion of this Union overlook, disregard, and habitually disparage the rights and interests of another portion. I refer to the North and South. So habitual is the disregard of the for mer for the latter, that they induce us to believe* they consider this Government as existing almost exclusively for themselves. One would suppose I that, to be tributary to their railroads, canals, and \\ turnpikes, their fortifications and light-houses, Vi their foreign and domestic commerce, their manu* 1 factories and banks, and, thereby, to their splen- I did cities, their farms and country seats, would r suffice, and we might be permitted peacefully to use and enjoy a portion of the means that enable us to make contribution. But not so. So they petition, loud, numerous, and strong, that we be compelled to give up that also; and if we deny I their right so to petition, this denial of Sn undue exercise of a right of petition is the foundation of clamorous appeals to the “law of nature,” “eler- i nal justice, and the * opinion of mankind,” which arc claimed to be of higher obligations than the Constitution itself. Idleness and a fanatical zeal for natural liberty, regardless of law, form the source of all the misl chief those people are working through the coun try. Your abolitionists have a “zeal without knowledge,” which being wrought upon by edi tors, hired lecturers and agents, ends in wicked ness. These, being otherwise out of employ ment, fan the flame whereby numbers arc added and contributions increased. Abolition excite ment, therefore, is made the nucleus of a party that gives employment to the otherwise unem ployed, clothes the naked, and feeds the hungry. Politicians watch the movement, and. by leaning to them, or openly advocating them, ride into pow er. A few men of wealth, influence, talents, and education, fi'loci with the vanity of future fame, have thrown themselves in the attitude of leaders. So controlling have they already become in New York and Maine, that it has become a matter of interest and rivalship with the local parties to ad dress themselves more and more near to their views. It is not to be disgui-ed, that the two great parties in this House consider this subject more with reference to party effect than the prin ciples of your Constitution. One party, as a whole, is by profession and practice somewhat more friendly to our interest, on this question, than the other, resulting mainly from their re- ’ spective positions; but either seem hitherto to have fixed limits short of what our rights and the Constitution authorise them to go. How, then, are we to stay an evil that is sweep ing the North, springing from the wants and ne cessities of men, being identified with the labor of the country, and fed by religious fanaticism; | which is the theme of poetry and romance; the subject of lectures, sermons, and prayer meetings; I which is cradled with infancy; instilled by edu- I cation ; caricatured in print shops ; directed and I lauded by an unrestrained press; which i» ad- II dressed to and received by the beggar and the 1 lordling; the male and the female, in city, town, 1 and country ; which is advocated by lawyers and | doctors, judges and jurors, priests and laymen; is S admitted to control politicians. Governors, and State Legislatures; affect the Presidential con troversy ; influences this House; divides North and South; unites with Church and State; and | i now shakes the Union ? How shall we arrest ill I Ours is an awful responsibility. But the country I requires us to take it; posterity will hold us ac countable. \ ou have the remedy in your own hands, if , you choose t* apply it. Tell these petitioners this is a subject they ought not, cannot petition for. And when you return, meet them at their firesides, and in their fields; plant yourselves on the charter of our freedom; summon fact and reason; fail not to tell them they are injuring their neighbors, and dissolving the Government. Failing to apply this remedy here, sir. the South must take the alternative f yield her rights, permitting you to use the Government for your own benefit, and abuse it for our injury—or dis solve. Failing to do your duty here, Georgia, 3 one of your confederates, willing to hear advice, but entitled to act for herself, must do what her interest and happiness require*. In her contro- m versies connected with the subject, she cannot admit your power to decide for her —she cannot ask it—Maine could not submit toil—if she doe* [The Speaker here interrupted Mr- o.] r * er continued. I was going to say that, if the power was claimed here and asserted, and your judges, marshals, posse, or army were ordered out to force Maine- j [ The Speaker again interrupted. I Mr. Evans and Mr. Smith, of Maine, hoped j the gentleman would be permitted to go on.l Mr. Cooper said it was not his intention, then or ever, to violate order; he thanked the Speaker for his kindness in enforcing order, and th* House for its courtesy in wishing him to go on- The reference to Maine and to New York «’*» made with the sole view of illustrating the p r0 * priety of applying a rule here, calling fora non reception of these petitions, which might avert a i more disagreeable alternative. Gentlemen have said this is the way to multi ply abolitionists, and the gentleman from *l en ’ I nessee, (Mr. Gentry,) says, receive, refer, and re* port them, and the abolitionists will be satisfied- Sir. this subject was urged bv petitions as early as 1790, by a most worthy and intelligent com- | munity of people, the Quakers. Georgia had her f Baldwin and Jackson then to oppose them : ■ reference and report were made. Such, with I'd* tie variance, continued to be the course, till the object of the abolitionists changed, and the hon- Y orable gentleman from New York (Mr. Granger) will permit me to correct him. In 1834, ’35, arid