Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

CHRONICLE AND SENTINEL. A IJ ( ?JBTA. FRIDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 21. gjf» See first page. $y No mail North of Washington last night. Charleston Races— Third Day. Hammond and Tuples’ ch. b. Giiow, 1 I Col. Flud’s ch. f. Hsaaow*, 2 2 Mr. Simon’* hr. e. Gjotami, 3 dial. Th« evening edition of the New York Journal of Commerce of the I4lh inst., states that the Philadelphia Banks bare agreed on the Ist day of February, 1841, as their day of and sent a deputation to Harrisburg, to endeavor to persuade the Legislature that an earlier day would be ruinous. The Washington cunospondent of the Charles ton Courier, under date of the 15th, says:— Among the memorials presented, the other day, was one from the Executor of the late Dr. Thom* as Cooper, of Columbia, praying remuneration on account of the fine imposed on the deceased, under the alien and sedition law. The will of Dr. Cooper accompanes the petition, and in that instrument, it is enjoined on his Executor, to prosecute his claim upon Congress, “until the same be recovered.” Maryland ;s seven millions in debt on account of her great Canal. A direct taxation is recom mended to meet the demands on the State Trea sury. From Florida. By the arrival at Charleston, on the 19th, o f the steamer Southerner, Irom St. Augustine, the editors of the Courier have been favored with the following slip: Or .'i ck or the News, 7 Sr. AcocsT iNE, Sunday, Feb. 16. y Mail Carriers Murdered.—The Northern mail carrier, left yesterday, at 2 o’clock, with the mail for Jacksonville. The mail which was due the same evening at 6 o'clock, by the Pablo road, not arriving, created some fears for its safety. A wagon having been s< en by a gentleman on the road, distant 7 miles from town, without horses, and its contents strewed about the road, led him to fear all was not right, and he left the public road and came into town bv a private way. At 10 at night the City Counc i despatched Sergeant Cer eopoly, and nine men in quest of the wagon, and to make all necessary observation. A small par ty of active and determined young men followed, in order to assist and ascertain the condition of things. This morning, at 7 o’clock, the dead bo dy of the Jacksonville mail carrier was brought in—one ball had passed through the right breast. The enemy stripped him of his coat and vest, carried off the mail hair, his horses, and cut and defaced the carriage. At 4 o’clock this afternoon, the body oi Mr. Joseph Garcia was brought in he had received two balls. He was found in the Palmetto Scrub, entirely stripped, and but a small portion of the Gr§at Northern Mail due last eve ning, scattered about. The horses were carried off. Both of these mnders occurred within the distance of a few miles, the one 7 and the other 14, and much time could not have elapsed be tween them. A party of dragoons went out this morning in pursuit, and are now on the trail, which is in a south west direction. The corporation are en titled to great credit, for their prompt investiga tion of the rumor, as well as Sergt. Cereopoly, for his immediate activity in pursuit, on receiv ing orders. St. ArocsTiirE, Feb. 14. Fnox the Socth.—The steamer Wm. Gas ton, L apt. Poinsett, arrived here on Sunday last from Southern posts. We learn that the troops are well at the various posts. Indians have shown themselves at Indian River and Fort Lau derdale, but escaped. Lieut. M’Laughlin, m U. S. schr Flirt, has gone to Havana for bloodhounds. He intends operating by light canoes built in South Caroli na, in the Pai-hai-okee; and the dogs will be available in scenting among the Islands which are said to be in the grass water. Tea-Table Key will be the depot for opeiations by Lieut. McLaughlin, and will be garrisoned by Lieut. Sloan’s Compar y of Marines. The U. S. Wave, Lieut. Rogers, which left tuts port on the 21st ult., on a cruise South, had her mainmast carried away close to the deck in a •quail off Kev Biscayne. She ran down to In dian Key, to be reflttet. Indians.— The wap-on train, when within 7 miles ot Black Creek, was attacked by Indians, a tew days since. 0 m teamster killed, with •everal of the mules, ami the wagons plundered. As eight volunteers, 12 miles west of Fort Harlee, last week, wer; cooking their supoer, 7 Indians rushed in upon them, killed one man, captured their arms, ammunition, and victuals, and walked leisurely off. Four years we have been learning wisdom-tit will be obtained by and hy. 3 Public Lands. During the year ending the 31st Dec. 1838 the quantity of public land sold, amounted to 3,414.907 acres, the purchase money of which amounted to fc4.305.564, and the amount paid into the Treasury $3.081 939. During the first, second, and third quarters of the year 1839. the quantity of public lands sold, amounted to 3.771,994 acres, and the purchase moneys $4,767,852; and the amount paid into the Treasury, fc5,417,2-86. * •‘j^ re ? ate P ub * ,c ‘and sold, and the amount £.<l b, the purchaser, .hereof, in each Slate and Termory. from 1833, tc 30,h September, 1839, Ohio. WWM 73 4,958357 35 Indtana, 8,435,Hf, 87 10,644,251 i 9 Illinois, 8.554.160 32 10,639,838 83 a4*K° Url * I-*?!-** 7 79 5-860,665 60 Alabama, 5.646,893 81 7.171777 34 Mississippi. 7,680,63) 04 10.044 Louisiana, 2,258.909 94 2,874 692 80 Michigan, 6.776.755 89 8’.483.163 24 Arkansas. 3.547,738 58 4,464,155 66 Wis’sin Ter. 1,648.334 96 2AOC 864 50 lowa Ter. 436,5 :58 32 546,492 35 Florida Ter. 374,323 37 467*889 70 53,941.800 62 68.319,843 71 U appears then, that from 1833 to Sept. 1839, of P ublic * and * old ’ amounted to $95,319.843. aCre *’ purchase nione .V to si oner'there * nnual r? P°rt of the Commis “ there have Spared and forwarded to their respective destination „ n »j c hundred thousandipatenis for lands P sold/ ° It is stated in a , Kq , _ 4 , has been concluded be ween th? owners he celebrated horses Wagirrand Boston and tie match is to come off cu the Louisville naxt foil the suks to **5,000 or $30,000 %, From Tampico.— We learn from the New Or leans Bee of the I3th, that the schooner Doric aiTived at that port from Tampico, on Wednes day week, bringing dates to the oth inst. The Doric brought $200,000 in specie. j . was reported at Tampico, that Gen. Arista had been defeated by the Federalists; two hun, di ed soldiers bad left Tampico to join him. The schooner Eliza Ann was waiting the arri of the Conducta which was soon expected. She will probaly bring more specie than the Doric. Speech of Mr. Colquitt, OF GEORGIA. In the H. of Representatives, Jan. 17, 1840— Al-AINST THE RECEPTION OF ABOLITION PETITIONS. Mr. Speaker: The little experience I have , h»d in your national councils, has excited my fears that a spirit stalks in our midst, calculated 1 tc destroy the purest Government that has ever shed the sweets of social life upon the world.— Every discussion tends to excite local prejudice; every debate to slir up political strife; every’ ques tion to call forth the energies of party discipline; a id every motion serves but lo kindle the fires of j individual animosity. Amid these conflicting, warring elements, the voice of reason is too often hushed, and the peace, the glory, and prosperity of the country, neglected or forgotten. To me, therefore, it has been gratifying to witness the spirit that has been manifested by those who have h itherto taken part in this debate; a debate so well calculated to stir up the bitterest feeling of excitement. I, too, will gladly follow the gener ous example, by sacrificing upon the alter of my country my strong sectional attachments, and lend my aid to soothe the tempest that threatens destruction to the fairest edifice that human hands ever raised. I listened with delight to the eloquent strains of patriotism that fell from the lips of the gentleman from New York, [Mr. M onroe.] He spoke the feelings of a heai t burn irg with love for the institutions of his country, and I can trust his sincerity. But, sir, while I approbate and cheer his well told regard for i rights secured by the Constitution, I must beg leave to dissent from the mode he has recommen ded, as the one most likely to quiet this agitating question. We are invoked not to blend the question of abolition with the right of petition! We aretokflit is best to receive the petitions and report upon them, and in this way sever the questions! We are told by another gentleman of New York, [Mr. Granger,] that by refusing to receive the petitions, we shall drive into the ranks of the abolitionists many a gallant spirit! Sir, it is a mistake; honestly as the sentiment may nave been uttered, it is a mistake. The blending abolition with the right of petition is a subterfuge to which the Representative has fled, in order to compromise with abolition constitu ents. He and they have made the feigned issue. The Representative, too well informed, or too much devoted to the Constitution of his coun is unwilling to vindicate the .prayer of the peti tioners; and yet, to win their friendship, and ob tain their suffrage, he promises to advocate their pretensions, which he bases on the right of peti tion. Here he takes his stand, proudly claiming a high constitutional prerogative; passes an eu logy upon the motives and characters of the abo litionists, while he confesses that the granting their prayers would be the overthrow of the Re public. He is opposed to trampling down the Constitution, and of bringing ruin on the coun try, while they are bent on carrying cut their purpose, reckless of the consequence. The pe titioners, yet too weak in most of the districts to elect a Representative who is willing to vindicate their project, must content themselves to yield their support to him who, in some slight degree, shall favor their cause. While they are too weak to elect, they are strong enough to be courted. The gallant spirits which it is said would be driven into the ranks of the abolition ists, by refusing to receive the petitions, are those whose patriotism and integrity are too weak to resist temptation to office. In those districts where the abolition influence is strong enough, they send abolitionists here, who stand prepared to plead for the prayer of the petitioners, and will vote to carry out their wishes. In those districts wh ere they are not quite strong enough for this, they support such delegates as answer their pre sent purpose; who deny being abolitionists them selves, and yet, to retain the friendship of this class of their constituents, pronounce on this floor high commendations upon them. You, sir, [to Mr. Monroe,] with your worthy colleague, coining from the proud cily of New York, can speak a language much more bold than the gen tleman who succeeded you in the debate. You can denounce the threatened ills to your country, and with a noble, generous spirit, throw yourself in the breach, and proudly say in the midst of Representatives of the that if the threat ened work of slaughter shall proceed, if civil war shall be the result of the maddened efforts of fa naticism, that your sword will be drawn and your blood be spilt on the soil of Virginia, the place ot yonr birth, battling for her rights. But can the gentleman who succeeded you [Mr. Granger] use language as bold! Think you he would dare, upon this floor, speak a lan guage of rebuke to those misguided constituents who gave him their support, and tell them if they persevere in their madness, that his love of coun try will make him their unflinching foe 1 No, sir, true, he is no -Abolitionist, but he passes an unwarrantable panegyric upon this favored class, says they are intelligent, they are patriotic, they are brave, and chivalrous ; they are such men, it his eulogy be just as friendship would covet, and the country need in the hour of her peril.— VV by this difference between you and your col league 1 It is the proof of the remarks I have been making. Your constituency will sustain i y° u > n proudest strains of patriotism ; they send you, as you have declared, with the olive branch, and bid you tender it the South ; and if I may digress a moment, permit me to say, that such a tender, from such hands, sent by such as you represent, will meet the cheers of the South. It is what I could have expected from the gener ous citizens of the city from which you have come. Her merchant* have mingled with our people; have shared our friendship ; and have witnessed, in the stillness of our Sabbath morns, at tbe ringing of our church-bells, hundreds of weli-clad little negroes, cheerfully assembling at Sabbath schools to catch lessons of piety from the fairest and best of our land. No shivering starveling to arrest your thoughts of devotion, by begging a pittance to satisfy his hunger. They know that there is more comfort, happiness, and religion, among the colored people of the South than the North. They know that the servile hireling of the North is a subject of deeper pity than slaves at the South. But other gentlemen cannot, dare not, speak a language so bold and patriotic as you have for yourself and associates. I hey represent a constituency who are ignorant ot our people; who are deeply imbued with im aginative pietism, and they must needs court their tavor to obtain their suffrage. The eulogy betowed upon this portion of your citizens is un just they are pronounced intelligent, chivalrous, anJ patriotic. Sir, if they are enlightened, thej understand the Constitution of their conn ry. it they know that the pillar, which support ZT ar \ co “«>lence and X he I . ht.’Th° P “ then ,heir •*»". contradte. the dea that they are patriots, and prove them reckless to the perpetuity of the Union He is no patriot, no matter where he lives, no matter whether he claim to be Whig or Democrat who disturbs the peace and tranquility of the Govern ment wars against tbe rights secured by it ß Con stitution, and labors with zeal for its total subi version. And he is scarcely less contemptible for his folly, if he is a patriot , than criminal for his conduct, if he he intelligent. Both he can not be; it is a contradiction in terms. But wc are charged with wishing to deny the right of pe tition ! and that it is monstrous that an Ameri can Congress shall now publish to the world her denial of this constitutional right. Sir, it is a false issue; no such rule or resolution is propos ed. The Constitution inhibits Congress from passing any law to prevent the citizens from peacelully assembling to petition Government. ■“ In other words, no riot act shall be passed, as in England, to be read by some officer of Govern ment, compelling citizens to disperse, who may have assembled in peace, smarting under their wrongs, to petition for their redress. This is the spirit of the Constitution, the object, plainly ex pressed by th** article as amended. And yet we are told that, by refusing to receive the petitions, we voilate this wholesome article of the Consti tution. Is there any injunction that their peti tions, when made, shall be received ? If so, the same construction compels you to act; and if you act, comprls you to grant the prayer of the pelitieners. The reason urged for the constitu tional obligation to receive is claimed as a con sequence upon the constitutional right of petition. That the right of petition is in vain, unless we receive 1 By the same process of reasoning, are we not compelled to act upon them when receiv ed, and to grant their prayers when we act ? If it be useless to petition, unless the petitions are received, will it not be equally useless unless the prayers be granted 1 The Constitution is equal ly as imperative upon us to grant the things for which they ask, as it is in compelling us to re ceive. Would not the advocates for constitu tional right of petition feel fully at liberty to de cline being the bearers of petitions, over which they felt satisfied that this House had no juridic tion ? Would they not feel it a duty to refuse being made the instruments of producing delay and vexation in our legislative council, by presen ting petitions which they would not support, and which they well knew would not and ought not to be granted ? So might and so ought each Representative on this floor to act, who regards the institutions of his country. Before I would be made the unhallowed instrument of introduc ing the brand of discord and the fierce fires of dis sension into this Hall, threatening dissolution and ruin, this right arm should fall rotten from its socket. If each member, in his individual right, could refuse to receive these petitions, eith er denying jurisdiction, or from a more laudible impulse—the peace and safety of his country — how does it happen that we are charged with in fringing a sacred right, if we do the tame act, (or the same reasons, in our congregated character. Does it add to the dignity of an American Con gress to say, that it must receive for consideration every subject presented, no matter how fruitful of discord, anarchy, and insult? Do gentlemen flatter themselves that they are to be esteemed the high spirited champions of national honor, by forcing upon it scenes of outrage and confusion. No, sir, it is the folly of childhood ; yea, more, it is the madness of lunacy, to sport with the peace, honor, and perpetuity of the nation, under the specious pretext of establishing the right of petition. The people nowhere complain that they are in terrupted in the free exercise ol this constitution al right I They complain that the South does not emancipate her slaves. The Representative only insists upon the sacred right of petition. They petition that Congress may force slavehold ers to set their negroes free. The Representative only insists on the right of petition. Sir, it is an insult to the understanding of the House, that gentlemen should urge us to receive and act up on a subject, which they admit an unfit subject for legislation. They make this false issue to se cure their elections, and warn us that if they be driven from this step-stone to elevation, many gal lant spirits will be driven into the ranks of the Abolitionists; that is in plain language, these gal lant spirits will sooner join the maddened yells of fanaticism, and raise a sublimated war cry against the perpetuity and peace of their country, than hazard the loss of their appointments. On their account, you must receive these petitions, and they will most cheerfully unite in a report set ting forth their folly, and denying their require ments. I will not indulge my thoughts of detes tation and abhorrence for this mockery of patriot ism, and hypocrisy of morals. I am truly re minded of a few lines of doggeral verse, quoted, I think, by Bulwer, in some degree descriptive of our present position : Hark ! in tl:e lobby, hear a lion roar: Say, Mr. Speaker, shall we shut the door ? Or say, Mr. Speaker, shall wc let him in, To see how quick we’ll turn him out again ? The Representative from Pennsylvania [Mr. Biddle] asked my honorable colleague [Mr. Coop er] to furnish him with argument to combat the Abolitionists : that when he was laboring in the political-harvest field, endeavoring to mow down the noxious growth, that is, blasting the nation’s prosperity, he was met by this declaration : if it be wrong—if it be unconstitutional—why does not Congress tell us so—why not declare by the voice of her resolutions the impropriety of our proceedings! which, he said, he could not an swer ; and begged now to be furnished with one. Sir, I listened with too much interest to the mel lifluous accents of his winning oratory, to believe he was serious. He is too well informed to need the prompting of my colleague ; he can, if he dare, base himself upon the pillars of constitution al # rights, and with a voice, a manner, and utter ance, that would still the turbulence of passion, tell his constituents that the inquiry is answered! He can, if he will, take in his hands the journal of Congress of 1790, when Georg’a had a wor thier and abler advocate of her rights, in the halls of Congress, her illustrious Baldwin, and point them to a report that tells them of theii folly. He can, if he will, tell them, what his worthy parti san from New York [Mr. Granger] has uttered, that for twenty-fi-e years past, have our illustri ous predecessors received and acted on such pe titions, and politely denied them. He can, if he wilt, tell them that an able and conciliatory re port was made as late as 1836. with the vain hope ofqu eling their exertions. He can, if he dare, go larther, and speak in arguments not to be re sisted, the wisdom of experience upon this sub ject. He can tell them that many deluded en thusiasls have ruined themselves and the objects of their philanthropy, by uprooting the order of society'. He can tell them that Lycurgus gave laws that Epammondas and Scipio conquered, that Demosthenes and Cicero poured forth their strains of animated eloquence, in a land where slavery was recognised He can tell them of the desolations of Poland, where Kosciusko and So bieski battled for the cause of liberty, and vet slavery existed. He can tell them of the wars of our Revolution; of the patriots who n ned our Independence; of the soldiers who stood side bv side in the ranks of war; of the final victory achie- I ved; of the framing and ratification of our Con- ! stitution; and that the institution of slavery exis-* ted, was acknowledged and guarded. But, sir, he prefers to come here with his ar gument, throwing a veil over the iniquity of the' Abolitionists, and apologises for their mischief.— I Twenty-five years ago, what Governor of a State would have let down the dignity of his station and have trampled upon the compact of union • offering the veriest quibble as a reason, relvin* alone for his support on the prejudices of the W pie ? It is evidence that the spirit of fanaticism is stronger, or man s moral virtue weaker, than it used to be. The same arguments, as to forbear ance and moderation, have induced Southern men on many occasions, in the spirit of kindness and friendship, to receive these petitions. And what let me inquire, has been the result To-day hi s quoted on us as an acknowledgment of the right to legislate upon this subject. The gentleman ' from Pennsylvania [Mr. Biddle] now claims that j the South has admitted its constitutionality, and here bases an argument. Sir, the South has been deluded by the insidious pretensions of their Northern friends; that rejection would increase the bitterness and accrimony of the Abolitionists ; they have dared to make a peace-offering, by kind ly compromising the claims of the Constitution, which is not* seized on as an acknowledgment of right. lam unable to answer for former Repre sentatives from Georgia; the little party, of which 1 I am a member, has been doomed to defeat, bat tling in the Thermopylae of politics, against Fed eral encroachment, but has arisen again; and I can now answer for my State, and answer for my honorable colleagues, and say, in the face of the nation’s Representatives, that we deny the right! [So do we, so do we ! from many voices.] And while I speak, all around me, the representatives from Alabama, South and North Carolina, and Mississippi, bid me, for them, deny the right.— We are told the Abolition battle must bo fought at the North ; that we must deal kindly here, to afford a campus for their chivalry at home ? Sir, these gallant men who now battle at the North for the protection of our rights, will soon sink by age, under the weight of their armor, or fall in the battle field by the superior strength of the foe.— Their places will be fil cd by men, whose growth and strength were derived from the bosoms of fa naticism ; whose dreams in childhood were bro ken by the faithful legends of a mother’s super stition. There needs no spirit of prophecy to warn and direct us; no matter where the battle be fought, here or at the North, we must meet the foe upon the ( utposts of the Constitution. No admitting the incendiary torch within the holy citadel of our liberties. Every friend to his coun try, from the North and from the South, must stand firm upon the ramparts of the Constitution, admit no insidious foe, but resolve to brave the growing rage of that imaginative philanthrophy, that is reckless of the peace, liberty, or union of the Republic. Every conciliatory measure has been adopted ; prayers and entreaties have been offered, to prevent excitement and passion ; dis cussion has been avoided; the voice of party friends has been regarded ; still the tempest thick ens and rages, and is beating with a success too fatal against the rock of our freedom. It is not a time to encourage the prospects of men infuriated with a blind fanaticism ; no time to hold out the meteor of hope, whose baleful light will lead to the overthrow of our country. Nothing is claim ed here but the right of petition, which has nev er been denied. With this pretext, gentlemen la bor with a zeal worthy of a better cause, to open a fisure| in the Constitution, through which an incendiary follower may thrust the firebrand, cal culated to burn asunder the connecting cords of the Confederacy. They are in fact, pioneers, clearing up the way that others mav pass in tri umph to build the tombstone of the Republic.— They are fixing a powder train, that others may blow up the temple of liberty, I can pity and forgive the blind zealot and misguided religionist, who are ignorant of the structure of the Govern ment ; but the statesman, who knows that «ur free institutions are based upon the confidence and af fections of the people, who dare not violate rights secured by the Constitution, deserve undying con tempt, for he has not so much as the veil of opin ion to cover the baldness of that desolation which threatens the land. We are told not to be rash ; make ourselves easy ; receive the petitions; treat them with respect; and by it our friends from the North will again be elected, and “ all’s well.”— The very entreaties that are uttered, and the strong appeals of party associates, which are made, are convincing proofs that they are courting the friendship of the abolitionists for their votes. I am neither Whig or Democrat,and can be excus ed, therefore, from compromising oor rights, to se cure votes for their friends. I will speak with boldness my thoughts, and deal out blows against the foes ul constitutional right, no matter to which party they may belong. I propose to show that while these advocates for the reception of Aboli tion petitions are speaking in accents of tenderness and love, the Abolitionists themselves speak a language totally different. I will not detain the House, by reading from this anti-slavery pamph let, the scurrilous abuse they heap upon the South; I will not induce the angry passions of gentlemen krom slave-holding States, by reading the opinions here expressed of our morals, our religion, and our intellects. They are of a sort, with the re peated denunciation you have seen in their phi lanthropic prints, with which your desks have been weekly inundated since our meeting, nut I will read a few extracts to show that our reliance for safety is on ourselves. I read from the annual report of the Anti-Slavery Society of Maine, thus; “ The free States possess a clear majority in Congress. Their several objects will therefore be accomplished, whenever the public sentiment in the tree States shall demand it, and that sentiment properly represented in Congress. We are under solemn obligations, therefore, not only to diffuse through the community correct sentiments on the subject of slavery, but also to make all proper efforts to place in our National Legislature men who will use the power committed to their hands in accordance with our views.” Does this extract, I ask, show that the petition ers barely wish their representatives here to con tend for the right of petition? But does it not demonstrate that they carry their principles to the pulls, and force aspirants to Congress to favor or support their views? Sir, we are not to be deceived by yielding our rights, in order to accommodate gentlemen, in courting such votes to secure their election. Again I read : “The District; then, is the spot where the first onset upon slavery is to be made—the battle ground where this great contest between liberty and slavery is to be decided. Not to employ our political, as well as all other resources, in the con flict would be not merely wrong, but the very height of tolly. : W here is the man, I inquire, so lost to sense or feeling, whose heart throbs with one solitary patriotic emotion, and who knows the South will maintain her rights, or be buried under their ru ins, that does not shudder for the approaching downfall of the country? Who does not see that the insidious attempts to encroach one inch upon our rights, are the promptings of that influ ence which has for its object the tearing away the guarus of our property placed by the Coutitution* They only wait for strength to place men in power, who will not stop at the evasive argument now used about the right of petition, but who will labor to carry out their purpose. And while we are arguing and granting the right of recen lion, they are preparing heavier blows, inflaming the passions of the ignorant, the idle, and the young, to be poured forth like the lava of a vol cano, to blacken and blight the peace and gov eminent of the country. It is not a time for the Representatives of the South to be quiet. It is I not I tlme f° r -the lover of his corn-try from the no \t* P u lt6r f ° r office, and vainly imagine “all’s well. when the elements of dissolution are gathering like a frost about the heart pulse of the Republic. It is high time, if we expect to save the Union, to rebuke the madness of such delud ed fanatics, as expect to establish rel’gion bu their S force phi.'anlkropy by th ~y h * ar * th: 'Hed at the spirited remarks made by th. honorable mover of the amendmem [Gen fhompson.j be spoke the language of the patriot and the v„,ce of the South; and if Whig and every Democrat felt the same sent? ments, and would tear loose from the bonds of any party no matter what their ties, , hat dare cherish this spirit of discord, our instit.,*- d civil and religious, would be safe. The!!™?" 8 ’ reformers must be taught that tho q f 6 her strong attachment Z uttin l,h *" er see the country riven asunder by an S °? n ' and her fertile plains ioeting t tempest-tossed ocean, lima be forced lo surrem e a solitary right secured by the Constitution. I have heard criminations and recriminations j made in party bantlings upon this floor; but I am | satisfied there are abolitionists of both paities; and i that party which courts them most, is by the ; American people most to be blamed. In proof j of which I will read again : “ So far as the two great parties of the day are concerned, we hold to no principles as abolition ists, that both do not publicly profess. The ob- I ject we desire to accomplish, does- not interfere with any, at which either professedly aims. Let it then be distinctly settled, that no man, under any possible combination of circumstances, can receive the votes of abolitionists, who will not go the extent of his constitutional powers for the ab olition of slavery; and both parties will soon, ei ther from policy or necessity, present candidates for public office for whom we may vote, in con sistency with our party predilections, and in sub serviency also to paramount duty to the slave. Do we not find here sufficient cause to induce candidates for Congress, representing such a peo ple, to favor or adopt their views in a close party contest ? But, sir, these fanatics will not long l»e content with representatives here, who are the mere advocates of petition, and their party poli cy here must induce gentlemen not to press this subject, for fear of injuring a partisan candidate at home. I will again proceed with their declar ations, and I ask Southern men to give ear, and those from the North, who declare they are not abolitionists, to listen, and then tell me if the con test is not most safely met at the threshhold of our rights. This is the language, they say : “That vve shall not again present the monstrous anomaly of petitioning Congress to use its ac knowledged powers for the termination of sla very, while by your votes you help to send men there who we know beforehand will lefuse our petitions.” There is no complaint in the language of the right of petition ; they admit they do petition, and only complain that their petitions are not granted. I make no charges against either of the great parties, as to which is most committed in order to secure the friendship of the abolitionists ; and I would read a sentence more, but it might savor of party preference. [Read, read! from many voices.] With the avowal I have made, I will read : “ The day, we trust, has passed, that the slave holder or the Northern apologist and defender of slavery can be elevated to the high place of power by the friends of the slave in Maine. Or, to il lustrate our remarks by a paticular case: Mr. Van Buren, we think, must abandon his “Southern principles,” and Henry Clay, the eloquent advo cate of South American and Grecian liberty, must emancipate his slaves, before either can receive the suffrages of intelligent Abolitionists in the pole star State—” [Here he was interrupted by Mr. Graves, who inquired “ whether Mr. Colquitt had not read in the Emancipator that they would not support Har rison 1”] I may have done so. but I have not made a charge against General Harrison, and the vindi cation of him or Van Buren, I shall leave to those who wear their livery. Without regard to party predilections myself, my purpose was to prove that this body of men is sufficiently strong lo be courted; that they have resolved to carry their principles to the polls, and that seeking their influence palsies our resistance here. And I con fess that I have sought in vain for a reason, un less this injluence be one, why Henry Clay, the favorite of his party, justly distinguished at the bar, in the Senate, and in the Cabinet, who has served long, and still is in the service of his country, should have been pushed aside at the Harrisburg Convention, and an obsolete politi cian put in his stead. No matter whether the politician here acts from his convictions of duty or is moved by prejudice or passion, we are satis fied that our rights, yea, the Government itself is endangered, by sacrifices for party success. The statesman bow that would dare stand forth to strengthen the bonds of union, and to exalt and perpetuate the institutions of his country, finds himself fettered by the policy of his party, and is driven to abandon his purpose, or be branded as a deserter. Disappointed ambition, in its as pirations for power, grasps every instrumentality within its reach; fans the flame of faction anil discord, and smiles at success, in the midst of the ruins of that Constitution which guaranties pro tection to the person and property of the citizen. Here lies the foundation of that paper built edi i fi ce piety and philanthropy, which is destined : at some future period to be the hall of legislation i for a large proportion of the Republic. Here is the nidus in which is nestled, and bred and born, the corrupt vermin that feed and fatten upon the vitals of the Republic. Designing politicians strengthen their alliances, by bringing to their support the misguided zeal of religion, and the 1 maddened feelings of philanthropy. The Chris tian minister and his flock are made the uncon scious adjuncts of artful and designing partisans. Religion, forgetful of her high and heavenly call ing, is made the polluted handmaid of intrigue and corruption. The disciple of Christ, who hitherto fostered a meek and quiet spirit, who walked humbly in the fear of God, whose wor ■ ship breathed the elevation of the skies, and spoke a sublimity that made us forget the imper fections of earth, now mingles his cries with the bowlings of the mob, and converts the temple of ! the living God to a busy mart for political mer -1 chandise. The spirit engendered by this mixed j and factious piety, is unfriendly to genuine reli- I gion, as wed as to the State. It moves and j prompts the same passions, which, in other | times, have corroded, adulterated, and broken down the church. Frail men make themselves the standards of zeal, piety and benevolence; pass judgment between themselves and their op’- portents; roll the thunders of intolerance over | the heads of those who repudiate their opinions i and in the maddened wailings of annual i virtually ask Congress to give them power to ar | rest the liberty of private judgment, and substi | tute in its stead their own faultless conceptions of duty. To these misguided people permit me to I say that Christianity never has, nor never will, I neet i l " e support of craft or despotism, the pow er of kings, or the arm of the law, to carry on its benignant precepts. And every votary of the cross, who seeks to enforce his notions of piety by the power of legislation, shrouds in darkness the bright banner of the gospel, and subjects in its stead ths bloody standard of demonology History and experience should admonish every friend of the church, if she is to exert a more general antT beneficial influence upon the earth she must breathe with her own lungs, speak with her own votce, and show the energy of a pulse and a heart exclusively he;- own. Every fnter mingling of her purity with secular interest, sul lies her beauty and fetters her power. The mer chant of Mecca, who professed to penetrate the seventh heaven, and broughPdown a spark which set the ambition of Arab«m bosoms in a blaze SW ° rd ,' he oa] y instrument to be el of r,. l r the world - B «t the proph dies o? me„“ T"' h ‘ he SOuls > not “ ilh ‘h« 5»- in contendin’ an . d Warß w dh weapons not carnal places Mas WUh B P lnt ‘ ial wickedness in high Moslem w r n^S and P hrenz ? m «ght mingle in |- ar fore, making the question of salva- ‘? arnnat ‘ on he on the ground between marshaled armies, to be fought for and carried by the stronger arm. But with us Heaven is not won by those who breathe out slaughter against heir brethren, though in the midst of carnage t hey should claim to be doing God’s service. Lpon the subject of slavery, Christians of every andTi in ?°rm nd ° f , CVery grade of character and talent, differ in their opinions. Yet they read the same bible, worship the same God, bow around the same altars, hymn hosannahs in Z same temples, and finally anticipate an entrance into the »auie Heaven. With the.*- C orifli ct opinions, who shall determine the orihal creed? Shall the deluded enthusiast, whose si * total of religion centres in one single act of f ginary devotion? Shall a few parchment pies upon this floor, whose political power hanced by the creed they profess, shut them^p 1 ’ up in their little munition of spiritual t nd e * * I city walled up to Heaven—and with form/"* unchristianize those with whom they diff er ) J 5 v they outshine their opponents in solid virt Ue , in amiable and heavenly dispositions? AretK° r j more free from the common vices of Hf e I pure in spirit—more devotee in friendship'" ; more liberal in their chanties, than those they i° f nounce? No, sir: the South, theslavehoKjp" the generous South, is the nursery for the n ’’ of all the States; and her friendship and libe i° f fy are by-words in those very mouth« ihat fain teach her lessons of philanthropy, j ~, not descant upon this much abused term J i anthropy; I have spoken of religion; phila'mh- ' py is but its beam, radiating from its centre g T it is but a fold of that mighty mantle of | ov ’ with which Christianity would cover the nak T ness of »he world. But sir, perhaps these P ceiled defenders of the only true faith, hav ' apology sot looking out from home for objects *f pity and commiseration! Perhaps they have ° poor in their midst—no widow’s tears io win n ° no orphan’s cries to quell—no child of lo cheer—no wretchedness to alleviate— no flictions to heal—no nakedness to clothe, but all' all, through this mighty channel of philanthropy —from this boiling fountain of benevolence—a' have been made smiling, healthful and happy _ Having done so much at home, it is not so mud wonder that the circle of their benevolence should widen. Millions of money may now be expend ed with profit, in compensating benevolent edi tors to trumpet forth virtuous heroism, to canvas the claims of candidates for office, and pour their merciful cu-ses and phrenzied benedictions up. on each and all who dare refuse to worship the image they have piously set up in the plains of Dura. I am departing from my purpose I have not designed to deal in panegyric or satire. I have no right to make myself the keeper of other men’s conscience, for if they think it religiously a duiv to hobble the chickencock, to keep him from gaj. lanting the hens on Sunday, and to yoke the geese to keep them from goingin washing in vio lation of the Sabbath ; and I should differ with them, and think it no sin for the gallant cock to flap his wings and crow upon his dunghill, and the playful goose to wash and swim in the fish pond, neither ought to complain; for we ate entitled, in this country, to our religion and our opinions. The most artful chain of despotism that was ever forged, was supported by false notions of duty, and enforced by those who were to profit by the cheat. There are mul titudes of honest men who are not qualified to judge properly of their civil and political rights, and are too often content to surrender their rea soning powers to interested aspirants, supersti tious fanatics, and pedantic knaves. I wage no war against those who may believe slavery a sin; but I pity their vanity and their folly, if they flat ter themselves they alone are divinely illumina ted ; that others are in darkness, and must have their instruction. We read of one who was very thankful to his Maker that he was not as other men, but especially the poor publican, and yet his opinion of himself was not confirmed by him who knew all things. Yet I have no complaints to utter against the high opinion men entertain of themselves ; but as a friend of the church, and as a friend lo the peace and happiness of the coun try, I raise my hand and voice against enforcing any religious dogmas at the point of the bayonet, or by force of legisfation. The evidence we have of the untiring efforts of the anti-slavery agents, their reckless determination to distract and ruin the country or carry out their purpose; the as siduity with which they are courted by political leaders, and the number of able eulogists they have in the hall of Congress, all s-- ak, with un erring tongue, the nation’s destiny. The fierv vapors of war and dissolution are fast gathering on the disc of our political horizon ; no cheering rainbow foretells the abatement of the coming storm ; but every moment the prospect darkens, and every pa*riot and every Christian trembles for the fate of the country and the temple of God. The public mind is in fearful commotion, and like the sea, tossed by a tornado, wave mounts on wave, heightening and widening at every breath of the tempest. It is the high prerogative of a few master spirits here, if they dared to will t, to bid these proud waves be still. To them I appeal; and in the name of the country, the whole country, invoke them to withhold their fire-brands of discord and ruin. I appeal to the venerable Representative from Massachusetts, [Mr. Adams.] upon whose shoulders fell the mantle of a Revolutionary father; who won anc wore, in younger life, the civic wreath, the high est honor a nation’s confidence could bestow;l appeal to him to withhold the blow that is aimed at the life-pulse of the Republic, and not permit himself to be used as the unintentional instru ment of his country’s ruin. We know his sen timents ; we have read his letters, and heard his speeches; but still, through his advocacy,this discussion is kept alive, a tew more years of labor in this cause, and the last leaf of the laurel will wither from his brow; and should Heaven spare him many years, he may yet outlive the glory of his country. Your Abolition petitions will prove .in the end, lo be the winding-sheet of the Con stitution. No men, no body of men, couldp«r suad • me to bring into your midst an unfit sub ject for legislation, calculated to destroy the ha r mony of your councils, to excite sectional feeling, and th-eaten dissolution. Georgia, in whose borders I have been reared, my own home and the home of my friends,for whose honor and inter est I would make an offering of my life, even Georgia could not force me, humble as! am, to trample upon my country’s Constitution, and sow the seeds of discord and ruin through the land. My honorable colleague [Mr. Cooper] the other day, when supposed to be departing from the sub ject of debate, was illustrating the same feelings I have expressed. He adverted to the contro versy of our State with the State of Maine, in which we should exemplify our s'rict adherence to the Constitution; and that, although our Le gislature spoke by her resolutions, the bumble supplicatory language of dependence, she had no representative here that would echo her voice; but that we should rely with proud confidence on a people that has never faltered, who know -^ ir rights, and will dare maintain them. I am a,3r ‘ med for the Constitution and for the fate Republic, but feei no alarm for the honor ofwj State. The infatuated priest may change u mitre for a helmet, and lay aside his Bible tor t»* torch of the incendiary, place himself at the of an army of crusaders, as bloody as those o Languedoc, armed with all the authority C° n ( | gress can give; and when he shall have comply I the work of reformation, upon which his piety 15 set, nothing will be seen, to look out from 1j landscape—he has traversed but smoking rUIII K and a blood-trodden wilderness. I With this prospect before us, can any ® aI J ■ say that this Government will stand unshaken * that the alarm cry is counterfeit ? that this ,a § lion is powerless, courted and caressed as it i* I aspirants for power ? These deluded people- P lured by imaginary good, look to no danger j they beat up for recruits, the pulpit and the Jra shop, the elite parlor and the dirty brothel em m their quota for the mighty work of reform. the Constitution is to be saved—if the bnio n to be preserved, there must be no giving hac* on the part of their friends. The silken cor " affection, that binds the Confederacy, is nd weakened by insult. We are upon to*