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CHRONICLE AND SENTINEL. * uctjßTA •_■ lys^i TUESDAY MORNING MARCH 31. QC/* We have no change to note in our cotton market. jig For the information of ■* Jrsrrc;*:/’ as well a« all that class of correspondents wh’o are in the habit of sending in communicatings unaccom panied with a real name, we must ngain remark, that we insert no communication w;| iiout a name, and particularly one announcing idj.-i names of persons as candidates, as wc do not' insert such notices without a charge. > Mr. Cooper’s Circular, However we may be disposed to do this gen tleman justice by publishing his circular to his constituents, we are unwilling to permit it to go forth without a parsing notice. In doing this we shall pass over that portion of it., which refers to his course on the New Jersey Election ; his very lame and impotent defence of his votes for Speaker, in which he was at anyraiie very unfor tunate if he supposed he was representing the wishes of those who elected him; his notice of his course on abolition petitions, his attack upon the clergy, 6cc. &c.,ae subjects only referred to by Mr. C., as an introduction his address; and pass at once to his defence of his vfte for prin ter. And now that the gentleman, has so kindly volunteered to place us in possession of the facts, w e shall not “ blindly resort to shameful denun ciation.” And although w'e do not arrogate to ourself to impersonate truth we nevertheless flat ter ourself,fiat in circles where we are both known our regard for veracity, notwithstanding our sup port of a United States Bank, would! be as little questioned as that of the bonorabii; gentleman. W e are therefore indebted to the Major for his very important information, that tat; supporters of a United States Dank, are more prone to mis represent than other men. It will be recollected by our readers, that our remarks condemming the vote of Messrs. Coop er and Black, for the Globe, •* as a -moral pros titution of the high office of Representative” a sentiment which we do not retract ■ r qualify, ex pressed no wish that they should havo voted for the National Intelligencer, although we should have been infinitely better pleased with ;iuch a vote, and we therefore now give them the ijvholc bene fit of such an admission ; that we ru-iy the more readily join issue with him in the coritroversy. This gentle.nan like all men before.: him when suspecled of a disposition to abandufi his old as sociates, or to lead them into the arms of the op position, makes a terrible flourish of trumpets about principle and devotion to their cause; —but wc opine before he succeeds in leading the States Right party of Georgia into the support of Van Buren, and theieby render them the associates of the kitchen, he will be compelled to give them some better manifesto of his devotion to their principles than his vote for Blair and; Rives will make out. The gentleman sets out by informing his con stiuents, that the House was compelled by law to have the printing executed, and in file election of printer he was compelled to choose between the Globe and National Intelligencer 1 ; direful di lemma that ! both bad, but as the Gloue was and had been,when “not too inconvenient. i (i. e. when the President did not will otherwise,} the friend of Geoigia. the advocate of State Rights, the or gan of the Expungers, the supporter of the Force Bill, the denouncer of the Nulliriers and Aboli tionists, and the uncompormising enemy of that horrid monster a National Bank, he was compel led, in consequence of his devotion to Stale Rights, to choose it rather than the National In telligencer! Wonderful devotion!! These gen tle reader arc the reasons assigned by Major Cooper for his preferring the Glohle wi the Intelli gencer, a paper which he admits is more respect ful and more courteous, and consequently pre serve* a much higher regard for truth than the Globe, which Mr. Fonyth denominates the “ dir ty sheet” and Mr. Calhoun, the polarj star of Mr. Cooper, characterised as the “prostituted press.” i But in endeavoring to show that the Intelli gencer was less worthy of support, he charges it with numerous offences. And what are they ? Tne head and front of its offending, sterns in the Major’s estimation, that the office, preUand types are mortgaged to the United States Bank, to pay ajust debt, which the Editors are honestly labor ing to cancel, rather than swindle ths Bank, as did the Editor of the Globe, the same-institution, out of thousands Oi dollars. It is very commen dable in the Editor of the Globe to defraud the Bank of an Immense sum of moneys, while to industriously labor on the part of Urn -Editors of the National Intelligencer to pay a d?bt renders them unworthy of support. We confess we felt mortified when we cesd that portion of Major Cooper’s circular, to think th .t he wijmld so far condescend in an address to his conjlfituents, as to reiterate the slang of the “prostituuiT Van Bu ren organ. The other offences of the!lntelligen ce, as quoted by Mr. Cooper, are its .support of the President in the controversy between Gover noi Troup and that officer, its advocacy of a Na tional Bank and consequent opposition to the Sub-1 reasmy, and its being regarded; the organ of the Federalists, and finally and la:k(y he leaves* you to infer that another cause of o'lijpclion is its support of Harrison and Tyler. This then is the Major’s hand as shown and expounded by himself, and wo put the question to aiiiy genuine State Rights man in Georgia, to say width of these two presses was least exceptionable,. Remark ing however, that the Intelligencer has shown its remarkable devotion to Federalism, by its support of the ad niuistrations of Mr. Madison, Mr. Monroe, and we believe of Mr. Jetft:n,on, though we will not say as to the latter, for have not a file of the paper of that date. We hive been the constant reader cf the Inlel igencer for years, and altho’ wo have differed from many of its views on important questions, we have Lever yet seen in Its columns either as editorial, selected or communicated matter, any expression that could give offence t;o any oppo* nent; and Major Cooper will search in vain for one single expression of such character. How have the servile editors of the Globe demeaned themselves ? Was there any epithet in »hcir fil thy billingsgate vocabulary too opprobrious to be applied to the whole State Rights pa. ty of the South? No, notone! Yet, this is the press which Major Cooper, would feign make the State Rights parly believe he has only sustained their principles by supporting. We have already tresspassed too long upon the indulgence of our readers, our apology is, we could not permit this covert design of Major Coo per to lead the State Rights party of Georgia, in to the support of Mr. Van Buren, and the meas ures of his administration, go forth unmasked. Theatre. The very late hour, 10 o’clock, at which we received the very attractive bill for this evening, affords us no time for comment. The gr *at cele brity of Mr. and Mrs. Seguin, Mr. Horncastle and Mr. Latham, in Operas, will secure what the en terprising manager so richly deserves, a crowded house. War with England. The following poscript we clip from the Wash ington correspondence, of the Charleston Cou rier, of the 26th Inst. We have just read the message and correspondence, to which it alludes, and confess we see nothing in it to excite the ap prehensions of the writer. Nor are there incur opinion any of those threats contained in the let ter of Mr. Fox, to which allusion is here made. We think it may prove nothing more than an effort on the part of the Administration to divert the attention of the people from the errors and mismanagement of the party, as Mr. Fox con cludes his communication in the following lan guage. “The undersigned has been instructed to add to this communication, that her Majesty’s Gov ernment are only wailing for the detailed report of the British commissioners recently employed to survey the disputed territory, which report, it was believed, would be completed and delivered ! to her Majesty’s Government by the end of the present month; in order to transmit to the Gov i ernmenl v of the United Statesa reply to their last proposal upon the subject of the boundary nego tiation.” A Message has this moment been communi cated to the Senate in relation to the Maine ques tion, which is of a warlike tone and aspect.— The British Govcrnme t have changed I heir time. They claim, first, the right of military occupa tion of the Territory ; and, secondly they de mand the immediate withdrawal of the possee of I Maine from the Territory ; and, in case we re fuse, or neglect to do this they threaten us with “consequences ! ! Truly the British lion shews us his teeth instead of his tail. Correspondence of the Phil. North American, New York, March 26, 1840. The sales of Cotton continue somewhat more animated. To-day they amount to 2000 bales at steady prices. Flour and grain stand as for some days past. Snow fell at Albany night before last to the depth of a foot, and so it lay yesterday morning. Domestic Exchanges stand very much as be fore quoted. The last news from Harrisburg has a tendency to give confidence to Pennsylvania funds. The boundary question is exciting more inter est here on account of rumors from Washington. Some of the insurance companies thinks it worth w hile to except that contingency in their policies. The news from Albany is that the bill for the registry of voters in this city will almost certain- j ly pass into a law. Correspondence of the Philadelphia Inquirer. Ha ru is brkf>, March 26. In the Senate, the Bank Bill came up and was debated at considerable length. An amendment moved by Mr. Brown—that the resumption take place in July, was lost.— Also, an amendment by Mr. Ewing, to resume in October. The first section of Mr. Bell’s amendment, viz: to resume specie payments on the 15th of January, 1841, was then adopted by the following vote:—Yeas 19, Nays 14. This is an important decision, and looks more like a glimpse of sunshine than any thing I have been able to communicate. This bill authorizes the issue of small notes. In the House, Mr. Coolbraugh then reported from a select committee a joint resolution, re quiring a resumption on the first of September. From the New York Commercial Advertiser. Two Days Later From England. Extraordinary despatch—The packet ship Stephen Whitney, Captain Thompson, has made her voyage to and from Liverpool in seventy days, thirty of which she was in port —her passages averaging twenty days. By the Stephen Whit ney we have a Liverpool paper of the 2d, but it contains no event of moment. Liverpool, March 2. There is no change in prices from the quota tions of Saturday. The sales were 2500 bags— -2200 American, all to the trade, at 5| a Stock on hand, 180,000 bags. At the same pe riod last year 272,700. The New York Express of Wednesday after noon says: We have seen private letters from London, from the highest sources, that state, there is every prospect there would bea superabundance ot bul lion. Money was so abundant, that loans were made at four and four and a halt per cent. If rnonoy should get plenty there, as there is every prospect it will. American securities will soon feel a favorable influence. We believe there has not been an exception, whc.e the interest has not been paid on our Stale Stocks. Os the Pennsylvania there was a pause of a day, but this is not worth mentioning. If, therefore, the States continue to pay with prompt ness, it is impossible to prevent the Stocks from becoming favorable securities. Stocks that pay six per cent to the London bankers with prompt ness, will in time become desirable. We look forward to a few months only, when American securities will begin to move again on the other side. Monet in New tore.—The Journal of Wednesday says— We are credibly informed one hundred thousand dollars has been recently loaned on bond and mortgage in this city for ten years, at 6 percent, per annum. To persons of undoubted credit, money has been offered at 5 per cent, per an num, on demand. General Bankrupt Law. —The Legislature otNew York have passed a resolution in favor of a general bankrupt law. It proposes to restrict the provisions of the bill from being applied to incorporated institutions. The Vicksburg Sentinel of the 14th says, that the Commercial Bank of Manchester, and the Planter’*, have again suspended specie payments. Circular of Mark A. Cooper to his Con stituents. Fellow Citizens —Three months of a long session have closed. In the absence of any spe cial call to communicate with you, it would be mv pleasure to write. The existence of a pecu liar mxiety on your part to hear from me, adds to the cheerfulness and alacrity which I feel. You have uniformly been dependant on our newspapers for information. Thir is sometimes very much to be relied on. It is, however, very often an uncertain guide, because they are not always possessed of the facts that lead to correct opinions; or being possessed of them, do not ful ly give them to you. In either case you a-e de pendant on an editorial expression for your opin ion. This, though entitled to the reliance due to their station, leads occasionally to error. By your permission, I give you such intelli gence of what I have done here in an effort to re present you, as. being applied to the rules that have governed you, may lead to a correct judg ment on the rectitude of my conduct. The political views I came here to represent, were those avowed in 1833 by the State Rights party. By education, habit and constitution, I am unfit to represent any other. I never have j misrepresented them. Until a change passes | over me. I never shall. When that shall occur, ! you shall be advised without delay. As a neces sary consequence of those views, I brought with me opposition to the chartering of a bank by this Government. Consistently with the same, I came avowedly to support a separation of the Government and the banks, and the establish ment of an Independent Treasury. As to men ; and office, I did not fail to advise you, in answer j to those who had a right to inquire, that I should I decidedly support Mr. Van Bnren in preference jto Gen. Harrison. On the same principles I j have ever been opposed to a protective tariff, a i Government debt, and internal improvements.— This opposition grows out of your views of a strict construction of the Constitution, coupled with the idea of a government of limited delega ted powers. Another leading measure, suggested from a very respectable source before Congress convened, I was opposed to for similar cause,—the assump tion by this Government of the vast debt owed by the several Slates. This, lam persuaded, you will soon find to be one of absorbing interest. The members of Congress were found, on my arrival here, with few exceptions, to be divided | nominally, into Democrats and Whigs. The ; Democrats, as a party, profess, and, when not too i inconvenient, practise the political opinions here set forth as adopted for myself. A few of their party however, I believe are known to have been uniformly Federalists. The whigs have no principle or rule in com mon that I have discovered, except the advocacy of a bank and opposition to the Sub-treasury.— This party is a coalition of all the opponents of the present administration, professedly having re ference to no given principles of action save that just named. Hence there are found in it Feder alists and Republicans. The federal influences, however, predominate, and therefore characterize the party. I think lam not mistaken in saying that their triumph, which is secured in the elec tion of Harrison, fixes on the country a policy founded on a liberal construction of powers, that give latitude to this Government to assume pow ers not delegated and dangerous to its existence. The soul and spirit of this party are the hank in terest and the tariff. Should the chartering of a bank he hopeless, which can only be by the elec tion of Mr. Van Buren or one thinking as he does on that point, the next mu>t available policy with that parly will be the assumption of a debt of two hundred millions, to prop the sinking cre dit of the States. They are even now looking to it. The course adopted for myself was not to com mit you to either party here, but in refeience to measures test each one by your rules, and decide accordingly. In reference to men, to ch lose those whose opinions would most likely lead into your policy. In doing this I have not had the least difficulty, nor have I felt the slightest hesitation in any case. If I exhibit a stronger coincidence with one party than the other, it is because it pro | fesses and acts more in accordance with the rules that I brought here with me. My settled purpose is to ask for you, noi for those who represent you, nothing but a faithful administration of this I Government as its framers designed it. That being promised, to sustain the party who would do it, or most nearly perform the task. These views are not new to you, coming from me, having expressed them while a candidate be fore you. On the principles of the message of the President, I could not differ from the adminis tration. I am at a loss to know how any State Rights man can object to the measures recom mended. Our opposition to Mr. Van Buren began with his predecessor, and is primarily associated with the ‘-Proclamation and Force Bill.” Prior to that he was recognised as a republican by Wil liam H. Crawford, and received your support. — On the annunciation of those measures, the mass of the present whig party, perceiving therein a rule ol construction, always contended for by the Federalists, concurred with and applauded him. There we separated from him and Mr. Van Bu ren. The cause of our separation from, formed the ground of their co-operation with him. Since that time, the principles involved in that latitude of construction have been p r ofossedly and practically repudiated by the Democrats, but adhered to by the WJtigs. It would seem strange if the causes that separated us from Mr. Van Buren, should not keep us apart from the whigs. Nor ought it to be thought strange to agree with the democrats in their adoption of our policy. The first act worthy of no:ice arose on the New Jersey election. The demonstration was apparently in favor of the whigs. The demo crats being in this instance unwilling to forego the acquisition of strength, were tempted to what we thought a departure. The whigs, by conse quence, were left to sustain State rights. The next was the Speaker’s election. Mr. Bell, of Tennessee, was the Whig candidate lie is the memner who introduced the Force Bill. John W. Jones, Esq., of Virginia, was the candidate of the democrats. My colleague, Mr. Dawson, was proposed as the candidate of the Whigs. Another colleague desired to know of us. whether, in the event Mr. Dawson could be nominated by the Whigs, he would be supported by me. For myself, I distinctly replied.'he could not, for this reason : It would unequivocally com mit those we represent to the Whig parly. I had a willingless to do Mr. Dawson a personal kindness if possible, without violarion of duty to you, the motives for which he will understand I therefore told him and our whole delegation that he ought not be the Whig candidate ; that, if committed to the Whigs already, he would not 1 better his condition politically by committing us; by remaining uncommitted we might relieve him. • it was determined that he should not run. Un der these circumstances, I thereupon, for the sake of harmony, agreed to unite with my colleagues to vote for and to elect Mr. Dawson if we could. Accordingly I voted for him. Perceiving he could not be elected, (and on this point I speak from knowledge to be relied on which my col leagues did not possess,) I turned my attention to Mr. Lewis, of Alabama, an early friend and classmate, a Nullifier, a Sub-Treasurer, and a : Georgian. I voted for him as long as he had any prospect. Finally, perceiving that the dem ocrats were not disposed to vote for a Sub-Trea sury Siatc-Ruhts man, and that the Whigs and State Rights men could unite on Mr. Hunter. I agreed with Wise, of Virginia, to vote for Mr. 1 Hunter. He was not a Whig, but, like myself, removed from both parties. The next subject that called us out, was the discussion on receiving abolition petitions. The manner in which I represented you on that sub ject is before you. The course which the res pective parties took on .'.is subject of absorbing interest, is before you. The advantage which one party presents to you above the other, is this: The Democrats disavow (and to some extent maintain it in practice) that latitude of construc tion, which, being adopted by the mass of the Whigs, will eventually fortify the aboli’ionists with whatever power they desire. The greatest number of what are called abolitionists here, are of the Whigs. On the subject of the petitions, nearly all that are offered are presented here by Whigs. The Democrats have the credit of re sisting and rejecting them, at the only time of their rejection, since, from the non-slaveholding States, but one Whig, and twenty-seven Demo crats, voted with us. The nomination of Gen eral Harrison, whether he be an abolitionist or not, was addressed to those people, and so they understand it: his success is their promotion. Another important matter before us, is one in timately connected with this subject. The reso lutions of your Legislature on the Maine contro versy. In regard to these, I had from the first but one opinion. It was to me an obvious one, and without delay was communicated to my col leagues. You have, in my reply to the Gover nor, some of the reasons for refusing to present them here, as requested hy the Legislature. Another act, »econd to none in importance, is the motion to repeal ihe laws appointing a salary for Chaplain. For this you have some of the grounds slated on a motion to reconsider his elec tion. Those grounds would suffice for me ; but there are others. Nothing is clearer than that, when no connexion is ordered, none should exist, however reino e. between thedergy and Congress. They are the efficient agents throughout Christen dom, for accomplishing the objects of abolition, in the face of your constitution. They are the propagators and supporte s of the “ sublime rule of action,’’ coming from God, which has authori ty overruling the constitution, thereby subverting all civil rights. They too a-e expounders of this rate. The connecting link is formed from this to England and Italy. The authority of the Pope has already been appealed to; his Bull has gone forth; and even in these United States, is flout ished at your domestic institutions in men ace. especially at Mississippi and Louisiana. Un der such circumstances, it would be faithless in me not to disarm our opponents of every weapon. I mean theopj onents of our Union, the Repub lic. I consider what is going on, to be a war up on the Union, the main conspirators against which are now , where they have been, beyond the At lantic. They are accomplished now in another, hut more effective way. the objects of the Hart ford Convention. And you, fellow-citizens, are called on to defend your institutions, or to pre pare to relieve yourselves of the evil. This is no recent opinion. If you are what you have been, you will defend them. After this came the election of printer, about which so much shameless denunciation has been Mindly resorted to. It is the least of the several important matters brought before us. To publish its laws is the duty of Congress. This is done by the press. I could not avoid using some press for this purpose; nor could I, without a violation of dut\ r , refuse to have the work done. Two presses only were competent to do the work ; the Globe and the Intelligencer. 'Phis was proved the last election, when the Madisonian, the Con servative press, being elected, had to farm it out, 1 under an arrangement by which it pocketed many ] thousand dollars as a bonus, and the Intelligen- 1 cer did the work. I was reduced to the necessity i to choo>e between those two presses, or of re- j fusing to publish the laws and journals. | ! I had always been politically opposed to both, i I In principle, at all times more opposed to the In- < telligencer than the Globe, since the editor of the [ Globe has always professed to be a Republican j while the Intelligencer has uniformly been the j organ of the Federalists. This was, and is more decidedly opposed to your views, than the Globe. It is emphatically the organ of the United States s Bank, and opposed to the Sub-Treasury. The t Globe, on the contrary, is actively opposed to a ' United States Bank, and to the other leading i Federal measures resulting from the doctrine of t implied powers—such, for instance, as Internal j Improvements, Protective Tariff*, and the assump- \ lion of State Debts—and it zealously sustains the Sub-Treasury policy. ( Finding myself under the obligations to vote ( between these two, the only consistent vote was ( j to elect between the two, that press which could l be expected to advocate the leading measure of t this Congress, and oppose the splendid schemes \ of extravagant expenditure resulting from the ( views of those who reject the idea of a strict I constrution of the Constitution. In casting this j vote, no other principle was involved than those ; avowed hy me when before you as a candidate; S identically the same as that involved in the choice j of Mr. Van Buren over Mr. Harrison. I am \ persuaded that no one who approves my choice between Mr. Van Buren and Mr. Harrison, with i a knowledge of the facts, objects, and considera- t lions that determined me to choose Blair & Rives, ( will condemn this- My prejudices against them < was always as strong as any mans’ ought to be. They were not my men; not desirable to me ; | but decidedly the best I could do here for your j interest. , My opposition to the Intelligencer is entirely \ political, and of the kind, as strong as can well i j be. It is ot much longer standing than that of j the Globe. It began in the days of Troup and j the 1 roa*v This opposition is cotemporaneous l with the first inspiration from Troup that led me j ] to comprehend the elevated conceptions of his | J pure rcDuhlicauism.—From that period to the 1 present, I have seldom seen the paper, and have I t read it less frequent than any leading paper, Vave ! the Globe. Unpleasant as it is to recount the i grounds of objections, I am under a necessity to 1 l ! do it, beginning with their early opposition to * j your policy. I feel myself called to do this by ! t the editorials in several leading papers of the | State Rights party, who, w.thout charity enough I « to surmise a good intent on my part, having no | , perception of the important considerations that I < have fixed me in a rigid adherence to the principles | ( above referred to, have hastily unwittingly, and ! t without just cause, attempted to direct the finger 1 f of denunciation at a portion of your delegation. I i \ou know how much our press is given to i ] think they exercise a control over your opinions, j In the present instance, they have determined to ( bring Mr. Black and myself under its blast by J the application to us of terms equally unwarrant- i aide and far more unkind than any which the < Globe, in the height of its abuse, ever used against i any of us. If the Globe, or any press in Geor- ] gia politically opposed to me, had used the same ( language against us, for myself it would have t been set down as a result to be expected, and i would have passed unnoticed ; but, coming from < my own triends professedly, they are supposed i to possess undoubted credit when pronouncing t against those they act with. This explains the t reason why, under my proper signature, lam ] driven to appear in some so.t of a witness in my i own case. That truth, as it comes from me, may not be disparaged by the representations «<f those « who denounce us. be it remembered that the pa- ' pers which have made the attack in this case, are ] or will prove to be, the direct or indirect suppor- | tersof a United States Bank; that the only op- 1 pressive weight 1 have had to carry, whether as a 1 candi Jate before you or in the discharge of duty here, hav.- been thrown on me from that influ- I ence; for, while some of my colleagues in other ; respects similarity situated, differing in this have \ been relieved of these attacks from any State \ Rights press in Georgia, I have been assail d be- ; fore and since coming here. Th s you mny say \ results from my position. So it does. I came here by your direction a State Rights man, oppo- ’ sed to the bank, to advocate the Sub-treasury. Since here, every act I have performed, and eve- 0 ry word I have uttered, has had not only the in- r lent, but the effect to maintain these political s views. % My vote tor printer, alleged to be an exception, I will prove to be the- proper choice under the v circumstances. ( What is the National Intelligencer, and what t are the objects and ends of its labors IMy recol- t lections go back in these matters no further than { the late war wi h Great Britain. That and Nile’s Register were the only medium of political intel ligence at my father’s fireside, I knew nothing of politics, and cared less; but was of that age, when the thrilling sensations produced by the j recital of the sufferings of a bleeding and injured j ( country, would involuntarily spring me from my 1 » seat as my father would nightly read the news. , This pleasure I enjoyed, but mainly from the ] latter paper, until I entered upon life. Educa- ( tion and association made me a Jeffersonian re- ( publican and a friend of Troup. Up to 1825. , I acted on these rules, without perceiving their import or justice. Fortunately for me and for Georgia, the most remarkable man of the age, and one of the few patriots belonging to it, was then guiding the destines of our State—George M. Troup. He was engaged in a controversy with this Government, involving our rights of sovereignty. In attending to his correspondence, the most val uable in our annals, I perceived the rules, and traced the land marks; since which time I never have forgotten or lost sight of them. During its progress, as I fancied the sight of bayonets and noise of soldiery, the same feelings that thrilled at the news from the war, in the days of boyhood, roused to indignation the feelings of a man.—From that day to this, politically, I have had hut one ambition: that has been to see the country rallied in e->ppoit of the republican doc trines, and the politicians of t.ie day practically carrying them out. At this period, who but the Federal adminis tration of this Government, with Mr. Adams at its head, were the opposers of Governor Troup. Gales and Seaton were its organ and supporters; and with all their feelings for our great, men, could not sustain the principles of Gov, Troup. From that day forward they have been and still arc the decided supporters of the policy you op pose and opposed to that you maintain. Their press is devoted to the establishment of a United Slaves Bank; and if that which has been often asserted and not contradicted, be true, it has for years been, and still is. mortgaged to that bank for more than it can pay. Such is the bank’s in terest in it, that it effects the insurance on it. Although this may not control the opinions of the editors, it is in the power of the bank to sell it out whenever it might advocate a policy oppo sed to its interests.—To s ibj ct the printing to such casualty would certainly be unwise. They are supporters of the tariff, of internal improve ments. and other latitudinarian doctrines; which, in the hands of the Federalists, would sooner or later overwhelm your interests.—Pursuing the interest of the hank, they are the organ here of I Harrison’s friends, and t icrehy indirectly aid the abolitionists; they have been at all times as wide- ] ly opposed to your views as any piper here; that they have preserved greater regard to courtesy, is admitted. In 1832, the darkest period of your history, when Nullification seemed bat another name tor “treasonin the missionary ca~e, where its principles were strictly involved, the Intelligencer j held that “the Supreme Court, might release the t missionaries issue process, and execute its own judgment;” that it would seem “quite evident that all the agents of Georgia who are concerned in retaining the missionaries in jail are trespass- 1 ers, and must answer one day for the false im- * prisonment.” At this time this seemed to cut 1 agiinst our domestic adversaries, they being in 1 power, but it was a vital th ust, through them, at 1 your faith. i The Globe, on that occasion, held that the Pre- 1 sident was not bound to execute the unconstitu- s tiona! judgment of the Court against Georgia. —1 'Phis the Intelligencer denounced as a heresy, 1 notwithstanding the Globe vindicated it by citing ( the case of Mr. Jefferson’s relusal to execute the * alien and sedition laws. The same principles f were advocated by that press in the Tassel’s case. • The Globe denounced the Nullifiers, and so 1 did the other their doctrines, and in this support ed Jackson and the Force bill. Since 1836, the } Globe and the Democratic party ns such, have put j • forth and advocated doctrines at variance with 1 1 the Force Bill, and consonant wi-h ours. And I 1 the very measure, the Sub-Treasury, which is 1 the great cause of my offending, was suggested ( by Condy Raguet, a State Rights man, whom * you remember as the editor of the Examiner, 1 and proposed and supported first in 1834 by our I State Rights delegation here. It is now the lead- '<■ ing measure of the Globe and the Administra- * tion. i The Globe has uniformly opposed a bank, the 1 tariff, internal improvements, and the late move 1 to assume the two hundred millions of State 1 debts. It opposes them on the ground which you I do. i 1 In private-life, so far as I know, the editor of \ I the Globe stands unimpeached. He is temper- 1 ate, free from dissipation and industrious. He is 1 a southern man i.. his birth and education, and ' whatever he may have heretofore said or done, 1 as an editor, he is now proposing and supporting i many of your leading features of policy and op- I posing those which you have opposed. He is, furthermore, a native American. What State ; i Rights man. whose prepossessions are not strong- 5 ly for a bank, and against a Sub-Treasury, could t hesitate to take the Globe, as an alternative, ra- < ther th m the Intelligencer. If any of you stiil doubt the consistency of ! I my course here, that doubt shall now be removed, I by turning your attention for a moment to our t past hisiory, and pointing to the rule and object |j that have invariably governed me. • In the nomination of Judge White,of Tennes see, some years ago as your candidate for Presi dent, a tendency was manifested to sacrifice'prin- j t ciples for men, and merge in the Federal ranks. I < Governor Troup was then our nominee. On I 1 that occasion the principles of the party were j g formally surrendered; Governor Troup’s name I I informally and unceremoniously taken down.— i I It was substituted by an advocate of the Proela- I h mation and Force Bill; one who, with all his a opposition to Jacksonism, professed JarKsonisrn. t Here was the beginning of errors. The object was to get numbers. It was done at the sacrifice of principle. The slow' but certain progress of truth was too tardy. We now feel the evil effects. I, with many others, opposed this. We perceiv ed in it what I have abundant proof of recently, 1 that the centralizing influence 'of parties here 1 was planning to amalgamate you with the Whigs, \ on mere feelings of opposition. Your editors 1 united in the effort, and at one time called you « the Whig party of Georgia, but afterwards styl- « ed you the Anti-Van Buren Party. In May. \ 1837, in the Convention that nominated Mr. Gd- I mer, a very decided attempt was made to form J- < ly recognize your party and change its name, to I erect a platform to tread with Whigs upon.— I Those of you who were there will lemember the I preamble and resolutions that were read for that I purpose ; that I opposed it, and on what ground. | \ou will remember what was done with the es- I fort. It failed, and your party name was saved. 1 Phis tendency, being checked in form, has ] been manifest in our action, until your opponents . at home are seen to plant themselves on your own ground, as you recede, and clai n with exultation ! that they are the State Rights men. This they ; always did, hut certainly with more prop-h-ty, i now that ihey occupy your ground, than when you stood firmly on it I have steadily resisted this, xvhenever called « to act or speak, up to the vote for printer. On that occasion, preferring to represent your principles rather than your feelings and prejudices of nppei sition, regardless of those principles, I was gc . vernetl by the same rule. You are now able, fellow-citizens, to decide whether I have m ade your political faith the uni form rule of rny conduct, and. consequently, have truly represented you ; or whether, according to the unsparing calumny of your editors I have been guilty of a “moral prostitution, tegardless of political consideration,” or have sold my birth right for “a mess of pottage.” There is. fellow-citizens, a controversy among you; you differ one from another. I have the misfortune to differ from soiru of you, while some of my colleagues differ from myself and others, ihe sum of this difference is the Bank. It stirs you. It moves Harrison, and it is the spirit of the W higs. Its success would he secured by the triumphs wf the Whigs. Their dynasty will be established in Harrison’s e'eclion. With them the Federal rule of action gains the ascendancy. By their rules of construction; the opposers of your institutions have a law above the constitu tion, that will sweep them like straw before the wind. I he same system of policy that has induced me to act here, on every occasion as I have, will still govern me as long as I remain. No interest sha 1 swerve me; no apprehension deter me; no stratagem, within my power to detect, shall cir cumvent rne. These resolves have enabled some, who have not the patience to examine my views, to set me down lor “ impracticable: that being toe least laborious method of disposing of a trou blesome argument. I hope fairness vvill at once relieve me of that imputation, or acquit me of the opposite one, implied in the allegation of a desertion of your principles. The same rules that have governed me in choo sing a printer, mus govern in the choice yf Presi dent, and. wilt lead to a decided preference of the present incumbent over bis opponent. Your in terest is opp ised to either a direct or indirect sup port of Harrison. This I have told you before. Having additional evidence now, and more satis factory. I repeat it here. It is repeated for this additional reason. I nev er will, knowingly, misiepresent the interests of the people who send me here. And yet I will acton no opinion which I cannot make my own. The remedy for this is at hand. Il ldo not un'y represent you, select one whose opinions, ditli r ing from mine, may accord with your own. Ai d in the absence of any imputation on my integrity I should not only be content, but have cause to rejoice that you wull have done your duty. But if the Slate Rights party is what it has been. I have not misrepresented its policy. It it isd Her ent, lam unfit to be its representative. For say ing thus much of myself, let the apology be that it was in self-defence, and in commendation of your policy. That I have said but little of r. y co leagues, who agree with me. and are similarly situated, results from the fact that they preler to speak for themselves. We ha* eno further con cert than agreement in sentiment brings about. Their objects and wishes arc such as are here ex pressed, and their views and reasons arc clear and, to ray mind, conclusive. This matter, which entirely belongs to you. I submit into the hands of those who-eit is. and res pectfully bid you adieu. Mark A. Coopku. The following account of a deed of blood, un paiallelled in American history, we copy fn.ru the Fran .fort Commonwealth of Tuesday: Most Awful and Horrid Murders! A letter f-om a gentleman in Greensburg, to a citizen of this place, of the date of March the Bih, slates that there has just been disclosed ami brought to light, one of the most shocking mur ders ever corn nilted in a Christian land, in Ju ly. 1833, there lived in Green county, about 7 miles, south west of Greensburg. a woman try the name of Lucinda W lute. She and her" two sons, one about 15 or 16 years old—the other be tween 13 or 14, and her daughter-in-law. (who e husband lives in the Southern Slates,) with a child 18 o' 20 months eld. weie all living t. geth er. In July, 1838, intending to move South to their reletions, a man by the name of Carrington Simpson, volunteered and undertook to remove them. On a certain night, the younger Mrs. White her child, and the elder Mrs. White’s younger boy, were packed on horses, and alter they had gone not more than a mile, they were knocked in tue head and killed, and buried in an old out house, in a hole about two feel deep. On the next morning, the elder boy was sent off un der some pretext and did not return for a week. On the next night alter the fir I murder, the old woman was killed at her own house, and put in to the same hole ; and the elder boy returning in about a week after, was killed and buried in the same place: making in all, five human beings. Suspicions have been afloat fore some months, and strongei and stronger, until the 27ih of Feb ruary, when Simpson was arrested and carried before an examining court, and sent on for fur ther trial. Some 60 or 70 men turned out to hunt for the bones of ihe murdered, which they found late on Friday evening. On yesterday, the coroner held an inquest over the skeletons. On last night I went to the prison, in company with several others, and Simpson confessed that he had helped to kill them. He said that two men by ihe name of— (the names atewrtiten in the letter, but omitted by us.) had aided him. He said the cause of killing them was their money and property. I dont think the whole ..f their money and property v. as worth <me hundred dollars, and the most of it was in clothing and bed clothes. The two persons implieated by Simpson, have been arrested, and will be examined to-morrow. No otuer evidence than tha: of Simpson has yet transpired against them. Simpson’-family, 6 u 8 jn number, have all been arrested, and will be exam ined to-morrow. The New York Journal of Commerce says that the number of revolutions the paudte wheels of the British Queen performs in coming from Portsmouth to New York is now ascertained with great accuracy by means of a clock attached to her machinery. During her recent voyage from Portsmouth, the number of revolutions was tuo hundrtd and ninety-one thousand e ght hundre and forty-eight. Diameter of paddle wheels thirty-one feet. From the Gardener T s Magazine. Magnificent Conservatory. One of the most magnificent structures in England has been lately erected by the Duke of Devonshire at his beautiful residence at Cbats worth. It consists of a large tropical conservatory. In general design, it may be compared to a cath edral, with central aisle and side aisles. The entrances will be at tbe ends, through porches, which will be treated as green-houses. When the whole is completed, it will cover an acre and a quarter of ground. There will lie a carriage way through ir. which will form part of a general drive through the pleasure grounds. It will be heated by six fires, all ot which, and the means of act ess to them, the places for fuel, &c., will be under ground, and the chimneys carried in a tunnel, up the side of a hill, to the distance of nearly a fur long, so that there will not be the slightest up pearance of artificial heating, or smoke, or sheds, &c., either within the house, or exterior to The conservatory is situated in an open part o a lofty wood, in nearly the centre of the p»• 11 1 grounds, and is unquestionably •be la ctM uik ture of the kind in existence, or on recon . - c whole is under the direefi »n of -dr. Paxton. _ , whom it was designed, it was, pr°babi), aeauy or quite finished the past fall.