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(Ilf CHRONICLE AND SENTINEL,. AUGUSTA. ■ TUESDAY MORNING MAY 12. General Harrison’* prospects. Toe numerous convincing evidences of the sue • cess of General Harrison are d:4!y crowding upon us, and there is none more conclusive than the withdrawal of many of the leaders of the Van Bu ren party from-the support of hits administration, and their acknowledged determination to suppor* Harris©". The majority of theje have not only been warm supporters of the of 'Gem Jackson, but have acquiesced in tlie first nomination of Mr. Van Buren, aijd contributed ma teria! ly 'to his election, Messrs; Rives, Garland, Payne, Campbell and Fontaine of Virginia, Hon. Hugh S. Legare of S. Carolina . Gr-n. McElvaine df Ohio, Senator Talraadge of N*w York, and more recently Senator John Ruggles of [Maine, are of this class of men, to which may be* added several leading men iu Georgia. These men*have all occu pied high stations in the party ta wlfich they have, .heretofore, given their support, and held a strong ‘hold upon the affections of the people of their re spective states. But the' have bee'ii driven by a high moral sense of duty to the country and its in stitutions, to renounce an administration whose whole course has been a continue I violation of •the solemn pledges made to this people, “ of re ’form and retrenchment” in th is administration of the government, and as the onli rmsans of saving the republic, bringing back our institutions to their former purity, and preserving ti’e scjrreigoty of the states, they have magnanimously J declared their intention to give t&eir suppojjt to Harrison and Tyler. j I The defection of such men, iVen |vf acknowledg ed talent and probity, dislinguisheh alike in the National councils and State legislatures, presents to the plain inquirer after truthi a problem, which he should honestly endeavor I<| solve. The solu tion, we think will not be difficult; The truth is, the administration of Mr. Van|Bu*en has been a succession of experiments upon the currency of *the country, which has deprived ttje Nation of the best currency that ever existed* since the organiza tion of any government, the people in its place, one, only equaled by thut known to the early days of this Republic, at} continental money. Without the slightest regard to consistency the administration have denounce d Banks and paper money, while its friends in ev< ry State in the Un ion where they have controulei thx affairs of State," hatve chartered as much Bmk capital within the last, six years, as had been previously charter ed since the organization of tin* government. And now that they are overwhelmed with a currency, in many instances almost valueless, and every where in the most deranged slate, they have the effrontery to attempt to fasten {upon tte opposition all the evils of the derangement of that currency. This has been a prominent csihse of the defection, to which may be added, as Staving exercised no small iaflueice, the pertinacity with which the administration persists in ende ivotmg to force upon the country, its favorite Sub-Treasury scheme, af ter it has been three different ime , rejected by the people through their represen arises. A scheme, which proposes to furnish tool ice.holders gold and silveras a currency,and to the people irredeemable j Again, while they have bee i lovid and boisterous in their professions of a wii a to reduce the ex penditures of the government they have success fully resisted every effort to educe the salaries of office holders, while they hade t?en equally c!a morous in fheir efforts to redi ce the price of labor among mechanics and laborers, and have openly declared in their places in the Sem'te'and House of Representatives, their wish i bring the govern ment and people to an exclusi e metalic currency, in order that the prices of lab|r r -.ight be reduced. And as an evidence of their wi h to bring the Amer ican people, for whom they al ect the most tender regard, down to a state of va sahge bordering up on that of the serfs of Russia : nd the despotic gov ernments of the did worldj.’M Van Buren has re commended, as models for uiijto pattern after, the hard money currency of tho I despotisms. Alarming and dangerous *.s ore these avowed doctrines and experiments if t T .e administration, they are greatly aggravated Ijy tl|e reflection, that the administration of Mr. Tan Buren, ha been marked by a system of bn|erj and corruption, which, if ever 'equalled, wzjj certainly never sur passed in the history of the 'dorlcl. Fheir motto is “ to the victors belong the spi ils,l’ thereby' offering a reward to the sarrifise of b dependent ana honest opinions for the sake of d stinction and office, and by the exercise of a deifoot&m over the free ■ ; exercise of the opinions of tli iise‘n office, mainly contributes to the prostitulir |t of the higher moral sense, and renders every ofl’ite |iolder of the gov ernment a brawling parti2,in. its the tenure by which he holds office. * ] These constitute a few of he |>reminent reasons why so many distinguished me a have renounced their allegiance to a party i hosj» object is to con vert the government of then fat-iers into a perfect despotism, and induced then to proclaim their ad hesion to the cause of reforr . A j first, large bodies of the people were not movi d bjy these extraordi nary measures of the admini tra 'ion, but more re cent events, have shown this; this spirit is abroad, and that they are now movi; g forward in immense todies to the rescue of the Constitution, and as certain as the fates, will hui' from the high places, those who have abused tkei it cot‘fide nee, and tram pled upon and violated thei; rights. The following extract of a 31 te* received at this of fice, is only one of the man}, evi jencesjvve daily re’ cci-ve of the pr grass of refor a ini Georgia. “Gen. Marritson’s popula‘ ty ihincreasing among kb every day, and if the pe. pie 'hare lign» on the subject of the next Prestden lal Election, I have no doubt that Georgia will gm Havnson a triumphan t majority. We hop*> in thj section that the June Convention will nominate «, Hardison Electoral lirk et, if so, we can carry the : Hate for the Log Cabin and Hard Cider candidate.' From the Albany JofirmZ of the 6th. Whig Victory in the tfapiital of the Em pire State I THE WHIG BANNER FlloA's'l TRIUMPHANTLY IN EVERT 4aH{j!!! The Whigs of Albany lavri gone triumphant ly through with their Clartjr Election. The Capital of the Empire Stale stands proudly erect* THERE IS A WHIG MjUfjRITY FOR AL DERMEN IN EVERY WA RD IN THE CI TY! Every Ward in th j City has increased its Whig majority since the! las* Charter Election. We have carried the Cit;| by over one hundred more majority than we had in the spring of 1839. This is a great triump r. The Old Regency made their last, expiring fu. u They knew and felt that unless they f luid make a show of strength here—once thi seiat of their power— Jiere, where they once ha» every thing their own way—that all was over with Van Buren. This, ’ too, was the crowning Spring Election. The “last gun” was to he tired here. They therefore brought every influence to bear. But it was an impo'enl effort —an unavailing struggle. The indomitable Whig Party, without organization, but in high spirit and enthusiasm, rushed to the Polls and secured a Victory worthy ofthemselves, the City and their Cause. Log Cabin Chair. Among the numerous rare productions which the Harrison enthusiasm has introduced, we were shown yesterday a Chair brought by Col. CoL well,of this city, from Baltimore, being one ofthe twelve which were used by the Committee of Re ception at the Whig Convention. It is an armed Chair, minufactured of the branches of the tree which affords the favorite beverage of the old he ro, put together in a very neat and ingenious man ner, without removing the bark from the material, of which it is composed. The seat is formed of the same material, being straight pieces of about three fourths of an inch in diameter, laid parallel across and nailed to the sidebars, and the whole varnished over. It is unlike any thing we have ever seen, and is a much more neat and comfor table Chair, than we had supposed could he made of such material. We were also shown a full length Lithograph of the General and bis War Horse, which was neatly framed in Buckeye, and ornamented in each corner with the fruit of that tree, which we learned from Col. C. was brought to Baltimore by the Delegation from Ohio. The^Rcfarmer. Another evidence of the progress of Reform in Georgia is the reception with whicn the Reformer meets in every section of the Slate—yesterday more than sixty names were added to our list, from differ ent parts of the State. The National Intelligencer of the eighth says, the Van Buren Conventional Baltimore has proved abortive. Its only ostensible purpose—the nomina tion of a candidate for Vice Presidency—it has failed to effect, and it has ended in disappointment, and real if not open dissension. It is vain to say that it nominated a candidate for the Presidency. It was poorly worth while to bring together delegates from all parts of the Union to announce Mr. Van Buren as a candidate for re-election—unless indeed it was to contradict the rumor that he was to be with drawn, and a more available candidate set up in his place. But that was not the object. It was supposed that Col. Johnson could be coaxed into a withdrawal. The Richmond Enquirer announced last fall >hat he had withdrawn and praised him be yond measnre for hi * magnan.miiy ; and the Con vention was got up to nominate a successor to him. But their blandishments laded The Colonel would not retire; and they have boldly thrown him over board. The Convention was divided on the expediency of a nomination—being (according to the rule by which the Convention voted) 99 tor and 90 against a nomination—New York standing off. But, when the proposition fora nomination was thus upon the point of prevailing, the New Yoik delegation of 42 came forward and voted with the 90, making 132 in the negative, and thus defeated the nomination of a candidate for the Vice Presidencj*. V\ e state these facts merely as matter of history, and as public journal,sis tor the information of our distant readers. We make no comment on them VV e leave it to the disjointed members of the party to settle their differences in their own way; but it may elucidate the proceeding to remark that a Ten nessee delegate presided, a Tennessee delegate (ac cording to the Globe) made the great speech on the inexpediency ot a nominatimi. an Alabama delegate (Alabama is in favor of Mr. Polk) was Chairman of the committee and reported agam-t a nominal on and it was the New York delegation which finally prevented it. Public Meeting. At a meeting of the citizens of Burke County, attached to the State Rights Party, held at the Court House on the 7th inst., for the purpose of appointing Delegates to the State Rights Con vention, to be held in the City of Mtlledgeville on the first Monday in June next. On motion, Lewis F. Powell Esq., was called to the Chair, and Thomas H. Blount was appoin’ ted Secretary.—The object of the meeting hav ing been explained,—On motion of Col. Thomas M. Berrien, it was unanimously Resolved, That the Chair do appoint a Committee of four, whose duty it shall be to recommend four fit and proper persons, to represent this County, in the Slate Rights Convention, to be held in Millcdgeville on the first Monday in June next. The Chairman appointed Thomas Moore Ber rien, George W. Evans, Elijah Byne and Ste phen Corker, Esqrs., as the Committee of recom mendation, who retired for a short time, and on returning, recommended Alexander J. Lawson, William Bennett, Enoch Byne and Drury Cor ker, as fit and proper persons to represent said County, in the Convention, who were unani mously appointed by the meeting. Resolved, That should a vacancy happen, by the refusal of any one or more of the Delegates to act, the Committee of nomination be authori sed to fill said vacancy or vacancies. Resolved, That the proceedings of this meet ing be signed by the Chairman and Secretary, and be published in the Journals of Augusta. Nothing further being presented for the con sideration of the meeting,—On motion of Col. Thomas Moore Berrien, it adjourned. Lewis F. Powell, Chairman. T. H. Blount, Secretary. Senator Rugglcs. The following letter from the Hon. Jno. Ruggles U- S. Senator from Maine is a reply to the commit tee of invitation of the Baltimore Convention. Mr. R. has therefore been a supporter of the ad ministration bat like many utaers, has become thoroughly disgusted with Van Burenism. Such signs as this are ominous of the fate of Van Buren. Washington Citt, 2d May, 1840. Gentlemen :—I have received the invitation to “attend the sittings of the National Convention of the Whig Young Men, as one of its guests,” with which you have honored me. “in behalf of the Delegates from the City of Baltimore.” It would afford me great satisfaction to bo present on that interesting occasion, would my public du ties permit. The necessity of a change of measures with a view to the relief of a people suf.Vring beyond any former example, is now manifest to all, if not acknowledged by all. No small portion of those who aided in brin rig into power the present in cumbent of the Executive chair, have witnessed with painful disappointment the pertinacity with which he has persevered in forcing upon the country a system of measures destructive of its best interests and ruinous to the enterprise and business of the people : And they have resolved, as the only means left of staying the progress of those measures, to aid in calling from retirement a distinguished citizen, whose enlightened pat riotism, great practical wisdom and sound repub lican principles have secured for him the highest respect and confidence. The name of Harrison has animated the whole country with hope. It has roused an enthusiasm which pervades all grades and classes of the people. That enthu siasm chastened by wise counsels and hallowed by patriotism, will be the animating principle of the “National Convention.” Reflecting, as its members will, the principles and feelings of the great majority of the people throughout the Union, their deliberations will be no less national in their character than patriotic in their design; and will tend, it is confidentially believed, to harmonize and invigorate the efforts of the nation to place the Executive government in the hands of one who has never yet disappoint ed the expectations of his country. He who, by this bravery in the field, redeemed the honor of the nation, when betrayed by treachery and cow ardice, will not fail to correct by his wisdom and prudence the errors of the civil administration of the Government under which he is severely suf fering. Thanking “the Delegates from the City of Baltimore” for their gratifying invitation, and you, gentlemen, for the acceptable terms in which in | is conveyed, I have the honor to be, with sincere regard. Your obedient servant, JOHN RUGGLES. To Neilson Poe, Esq. and others. An Examination Oj the. claimt of Mr. Van Buren and Gen■ Jlarri ton to Ike support of the South, in an Address of ike Hon. VI abuv Thompson to h>s constituents TO MY CONSTITUENTS. It has been ray habit on my annual return from Washington, lo mix so freely with you that I have not found it necessary to address you in the fore* of a circular; circumstances have changed, and f now find myself holding opinions oppos ed t<» ihose of the undivided newspaper press of the State. Ii is due lo my elf and to you that I s loubi not conceal these opinions from you, nor withhold the reasons which have led to them. I hav •» not made up my mind hastily, as to the course ,-hich it was proper for Ihoi-e occupying the peculiar posi tion which f do, to take in ihe coming Preside nlial election. I have done so with the utmost delti >era tion, and after the lullesl enquiry. Not that 1 have ever once thought of supporting Mr. Van Bt ren : you sent me here opposed to hun ; all that 1 have suice seen of the principles and character o; f his Administration have only tended to confirm and add energy to that opposition. But I had do übts whether there were not grounds of oppositio n to the oilier candidaie, though nut equally strong, yet strong enough to forbid my supporting him. Tt ere are oiflerenees of opinion on important subjects be tween Gen. Harrison and myself, out there is no prospect for the present, and 1 see but little for I be future,of tlie elevation lo the Presidency of a, iy one holding my peculiar principles. 1 have ihei e fore to choose between the two, and having a d 3- cided preference, 1 cannot consent u» withhold th e expression of ihat preference. Ido not intend t » go into the canvass; but between th-it and voting ' at the -lection there is a w.de difference. Ido noi intend lo be forced into any position w hich will in any way interfere with my placing myself in oppo sition, if Gen- flarrison shall be elected, to any measures which be may propose, or generally to his administration, if duty shall demand it of me. Not to vote is mere child s play, and unbecoming the Stale. If it had pleased the leaders of the old nullification party lo have abstained from any par ticipaiton whatever in the contest, 1 should have been gratified ; but it has not. The most strenuous advocates of Mr. Van Buren that. 1 know are politi cians and leaders of the Nullification party. That party has been indeed dissolved, and the largest portion in our own Stale are now distinctly muster ed under the banner of Mr. Van Buren. ' I cannot enlist in that service, and for the following among other reasons : 1 have always looked with ihe greai est tears lo the introduction into the politics of the Union the system of the Albany Regency—a sys tem commenced immediately alter the close of the Revolution, by Aaron Burr, and of which Mr. Van f. aren is ihe acknowledged head. The great char acteristic ol that system is to govern men : by ad dressing the lowe-t of their selfish passions, ihe love of money and of office 'The same system up on which S: Robert Walpole practised with such corrupting influenceupon English morals, and with such fatal effects upor, English liberty. If for no other reason, 1 would not sanction, by a re-election the influences which brought Mr. Van Buren into power; no fair man will deny that he was brought into office by the overpowering influence ol Gen. Jackson. The first step in (he decline of all free republics lias been ihe nomination, by the execu tive head of the Government, of his successor. It is a curious fact, and will be so regarded hercafier, that a man should have attained l ie Presidency without having associated his name with one sin gle .mportani period or measure in the history of his country If the most prolix and minute historian were to write the history of this country previous to Mr Van Buren’s election, there is no single point in that history with which he would find occasion or excuse for connecting his name. 1 regard as the very greatest danger of the limes in which we live, greater even than the encroachments of the Feder al on the Stale Governments, the alarming ten !en cy to the accumulation in the Federal Executive of all the powers of the co ordinate departments ot the Fede. 1 Government. We have seen Mr. Van Buren persisting in pressing upon the country his financial schemes, after repeated decisions of the people against them, in defiance of their remon strances, and in disregard of their great and uni versal sufferings. We have seen him urging tnese I schemes by all the vast patronage and power with w hich he is invested, and receiving the aid of ihose who have denounced these measures as destructive of the best mteresis of the country. What differ ence is there between an acknowledged despotism, where the Executive makes the laws, and such a slate of things as this, where he makes the la’.vs through Ihe agency of others, many of whom are themselves opposed to Ihese Jaws ? There is one ground of objection lo Mr. Van Bit ten which w ould forbid me to vote for him it I ap proved of bis measures, which Ido not; ami if I had confidence in his professions, which I have not: 1 allude to the ferocious war which he hr.s been waging, and which, if re-elected, he will cr.rry on with increased energy, upon the currency, com merce and credit ol the country. Never has ihts world known a people as prosperous and. as happy as ouis when he entire into power; never has any people suffered more severe trials s’nee. It has been one unbroken series of suffering, disaster and misery. Ido most sincerely be’.ieve that no thing can restore prosperiy to the country but ta king power irora Ins hands ; nothi.ig else will re store public confidence, and confidence is all that is now wanting, it is true that many of the causes off embarrassment existed before the last election ; we should have suffered somewhat, but that the troubles and embarrassments of the country have l>een infinitely aggravated by his measures, Ido m>t doubt. We have had other periods of deranged currency, but they have passed speedily away. Why has this been so protracted and severe ? For no other reason than that the whole power of ifie Government has been exerted to the destruction u»- sle dos to the sustaining of credit and confidence. It is said that Mr. Van Buren has come to our pi m ciples He says not, but that he is carrying out ins own principles—those of his illusi ious predeces sor, in whose footsteps, with much mure of | obey than of dignity, he was pledged to follow. Has he come to our Slate rights principles ? It is not l j be denied that he makes an annual profession oi some of these principles; so did his proclamation and foice bill predecessor. Ido nut look to his pro fessions ; what has been his practice? I propose to examine that, and to contrast the opinions ot his competitor with his,on every one of these points. First, es the tariff: Gen Harrison regards the compromise of 1822 as of the highest obligation, and is disposed lo adhere lo it; and if more reve nue is required, not to increase the duties on pro tected amclcy but lo impose dunes oh those arti cles which are now duty free—such anicles as the people of the North use and do not manufacture, and aslo which the exemption from duties is more beneficial to them than to us. What are the opinions of Mr. Yin Buren on this subject ? No one knows. I say no one knows whai. are the present opinions ot Mr. Van Buren. We do know' what his past opinions are ; that he voted for the bill of abominations, the tariff of 18i8 ; and that he boasted at Albany, on his return from Wash mgto.i, in a public speech of his unvarying support of ihe tariff. It was then said at the South he give that vote against his own opinions, under the coer cion of legtslaiive instructions. 'J his 1 never be lieved, and it has b n lately charged, and Mr. Tall in ago, of the Senate referred to as an authority to prove, from und r the baud ot Mr. Van Buren, that lip wrote lo his friends in the New York Legislature that th ise instructions were only in conformity to his own fixed opinions ; and it has not been denied. As to the internal improvements, General Harrisjii i holds precisely the opinion ol Gen. Jackson —that Congress possesses the power to appropriate mo’ lo wo.kf of a national character. I dissent from’ that opinion But he is, at the same time opposed to the exercise of the power. Mr. Van Buren pro fesses to believe Ihat Congress does not possess the power, but habitually sanctions its exercise. More money was appiopriaC-d for internal improvements in the first year of his administration, than was done in the whole four years of the adranistration of Mr. Adams Now, 1 would rather have a Presi dent who admitted the puwe% but was opposed lo its exercise, than one who denied the power, but habitually exerted it As to internal improvement, it is no more a practical question than would be the embargo, except as to the Cumberland road and harbors ; Mr. Van Buren sanctioned both of these I regard this as the very worst iorm in which power can be exerted. It is not only necessarily partia 1 , as it is confint d in its benefits to the seaboard, but that is the very region where, from vicinity to mark ets, these improvements are not needed, and if they are the people being wealthy, can make them lor themselves It is in the remote interior where they are needeck ami w here he people are generally too poor to make them A National Bank.—General Harrison denies the power unaerany express grant in the Constitution ; but says, that it shall he demonstrated that the pub lic revenues cannot be collected without such an institution, he thinks that Congress, may, in that event, establish a bank. I have never seen any man even the strictest sect, who denies the power thus qualified. No Government can exist without revenue ; it would not in such a case, be a question of convenience, but of necessity, absolute, imperi ous and involving the very existence of the Govern ment. If Congress may i.ot, in such a case, charier a hank, that clause of the constitution w hich gives all ‘ powers necessary and proper to the execution” of granted powers is a mere nullity, and its framers were not that bony of sages that we have supposed tham. It was on this ground that the charter of a bank in 1816, re. rived the support of Dallas, (’raw ford, Lown. es, and Calhoun, and the Republican pattv of that day ; and at a later day, it was on this ground that the constitutionality of a bank has been advocated by Mr. McDuffie, and every leading po luician of South Carolina. I expressed these views j>n a letter, published during my last canvass. Ido ' not, however, think the establishment of a national bank within the powers of Congress, as no such necess ty h r been demonstrated; and Ido not antici pate any such. Bui lam not disposed to denounce those as either knaves or fools who think differ ently, when 1 remember that the first charier was signed in 1791, four years alter the aooption of the , constitution, by General Washington, President of, the Convention which formed that instrument, with all the debates fresh in Hs memory, and the second by the great and virtuous M .disun, who was its great architect. Nor have I any such apprehensions as some express of the dangers ot such an institu tion, when 1 remember that, of the fifty-three years of national existence, we have h*d a national bank for forty years, and that our liberties have not only survived if, but that no injurious influence was ei ther exerted or attempted, that those forty years were precLely the period of our greatest prosperity and happiness, and of advance in civilization and power, unprecedented in the history of the world ; and that the thirteen when we have had no such institution were years of universal stagnation of ail the employ rnents of life, and that of suffering and distress which results from a deficient or vitiated currency. I do not doubt that a bank, not sufficiently guard ed, may be. orae a dangerous engine in the hands of a corrupt Government, and that it may be used in juriously to the South. But, properly guarded, I have just as little doubt that the chief benefits of such an institution will be to the South, for the simple reason that the South is the paying, not the receiving section, and is therefore mainly interested in having the uniform currency. Kui whatever may be the dangers, real or sup posed, of a National Bank, they sink into utter in significance in comparison with those of the Gov ernment bank ; ami that such is the alternative con templated by Mr. \an Bunn 1 do not think any longer doubtful; and 1 think 1 have bereigioreprov e i it. But it is said that General Harrison is an aboli tionist, and that it was for that reason that "he has b en nominated over Mr. Claj—who was to ob noxious to the abolitionists that none of them would vote lor him. You cannot have forgotten thst the very men, and the very presses, who now tell you this, up to the very moment ol the fiarri burg nom mat ton, said that Mr Clay was an abolitionist Now you are told that he nut only is not, but is es pecially Objectionable to the abolitionists. Both cannot be true —V\ hat is it that has so suddenly transformed Mr. Clay ? 1 will tell you. He is no lunger a candidate tor the Presidency. He is in nobody’s way—and his therelore respite from ca lumny. He is now a marvellous proper man But let that illustrious citizen—illustrious fur every great quah y that elevates our nature —be once ra .re brought before the country and ihe same war of calumny and falsehood wilt ag*iß be waged a gainst him. Harrison an abolitionist—a Virginian, and that Virginian a Harrison —an abolitionist! Does any one really believe it ? No one living, north or south, has done and suf , sered as much in the cau*e of defending this insti tution of the South as General Harrison ; and no statesman of this country has given as many votes against lhai institution as Martin Van Buren; and i he never changed or wavered in this course until,: without such change, he could not have h >pea *o he elected President Now' it is bad enough to challenge our especial • xmfidence for an old undeviatitig enemy who never ceased lo oppose us until the necessities of his po litical position made it expedient—bat it is too bad at the same lime to ask us to denounce an old long I tried friend, who has sacrificed himselt to our in terests. What friendship can we hereafter ex pect v» hat friendship do we deserve, if w=e thus act ? Allow me to submit the proofs in support of the broad proposition which 1 have asserted. Mr. Van Buren voted in the New Vonk Conven tion to confer the highest privilege of a freeman upon negroes, it was carried mamly by his influ ence ; and it is to him Ihat we ate indebted lor the fact, that the powerful representation of forty mem bers from the Slate of New York are sent here in part by negroes. In 18 9, Mr. Van Buren voted to instruct Rufus K ng, then a Senator in Congress from New York, to vote against the admission of Missouri into the Union unless slavery was abolished. It to me a melancholy illustration of the decadence of public feeling, and of a want of proper tone and spirit in Ine South, that one of the prime movers—perhaps Ihe very prime mover of that daigwocn measure should not only be urged upow the confidence of the South, nut is so pressed as the only anointed savior of Southern institutions. Mr. Jefferson said that the newsof that movement came upon him like the cry of fire in the night No one crisis in our public affairs has so excited the fears of eve-y patriot • and, most strange and unaccou.liable, he who ed the torch is held up as our best friend, and' he who extinguished it as our worst enemy. Is this grateful, fair, or just? No later than 1822, Mr. Van Buren voted to restrict the introduction of slaves into Florida. If Congress lias the power to restrict has it not the power to forbid the introduction of slaves into a Territory ? Who denies this ? If y ou have power to restrict it lo settlers, why may you not restrict it still further to settlers over eighty years of age, or altogether ? Look on that picture and now look on this ! In 1802, General Harrison presided over a convention in Indiana, whose object was lo obtain a mod.fication of tho ordinance of 1789, so as to admit slavery in that Territory ? In 1819, General Harrison was a member of Congress from a district in Ohio containing more abolitionists than any other in the State. The Mi,souri question raised by Mr. Van Buren and his associates was’ brought before Congress. It was one of those try ing occasions which few men have the moral cour age lo meet. General Harrison had, and actel worthily of his own fame, and the patriot name which he had inherited from a noble ancestor He was told. If you vote with the South, you will de. stroy yourself. “'lhat is probable,” he replied “ but it is belier that I should destroy myself than to destroy the Constitution of my country’’ an ex press ion and an act sufficient of themselves to stamp him a patriot He voted, with two others, and only two, from the non slave States, to sustain the chartered rights of the South. Never did a wilder, fiercer, or more furious storm burst upon the head of any man. At the next election, he was notwithstanding h s overwhelming popularity, bea’ ten for Congress; and never was more vituperation and opprobrium heaped upon any man than hesuf lered.—The town of Cheviot was in hta district and in that neighborhood there were more abolition ists than any where else in the State; and there ihe denunciation of General Harrison was most violent in 1533, the people of Cheviot, remembering his public services, and willing to forgive, not to for get, his great political crime—for abolition had in creased, not diminished—invited him to a public dinner. His friends urged him to make no allusion to abolition; that a decent respect to those had invited him-a very large pomon ot whom were abolitionists demanded that he should make no allusion to the past. He at once determined that he would not; but, on hia way to Cheviot, ho found the dangerous spirit of abolition more rife than ever. He determined to rebuke it, and he did *o. I wish you to remember that this speech WJg not made to stave holders, but that there was not a man in the assembly who was not opposed to sla very, and a large number of them abolitionists. To such an assembly he he d the following language ; “ There is, however, a subject now begming to ■ agitate them (ihe Southern States,) in relation to l which if their alarm has any loun ration, the relative situation in winch they may stand to some of the States, will be the very reverse to what it now is. 1 allude to a supposed disposition in some individ uals in the non-slaveholding States to interlere with the slav» population of the other £ tales, for the purpose of forcing their emancipation. Ido not call your attention to this subject, fellow citizens, from the apprehension that there is a man amongst you w ho w ill lend his aid I* a project so pregnant with mischief; ami still less a State in the Union w hich could he brought to give it countenance But such are tho feelings of our south ern brethren upon this subject—such theit views, and their just views, of the evils which an inlerfer en e Oi this kind would bring upon them, that long before it would reach the point of receiving ihe sanction of a State, the evil of the attempt would lie consummated, as far as we are concern ed, by a dissolution of the I n'on. If there is any principle of the Constitution of the United States less disputable tha.. any it is, that the slave population is under the exclusive control of the Stales which possess them. If there is any measure likely to rivet the chains, and blast the piospects ol th.' negroes for emancipation, it is tlio interference of unauthorised persons. Can any one, who is acquainted with the operations of the human mind, doubt this ? We have seen how restive our Southern brethren have been from a supposed vio lation of their political rights. Wh it must be the consequence of an acknowledged violation of these righis, (for evety man of sense must admit it to be so,) conjoined with an insulting interference with their domestic concerns? u I will not atop to viqtureinto the motives o f those, who are engaged in this fatal and unconstitutional project. There may he some who have embarked in it without properly considering its consequences , and who a r e actuated by benevolent .nd virtuous princi ples. But , if such there are, lam very certain'hat should they continue their present course, their feVow citiz ns will, ere long, “ curse the virtues which have undone their cou try'’’ “ Should I he asked* is there no way by which j the General Goverenment ran aid the cause ofeman ) cipation, I answer that it has long been an object ■ near my heart to see the whole of ns surplus reve nue appropriated lo that object. With the sanction of the Slates holding the slaves, there appears to vie to be no constitutional objection to its being ihus applied ; embracing not only the co'onizaiion of those that may be otherwise freed, but the pur chase of the freedom of others. By a zealous prose cution of a plan formed upon that basis, we might look forward to a day, not very distant when a North American sun would not look down upon a slave To those who have rejected the plan of colonization, I would ask if they have w ell weighed the consequences of emancipation without it ? How loi-g would the emancipated negroes remain sU is fieri wuh lhal? Would any of the Southern Slates then (the'negroes armed and organized) he able to resist their claims to a participation in ail their political rights ! *V u!d ileven slop there ? Would they not claim admiltance to all the social rights and privileges of a community in which, in some instances, they would compose the majority? Let those w ho take pleasure in i be contemplation of such scenes as must inevitably fellow, finish out I the picture. ; “Isl am correct iu the principles here advanced, j I leper* my assertion, that the discussion on the sub | jecl oj emancipation in the non r Urveho[ding Stales is equally injurious to the shoes and th ir masters , I and that it has no sanction in the principles of the j ConHvutvm. 1 must not be understood lo say, that j there is any thing in that instrument which prohi bits such a discussion. I Know there is not. But tide min who believes that the claims which bn fellow citizens have upon him are satisfied by ad hering to the letter of the political compact that connects them, must have a very imperfect knowl edge of the principles upon which our glorious Union was lorrued, and by which alone it can be maintained ” The following extract of a letter from an in timate friend of Gen* Harrison, places his con duct on that occasion in a striking point of view : “ But his speech at Cheviot, ass »rds still stronger proof on this point It was delivered, you will re collect, on the 4th of July: it was delivered 100 before the very men who h id opposed him because of Ins slavery views. Purely, then, be would n«>t n»w touch this dangerous topic. The occasion did not r quire it : the occasion, indeed, would hardly justify it. Besides, this was the fint opportunity which the General had enjoyed since 1822 of ad dressing Ihe people ; and how easy, bow natural it would have been, to improve it lor his own ends ; to seek, by talking ofoHd times, of hi* (eais of arms, and the glorious West, to kindle afresh tliose friend ly feelings which once burned so strongly in his favor ? Why nett so era! race it ? Why, a! any rate, discuss a subject which was full of excitement, which might rouse against him passions that were even then only slumbering, which had before, and on that very spot, marred his political prospects ? He did it, it is evident, because a foul spirit was ! about him, which if aflow-e i to spread, would peril all that was noble in the land ; and he forgot him i-elf, and thought only of his country, in the effott lo destroy that spirit.'” Afterwards, in a speech at Vincennes in 1835, he used the following language upon this subject: “ I have now, fellow-citizens, a few words more to say nn another subject, and which is, in mv opinion, of more importance than any ether that is now in the course of discussion in any part of the Union. I allude to the societies which have been formed, and the movements of certain individuals, in some of the States, in relation to a portion of the population in others. The conduct of these persons is the more dangerous, because their ob ject is masked under tlic garb of disinterestedness and benevolence ; and their course vindicated by arguments and propositions which in the abstract no one can dewy. But, however fascinating may be the dress with which their schemes are present ed to their fellow citizens, with whatever purity of intention they may have been formed and sustain ed, they will be found to carry iu their train mis chief to the whole Union, and horrors to a large portion of it, which, it is probable, some of the projectors, and many of their supporters, have never thought of; the latter, the first in the series of evils which are to spring from their source, are such as you have read of, to have been perpetrated on the fair plains of Italy and Gaul hy the Scythian hordes of Atilla and Alaric ; and such as most of you apprehended, upon that memorable night when the tomahawks and war clubs of the followers of I ecumseh were rat tling in your suburbs. I regard not the disavowals of any such intention unon the part of tne authors of these schemes, since, upon the examination of the publications which have been made, they will be found to contain the very facts, and very argu ment, which wou'd have been used, if such would have keen their obbject. lam certain that there is not in this assembly, one of these deluded men, and that there are few within the bounds of the State. If there are any, I would earnestly entreat them to forbear; to pause in their career, and de liberately consider the consequence of their con duct to the whole Union, and to those for whose benefit they profess to act. That the latter will be the victims of the weak, in •udicious, presumptuous, and unconstitutional efforts to serve them , a tho rt ugh. examination of the subject must convince them. The struggle (and struggle there must be) may commence with horrors such as I have descri bed, but it will end with more fitmly rivetting the chains or in the utter extirpation, of those whose cause tney advocate. “ Am I ion ng, fellow-citizens, in applying the t rms weak, presumptuous and unconstitutional to the measures of the emancipators ? A slight ex amination will, I think, show that lam not. In a vindication of th e objects of a Convention which was lately held in one of the towns of Ohio, which I saw in a newspaper, it was said that nothing more was intended than to produce a state of pub lic feeling which would lead lo an amendment of the Co. slitucion, authorising the abolition of sla very in the United States. Now, can an amend ment of the Constitution be effected without the consent of the Southern States ? What, then, is the proposition to be submitted to them ? It is this: ‘ The present provisions of the Constitution secure to you the right (a right which you held be fore it was made, which you have never given up,) to manage your own domestic concerns in your own way; but as we are convinced that you do not manage them properly, we want you to put in the hands of the General Government, in the councils of which wc have the majority, the control over these mailers, the effect of which will be v to transfer the power from yours into o> lr “ A-gaiu ; in some of the States, ani in Sf . ?•’ of others, the black population far exceeds hT 1 ° os the white. Some of the emancipators Dl -o at °f immediate abolition. What is the prorTv 3 " then, as it regards these States and parts o f^ S , tlon . but the alternatives of amalgamation blacks, or an exchange of situations with th **** Is there any man of common sense wi )o believe that the emancipated blacks, heincr** 3 8,1 jority, will insist upon a full participation of* m ’' ical rights with the whites ; and when of these, they will not contend for a full social rights also ? What but the extreme* weakness and folly could induce any one t V that such propositions as these could be list° by a people so intelligent as the Southern !? edtf| Further : the emancipators generally declare k S ’ is their intention to effect their object' aiti* , 11 acts contradict the assertion) by no othe ° than by convincing the slaveholders that t}/ ■ nea “ s diate emancipation of the slaves is called lni:ne ' by moral obligation and sound policy ? r * bot! > fledged youth, a: the moment of leaving r Un ' in many instances, before he has left it) j,, gical seminary, undertakes to give lectuio °*°‘ morals to the countrymen Wythe, Tucker p Upou toa, and Lowndes ; and lessons of political • to States, whose affairs have so recently h!l! S^orn reeled by Jefferson and Madison,Macon a n dr° ford. Is it possible that instances of greater • *' and presumption could be exhibite. ? n C< J n ‘ , y course pursued by the emancipators is uncou tional. Ido not say that there are any w 0 p l . ‘ Constitution which forbid the discusiionc f | S ** engaged in; I know that there arc not there is even an article which secures to th - zens the right to express and publish their on’ Clt ** without restriction. But in the construction of Constitution it is always necessary to refer t, i circumstances under which it was fiamed a h 6 ascertain its meaning by a comparison of’gf . t 0 visions with each other, and with the previous^ 0 * nation of the several States who were parties In a portion of these, slavery was recognised ° they took oare to I aye the right them t follow and reciainTsuch of them as were fueiti - ° to other States. The laws of Congress, passed ' CS der tnis power, have provided punishment to T'. who shall oppose or interrupt the exercise of th' right. Now, can any one believe that the i ustr a ment, which contains a provision of this kind" which authorizes a master to pursue his slave mi another State, take him back, and provides a p Ur ishment for any citizen or citizens of that star* who should oppose him, should, at the same time' authorize the latter to assemble together, to nJ resolut ons and adopt addresses, not only toencoa rage the slave • to leave thcii masters, out to cut their throats before they da so ? “I insist that, if the citizens of the non- slave, holding Stales can avail themselves of the article of the ConslPution which prohibits the restriction of speech or the press, to publish any thing inj uri . ous to the rights of the slavcholding States, that they can go to the extreme that I have mentioned and effect any thing further which writin® or speaking could effect. But, fellow-citizens, these arc not the principles Constitution. Such a con struction would defeal one of the great objects of its formation, which was that of securing the peace and harmony of the States which were parties to it. The liberty of speech and of the press, were given as the most effectual means to preserve to each and every citizen their own rights, and to the States the rights which appertained to them at the time of their adoption. It could never have been expected that it would be used by the citizens if one portion of the States for the purpose of depriv ing those of another portion of the rights which they had reserved at the adr/ption of the Constitu tion, and in the exercise of which , none, but them selves have any concern or interest. If slavery u an evil, the evil is with them. If there is guilt in it, the guilt is theirs, not ours, since neither the States where it dees not exist, nor the Government of the United States, can, without usurpation of power, and the violation of a solemn compact, do any thing to remove it without the consent if those who are immediately interested. But they will neither ask for aid, nor consent to be aided, whilst the illegal, persecuting, and dangerous movements are in progress, of which I complain ; the interest of all concerned requires that these should be stop ped immediately. This can only be done by the force of public opinion, and that cannot too soon be brought into operation. Every movement which is made by the abolitionists in the non-slavcboldug •States, is viewed by our Southern brethren as an attack upon their rights, and which,if persisted in, must in the end, eradicate those feelings of attach ment and affection, between the citizens of all the States, which was produced by a community of in terests and dangers in the war of the Revolution, which was the foundation of our happy Union,and by a continuance of which it can alone be preserv ed. I entreat you, then, to frown upon measures which are to produce resu ts so much to be depre cated. The opinion which I have now given,l have omitted no opportunity for the last twoyears to lay before the people of my own Stale. I have taken the liberty to express them here, knowing that even if they should unfortunately not accord with yours, they would be kindly received.” What motive can Gen. 11. have to falsify all that he has heretofore said on this subject—to disgrace and dishonor himself ? He can have none, as he is pledged not to he again a candidate. But it is said that, if he is not an abolitionist, the abolitionists support him. it is not true. As hr as I know, there is but one abolition paper in the Union that is not opposed to him; and that u nut more than neutral. Bui to put this charge forever at rest, the aboli tionists at a late Convention, have de ermine! to suppo.t neither of the candidates, and have started candidates of iheir own. In the Cheviot speech. General Harrison advan ces ihe opinion that, on the application of the .Slavs States, Cor gress may appropriate the public lands to ihe purjioses of emancipation. In this I know he is i r . error, but it :s an error into which Mr. Jef ferson, and Mr Madison have fallen; and a most harmless error No such application will ever be mode by the slave States; and it it should, there is no great danger in those States being aided with money on their own applies ion. I do not know General Harrison personally; I ordy k .ovv him through the history of the country. If that history be I me, it is absurd to deny him high qnalites and tuterns. It is too late to deny mil iary talents toa man who, to say nothing of any thing e'se, has received an unanimous vote oi lhanki from Congress, the approbation of Madison, and ot the time honored SheKy, who served in the *ara« campaigns with him I have been very much struck with one thing in the life of Gen. Harrison. He entered the service of the country when but a b *y, with a large hereditary fortune. He hid op* poriunities of enriching himself to millions whilst Governor of tne North Western Ternloy- but h« came out of that service and a’l of his trusts, a poor man; and he is neither vicious nor a spendthrift It was regirv".-*! among the Romans, the highest compliment to one who had been invested with iht port ant trusts, to he able to say that he died on poor as to be I uried at thepublic expense. Never did any man belter deserve such a tribute. For these reasons I du not hesitate to expn’stto yon my opinion that the inteiests of the country will be promoted by the election of Gen. Harrison- If. however, he should be elected, and his adminis tration should be such as my own judgment nwy n<t approve, 1 shall place myself in no position where I cannot ojipose that administration. Os one thing I feel very sure, that no change can be lor the worse. Most gratefully and truly, your humble servant. April 18. 184 t . WAUUY THOMPSON, Jr The Last of the Poles !—Poniatowski. tha gallant prince who leaped on horse-back into » rapid river, filled with wreck and ruin, and went to the bottom with his colors flying, was called hy Nepoleon himself the last of the Poke." The last of the Poles! God forbid ! There are thousand and tens of thousands of that uncon querable nation lo be found in all the armies o ! Europe, and scattered over ail the face of tb e earth—abounding even in this country —ashram adventurous, and iion-hke as Poniatowski hint* self. Among the best and bravest of all troops ever fed by that great conqueror to batik, were always the Poles— a’.ways !—and tbe* never faltered o.“ flinched; but were ready 10 storm even a battery on horse-back which ' ,a * planted on the top of a hill—at the mere poin l ) ing of hrs finger! Aye, and they carried it too —leaping their horses literally Jnto (he vorM< just as the gallant Pulawski leaped his battle charger into the redoubts of Savannah, iu revolutionary war. No! never let it be s»* that Poniatowski was the last of the Poles, win e