Georgia Historic Newspapers

    (Ilf
CHRONICLE AND SENTINEL,.
AUGUSTA. ■
TUESDAY MORNING MAY 12.
General Harrison’* prospects.
Toe numerous convincing evidences of the sue •
cess of General Harrison are d:4!y crowding upon
us, and there is none more conclusive than the
withdrawal of many of the leaders of the Van Bu
ren party from-the support of hits administration,
and their acknowledged determination to suppor*
Harris©". The majority of theje have not only
been warm supporters of the of
'Gem Jackson, but have acquiesced in tlie first
nomination of Mr. Van Buren, aijd contributed ma
teria! ly 'to his election, Messrs; Rives, Garland,
Payne, Campbell and Fontaine of Virginia, Hon.
Hugh S. Legare of S. Carolina . Gr-n. McElvaine
df Ohio, Senator Talraadge of N*w York, and more
recently Senator John Ruggles of [Maine, are of
this class of men, to which may be* added several
leading men iu Georgia. These men*have all occu
pied high stations in the party ta wlfich they have,
.heretofore, given their support, and held a strong
‘hold upon the affections of the people of their re
spective states. But the' have bee'ii driven by a
high moral sense of duty to the country and its in
stitutions, to renounce an administration whose
whole course has been a continue I violation of
•the solemn pledges made to this people, “ of re
’form and retrenchment” in th is administration of
the government, and as the onli rmsans of saving
the republic, bringing back our institutions to their
former purity, and preserving ti’e scjrreigoty of the
states, they have magnanimously J declared their
intention to give t&eir suppojjt to Harrison and
Tyler. j I
The defection of such men, iVen |vf acknowledg
ed talent and probity, dislinguisheh alike in the
National councils and State legislatures, presents
to the plain inquirer after truthi a problem, which
he should honestly endeavor I<| solve. The solu
tion, we think will not be difficult; The truth is,
the administration of Mr. Van|Bu*en has been a
succession of experiments upon the currency of
*the country, which has deprived ttje Nation of the
best currency that ever existed* since the organiza
tion of any government, the people in
its place, one, only equaled by thut known to the
early days of this Republic, at} continental money.
Without the slightest regard to consistency the
administration have denounce d Banks and paper
money, while its friends in ev< ry State in the Un
ion where they have controulei thx affairs of State,"
hatve chartered as much Bmk capital within
the last, six years, as had been previously charter
ed since the organization of tin* government. And
now that they are overwhelmed with a currency,
in many instances almost valueless, and every
where in the most deranged slate, they have the
effrontery to attempt to fasten {upon tte opposition
all the evils of the derangement of that currency.
This has been a prominent csihse of the defection,
to which may be added, as Staving exercised no
small iaflueice, the pertinacity with which the
administration persists in ende ivotmg to force upon
the country, its favorite Sub-Treasury scheme, af
ter it has been three different ime , rejected by the
people through their represen arises. A scheme,
which proposes to furnish tool ice.holders gold and
silveras a currency,and to the people irredeemable
j
Again, while they have bee i lovid and boisterous
in their professions of a wii a to reduce the ex
penditures of the government they have success
fully resisted every effort to educe the salaries of
office holders, while they hade t?en equally c!a
morous in fheir efforts to redi ce the price of labor
among mechanics and laborers, and have openly
declared in their places in the Sem'te'and House of
Representatives, their wish i bring the govern
ment and people to an exclusi e metalic currency,
in order that the prices of lab|r r -.ight be reduced.
And as an evidence of their wi h to bring the Amer
ican people, for whom they al ect the most tender
regard, down to a state of va sahge bordering up
on that of the serfs of Russia : nd the despotic gov
ernments of the did worldj.’M Van Buren has re
commended, as models for uiijto pattern after, the
hard money currency of tho I despotisms.
Alarming and dangerous *.s ore these avowed
doctrines and experiments if t T .e administration,
they are greatly aggravated Ijy tl|e reflection, that
the administration of Mr. Tan Buren, ha been
marked by a system of bn|erj and corruption,
which, if ever 'equalled, wzjj certainly never sur
passed in the history of the 'dorlcl. Fheir motto is
“ to the victors belong the spi ils,l’ thereby' offering
a reward to the sarrifise of b dependent ana honest
opinions for the sake of d stinction and office,
and by the exercise of a deifoot&m over the free
■ ;
exercise of the opinions of tli iise‘n office, mainly
contributes to the prostitulir |t of the higher moral
sense, and renders every ofl’ite |iolder of the gov
ernment a brawling parti2,in. its the tenure by
which he holds office. * ]
These constitute a few of he |>reminent reasons
why so many distinguished me a have renounced
their allegiance to a party i hosj» object is to con
vert the government of then fat-iers into a perfect
despotism, and induced then to proclaim their ad
hesion to the cause of reforr . A j first, large bodies
of the people were not movi d bjy these extraordi
nary measures of the admini tra 'ion, but more re
cent events, have shown this; this spirit is abroad,
and that they are now movi; g forward in immense
todies to the rescue of the Constitution, and as
certain as the fates, will hui' from the high places,
those who have abused tkei it cot‘fide nee, and tram
pled upon and violated thei; rights.
The following extract of a 31 te* received at this of
fice, is only one of the man}, evi jencesjvve daily re’
cci-ve of the pr grass of refor a ini Georgia.
“Gen. Marritson’s popula‘ ty ihincreasing among
kb every day, and if the pe. pie 'hare lign» on the
subject of the next Prestden lal Election, I have no
doubt that Georgia will gm Havnson a triumphan t
majority. We hop*> in thj section that the June
Convention will nominate «, Hardison Electoral lirk
et, if so, we can carry the : Hate for the Log Cabin
and Hard Cider candidate.'
From the Albany JofirmZ of the 6th.
Whig Victory in the tfapiital of the Em
pire State I
THE WHIG BANNER FlloA's'l TRIUMPHANTLY
IN EVERT 4aH{j!!!
The Whigs of Albany lavri gone triumphant
ly through with their Clartjr Election. The
Capital of the Empire Stale stands proudly erect*
THERE IS A WHIG MjUfjRITY FOR AL
DERMEN IN EVERY WA RD IN THE CI
TY! Every Ward in th j City has increased its
Whig majority since the! las* Charter Election.
We have carried the Cit;| by over one hundred
more majority than we had in the spring of 1839.
This is a great triump r. The Old Regency
made their last, expiring fu. u They knew and
felt that unless they f luid make a show of
strength here—once thi seiat of their power—
Jiere, where they once ha» every thing their own
way—that all was over with Van Buren. This, ’
too, was the crowning Spring Election. The
“last gun” was to he tired here. They therefore
brought every influence to bear. But it was an
impo'enl effort —an unavailing struggle. The
indomitable Whig Party, without organization,
but in high spirit and enthusiasm, rushed to the
Polls and secured a Victory worthy ofthemselves,
the City and their Cause.
Log Cabin Chair.
Among the numerous rare productions which
the Harrison enthusiasm has introduced, we were
shown yesterday a Chair brought by Col. CoL
well,of this city, from Baltimore, being one ofthe
twelve which were used by the Committee of Re
ception at the Whig Convention. It is an armed
Chair, minufactured of the branches of the tree
which affords the favorite beverage of the old he
ro, put together in a very neat and ingenious man
ner, without removing the bark from the material,
of which it is composed. The seat is formed of
the same material, being straight pieces of about
three fourths of an inch in diameter, laid parallel
across and nailed to the sidebars, and the whole
varnished over. It is unlike any thing we have
ever seen, and is a much more neat and comfor
table Chair, than we had supposed could he made
of such material.
We were also shown a full length Lithograph
of the General and bis War Horse, which was
neatly framed in Buckeye, and ornamented in
each corner with the fruit of that tree, which we
learned from Col. C. was brought to Baltimore
by the Delegation from Ohio.
The^Rcfarmer.
Another evidence of the progress of Reform in
Georgia is the reception with whicn the Reformer
meets in every section of the Slate—yesterday more
than sixty names were added to our list, from differ
ent parts of the State.
The National Intelligencer of the eighth says,
the Van Buren Conventional Baltimore has proved
abortive. Its only ostensible purpose—the nomina
tion of a candidate for Vice Presidency—it has failed
to effect, and it has ended in disappointment, and
real if not open dissension. It is vain to say that it
nominated a candidate for the Presidency. It was
poorly worth while to bring together delegates from
all parts of the Union to announce Mr. Van Buren
as a candidate for re-election—unless indeed it was
to contradict the rumor that he was to be with
drawn, and a more available candidate set up in
his place. But that was not the object. It was
supposed that Col. Johnson could be coaxed into a
withdrawal. The Richmond Enquirer announced
last fall >hat he had withdrawn and praised him be
yond measnre for hi * magnan.miiy ; and the Con
vention was got up to nominate a successor to him.
But their blandishments laded The Colonel would
not retire; and they have boldly thrown him over
board.
The Convention was divided on the expediency
of a nomination—being (according to the rule by
which the Convention voted) 99 tor and 90 against
a nomination—New York standing off. But, when
the proposition fora nomination was thus upon the
point of prevailing, the New Yoik delegation of 42
came forward and voted with the 90, making 132
in the negative, and thus defeated the nomination
of a candidate for the Vice Presidencj*.
V\ e state these facts merely as matter of history,
and as public journal,sis tor the information of our
distant readers. We make no comment on them
VV e leave it to the disjointed members of the party
to settle their differences in their own way; but it
may elucidate the proceeding to remark that a Ten
nessee delegate presided, a Tennessee delegate (ac
cording to the Globe) made the great speech on the
inexpediency ot a nominatimi. an Alabama delegate
(Alabama is in favor of Mr. Polk) was Chairman
of the committee and reported agam-t a nominal on
and it was the New York delegation which finally
prevented it.
Public Meeting.
At a meeting of the citizens of Burke County,
attached to the State Rights Party, held at the
Court House on the 7th inst., for the purpose of
appointing Delegates to the State Rights Con
vention, to be held in the City of Mtlledgeville
on the first Monday in June next.
On motion, Lewis F. Powell Esq., was called
to the Chair, and Thomas H. Blount was appoin’
ted Secretary.—The object of the meeting hav
ing been explained,—On motion of Col. Thomas
M. Berrien, it was unanimously Resolved, That
the Chair do appoint a Committee of four, whose
duty it shall be to recommend four fit and proper
persons, to represent this County, in the Slate
Rights Convention, to be held in Millcdgeville on
the first Monday in June next.
The Chairman appointed Thomas Moore Ber
rien, George W. Evans, Elijah Byne and Ste
phen Corker, Esqrs., as the Committee of recom
mendation, who retired for a short time, and on
returning, recommended Alexander J. Lawson,
William Bennett, Enoch Byne and Drury Cor
ker, as fit and proper persons to represent said
County, in the Convention, who were unani
mously appointed by the meeting.
Resolved, That should a vacancy happen, by
the refusal of any one or more of the Delegates
to act, the Committee of nomination be authori
sed to fill said vacancy or vacancies.
Resolved, That the proceedings of this meet
ing be signed by the Chairman and Secretary,
and be published in the Journals of Augusta.
Nothing further being presented for the con
sideration of the meeting,—On motion of Col.
Thomas Moore Berrien, it adjourned.
Lewis F. Powell, Chairman.
T. H. Blount, Secretary.
Senator Rugglcs.
The following letter from the Hon. Jno. Ruggles
U- S. Senator from Maine is a reply to the commit
tee of invitation of the Baltimore Convention.
Mr. R. has therefore been a supporter of the ad
ministration bat like many utaers, has become
thoroughly disgusted with Van Burenism. Such
signs as this are ominous of the fate of Van Buren.
Washington Citt, 2d May, 1840.
Gentlemen :—I have received the invitation
to “attend the sittings of the National Convention
of the Whig Young Men, as one of its guests,”
with which you have honored me. “in behalf of
the Delegates from the City of Baltimore.” It
would afford me great satisfaction to bo present
on that interesting occasion, would my public du
ties permit.
The necessity of a change of measures with a
view to the relief of a people suf.Vring beyond
any former example, is now manifest to all, if not
acknowledged by all. No small portion of those
who aided in brin rig into power the present in
cumbent of the Executive chair, have witnessed
with painful disappointment the pertinacity with
which he has persevered in forcing upon the
country a system of measures destructive of its
best interests and ruinous to the enterprise and
business of the people : And they have resolved,
as the only means left of staying the progress of
those measures, to aid in calling from retirement
a distinguished citizen, whose enlightened pat
riotism, great practical wisdom and sound repub
lican principles have secured for him the highest
respect and confidence. The name of Harrison
has animated the whole country with hope. It
has roused an enthusiasm which pervades all
grades and classes of the people. That enthu
siasm chastened by wise counsels and hallowed
by patriotism, will be the animating principle of
the “National Convention.”
Reflecting, as its members will, the principles
and feelings of the great majority of the people
throughout the Union, their deliberations will be
no less national in their character than patriotic
in their design; and will tend, it is confidentially
believed, to harmonize and invigorate the efforts
of the nation to place the Executive government
in the hands of one who has never yet disappoint
ed the expectations of his country. He who, by
this bravery in the field, redeemed the honor of
the nation, when betrayed by treachery and cow
ardice, will not fail to correct by his wisdom and
prudence the errors of the civil administration of
the Government under which he is severely suf
fering.
Thanking “the Delegates from the City of
Baltimore” for their gratifying invitation, and you,
gentlemen, for the acceptable terms in which in
| is conveyed, I have the honor to be, with sincere
regard.
Your obedient servant,
JOHN RUGGLES.
To Neilson Poe, Esq. and others.
An Examination
Oj the. claimt of Mr. Van Buren and Gen■ Jlarri
ton to Ike support of the South, in an Address of
ike Hon. VI abuv Thompson to h>s constituents
TO MY CONSTITUENTS.
It has been ray habit on my annual return from
Washington, lo mix so freely with you that I have
not found it necessary to address you in the fore*
of a circular; circumstances have changed, and f
now find myself holding opinions oppos ed t<»
ihose of the undivided newspaper press of the
State. Ii is due lo my elf and to you that I s loubi
not conceal these opinions from you, nor withhold
the reasons which have led to them. I hav •» not
made up my mind hastily, as to the course ,-hich
it was proper for Ihoi-e occupying the peculiar posi
tion which f do, to take in ihe coming Preside nlial
election. I have done so with the utmost delti >era
tion, and after the lullesl enquiry. Not that 1 have
ever once thought of supporting Mr. Van Bt ren :
you sent me here opposed to hun ; all that 1 have
suice seen of the principles and character o; f his
Administration have only tended to confirm and
add energy to that opposition. But I had do übts
whether there were not grounds of oppositio n to
the oilier candidaie, though nut equally strong, yet
strong enough to forbid my supporting him. Tt ere
are oiflerenees of opinion on important subjects be
tween Gen. Harrison and myself, out there is no
prospect for the present, and 1 see but little for I be
future,of tlie elevation lo the Presidency of a, iy
one holding my peculiar principles. 1 have ihei e
fore to choose between the two, and having a d 3-
cided preference, 1 cannot consent u» withhold th e
expression of ihat preference. Ido not intend t »
go into the canvass; but between th-it and voting '
at the -lection there is a w.de difference. Ido noi
intend lo be forced into any position w hich will in
any way interfere with my placing myself in oppo
sition, if Gen- flarrison shall be elected, to any
measures which be may propose, or generally to
his administration, if duty shall demand it of me.
Not to vote is mere child s play, and unbecoming
the Stale. If it had pleased the leaders of the old
nullification party lo have abstained from any par
ticipaiton whatever in the contest, 1 should have
been gratified ; but it has not. The most strenuous
advocates of Mr. Van Buren that. 1 know are politi
cians and leaders of the Nullification party. That
party has been indeed dissolved, and the largest
portion in our own Stale are now distinctly muster
ed under the banner of Mr. Van Buren. ' I cannot
enlist in that service, and for the following among
other reasons : 1 have always looked with ihe greai
est tears lo the introduction into the politics of the
Union the system of the Albany Regency—a sys
tem commenced immediately alter the close of the
Revolution, by Aaron Burr, and of which Mr. Van
f. aren is ihe acknowledged head. The great char
acteristic ol that system is to govern men : by ad
dressing the lowe-t of their selfish passions, ihe
love of money and of office 'The same system up
on which S: Robert Walpole practised with such
corrupting influenceupon English morals, and with
such fatal effects upor, English liberty. If for no
other reason, 1 would not sanction, by a re-election
the influences which brought Mr. Van Buren into
power; no fair man will deny that he was brought
into office by the overpowering influence ol Gen.
Jackson. The first step in (he decline of all free
republics lias been ihe nomination, by the execu
tive head of the Government, of his successor. It
is a curious fact, and will be so regarded hercafier,
that a man should have attained l ie Presidency
without having associated his name with one sin
gle .mportani period or measure in the history of his
country If the most prolix and minute historian
were to write the history of this country previous
to Mr Van Buren’s election, there is no single point
in that history with which he would find occasion
or excuse for connecting his name. 1 regard as the
very greatest danger of the limes in which we live,
greater even than the encroachments of the Feder
al on the Stale Governments, the alarming ten !en
cy to the accumulation in the Federal Executive of
all the powers of the co ordinate departments ot
the Fede. 1 Government. We have seen Mr. Van
Buren persisting in pressing upon the country his
financial schemes, after repeated decisions of the
people against them, in defiance of their remon
strances, and in disregard of their great and uni
versal sufferings. We have seen him urging tnese I
schemes by all the vast patronage and power with
w hich he is invested, and receiving the aid of ihose
who have denounced these measures as destructive
of the best mteresis of the country. What differ
ence is there between an acknowledged despotism,
where the Executive makes the laws, and such a
slate of things as this, where he makes the la’.vs
through Ihe agency of others, many of whom are
themselves opposed to Ihese Jaws ?
There is one ground of objection lo Mr. Van Bit
ten which w ould forbid me to vote for him it I ap
proved of bis measures, which Ido not; ami if I
had confidence in his professions, which I have not:
1 allude to the ferocious war which he hr.s been
waging, and which, if re-elected, he will cr.rry on
with increased energy, upon the currency, com
merce and credit ol the country. Never has ihts
world known a people as prosperous and. as happy
as ouis when he entire into power; never has any
people suffered more severe trials s’nee. It has
been one unbroken series of suffering, disaster
and misery. Ido most sincerely be’.ieve that no
thing can restore prosperiy to the country but ta
king power irora Ins hands ; nothi.ig else will re
store public confidence, and confidence is all that is
now wanting, it is true that many of the causes off
embarrassment existed before the last election ; we
should have suffered somewhat, but that the
troubles and embarrassments of the country have
l>een infinitely aggravated by his measures, Ido m>t
doubt. We have had other periods of deranged
currency, but they have passed speedily away.
Why has this been so protracted and severe ? For
no other reason than that the whole power of ifie
Government has been exerted to the destruction u»-
sle dos to the sustaining of credit and confidence.
It is said that Mr. Van Buren has come to our pi m
ciples He says not, but that he is carrying out ins
own principles—those of his illusi ious predeces
sor, in whose footsteps, with much mure of | obey
than of dignity, he was pledged to follow. Has he
come to our Slate rights principles ? It is not l j
be denied that he makes an annual profession oi
some of these principles; so did his proclamation
and foice bill predecessor. Ido nut look to his pro
fessions ; what has been his practice? I propose
to examine that, and to contrast the opinions ot his
competitor with his,on every one of these points.
First, es the tariff: Gen Harrison regards the
compromise of 1822 as of the highest obligation,
and is disposed lo adhere lo it; and if more reve
nue is required, not to increase the duties on pro
tected amclcy but lo impose dunes oh those arti
cles which are now duty free—such anicles as the
people of the North use and do not manufacture,
and aslo which the exemption from duties is more
beneficial to them than to us.
What are the opinions of Mr. Yin Buren on this
subject ? No one knows. I say no one knows whai.
are the present opinions ot Mr. Van Buren. We
do know' what his past opinions are ; that he voted
for the bill of abominations, the tariff of 18i8 ; and
that he boasted at Albany, on his return from Wash
mgto.i, in a public speech of his unvarying support
of ihe tariff. It was then said at the South he give
that vote against his own opinions, under the coer
cion of legtslaiive instructions. 'J his 1 never be
lieved, and it has b n lately charged, and Mr. Tall
in ago, of the Senate referred to as an authority to
prove, from und r the baud ot Mr. Van Buren, that
lip wrote lo his friends in the New York Legislature
that th ise instructions were only in conformity to
his own fixed opinions ; and it has not been denied.
As to the internal improvements, General Harrisjii
i holds precisely the opinion ol Gen. Jackson —that
Congress possesses the power to appropriate mo’
lo wo.kf of a national character. I dissent from’
that opinion But he is, at the same time opposed
to the exercise of the power. Mr. Van Buren pro
fesses to believe Ihat Congress does not possess the
power, but habitually sanctions its exercise. More
money was appiopriaC-d for internal improvements
in the first year of his administration, than was
done in the whole four years of the adranistration
of Mr. Adams Now, 1 would rather have a Presi
dent who admitted the puwe% but was opposed lo
its exercise, than one who denied the power, but
habitually exerted it As to internal improvement,
it is no more a practical question than would be
the embargo, except as to the Cumberland road and
harbors ; Mr. Van Buren sanctioned both of these
I regard this as the very worst iorm in which power
can be exerted. It is not only necessarily partia 1 ,
as it is confint d in its benefits to the seaboard, but
that is the very region where, from vicinity to mark
ets, these improvements are not needed, and if they
are the people being wealthy, can make them lor
themselves It is in the remote interior where they
are needeck ami w here he people are generally too
poor to make them
A National Bank.—General Harrison denies the
power unaerany express grant in the Constitution ;
but says, that it shall he demonstrated that the pub
lic revenues cannot be collected without such an
institution, he thinks that Congress, may, in that
event, establish a bank. I have never seen any
man even the strictest sect, who denies the power
thus qualified. No Government can exist without
revenue ; it would not in such a case, be a question
of convenience, but of necessity, absolute, imperi
ous and involving the very existence of the Govern
ment. If Congress may i.ot, in such a case, charier
a hank, that clause of the constitution w hich gives
all ‘ powers necessary and proper to the execution”
of granted powers is a mere nullity, and its framers
were not that bony of sages that we have supposed
tham. It was on this ground that the charter of a
bank in 1816, re. rived the support of Dallas, (’raw
ford, Lown. es, and Calhoun, and the Republican
pattv of that day ; and at a later day, it was on this
ground that the constitutionality of a bank has been
advocated by Mr. McDuffie, and every leading po
luician of South Carolina. I expressed these views
j>n a letter, published during my last canvass. Ido
' not, however, think the establishment of a national
bank within the powers of Congress, as no such
necess ty h r been demonstrated; and Ido not antici
pate any such. Bui lam not disposed to denounce
those as either knaves or fools who think differ
ently, when 1 remember that the first charier was
signed in 1791, four years alter the aooption of the ,
constitution, by General Washington, President of,
the Convention which formed that instrument, with
all the debates fresh in Hs memory, and the second
by the great and virtuous M .disun, who was its
great architect. Nor have I any such apprehensions
as some express of the dangers ot such an institu
tion, when 1 remember that, of the fifty-three years
of national existence, we have h*d a national bank
for forty years, and that our liberties have not only
survived if, but that no injurious influence was ei
ther exerted or attempted, that those forty years
were precLely the period of our greatest prosperity
and happiness, and of advance in civilization and
power, unprecedented in the history of the world ;
and that the thirteen when we have had no such
institution were years of universal stagnation of ail
the employ rnents of life, and that of suffering and
distress which results from a deficient or vitiated
currency.
I do not doubt that a bank, not sufficiently guard
ed, may be. orae a dangerous engine in the hands of
a corrupt Government, and that it may be used in
juriously to the South. But, properly guarded, I
have just as little doubt that the chief benefits of
such an institution will be to the South, for the
simple reason that the South is the paying, not the
receiving section, and is therefore mainly interested
in having the uniform currency.
Kui whatever may be the dangers, real or sup
posed, of a National Bank, they sink into utter in
significance in comparison with those of the Gov
ernment bank ; ami that such is the alternative con
templated by Mr. \an Bunn 1 do not think any
longer doubtful; and 1 think 1 have bereigioreprov
e i it.
But it is said that General Harrison is an aboli
tionist, and that it was for that reason that "he has
b en nominated over Mr. Claj—who was to ob
noxious to the abolitionists that none of them would
vote lor him. You cannot have forgotten thst the
very men, and the very presses, who now tell you
this, up to the very moment ol the fiarri burg nom
mat ton, said that Mr Clay was an abolitionist
Now you are told that he nut only is not, but is es
pecially Objectionable to the abolitionists. Both
cannot be true —V\ hat is it that has so suddenly
transformed Mr. Clay ? 1 will tell you. He is no
lunger a candidate tor the Presidency. He is in
nobody’s way—and his therelore respite from ca
lumny. He is now a marvellous proper man
But let that illustrious citizen—illustrious fur every
great quah y that elevates our nature —be once
ra .re brought before the country and ihe same war
of calumny and falsehood wilt ag*iß be waged a
gainst him.
Harrison an abolitionist—a Virginian, and that
Virginian a Harrison —an abolitionist! Does any
one really believe it ?
No one living, north or south, has done and suf
, sered as much in the cau*e of defending this insti
tution of the South as General Harrison ; and no
statesman of this country has given as many votes
against lhai institution as Martin Van Buren; and i
he never changed or wavered in this course until,:
without such change, he could not have h >pea *o
he elected President
Now' it is bad enough to challenge our especial
• xmfidence for an old undeviatitig enemy who never
ceased lo oppose us until the necessities of his po
litical position made it expedient—bat it is too bad
at the same lime to ask us to denounce an old long
I tried friend, who has sacrificed himselt to our in
terests. What friendship can we hereafter ex pect
v» hat friendship do we deserve, if w=e thus act ?
Allow me to submit the proofs in support of the
broad proposition which 1 have asserted.
Mr. Van Buren voted in the New Vonk Conven
tion to confer the highest privilege of a freeman
upon negroes, it was carried mamly by his influ
ence ; and it is to him Ihat we ate indebted lor the
fact, that the powerful representation of forty mem
bers from the Slate of New York are sent here in
part by negroes.
In 18 9, Mr. Van Buren voted to instruct Rufus
K ng, then a Senator in Congress from New York,
to vote against the admission of Missouri into the
Union unless slavery was abolished. It to me a
melancholy illustration of the decadence of public
feeling, and of a want of proper tone and spirit in
Ine South, that one of the prime movers—perhaps
Ihe very prime mover of that daigwocn measure
should not only be urged upow the confidence of the
South, nut is so pressed as the only anointed savior
of Southern institutions. Mr. Jefferson said that
the newsof that movement came upon him like the
cry of fire in the night No one crisis in our public
affairs has so excited the fears of eve-y patriot •
and, most strange and unaccou.liable, he who
ed the torch is held up as our best friend, and' he
who extinguished it as our worst enemy. Is this
grateful, fair, or just? No later than 1822, Mr. Van
Buren voted to restrict the introduction of slaves
into Florida. If Congress lias the power to restrict
has it not the power to forbid the introduction of
slaves into a Territory ? Who denies this ? If y ou
have power to restrict it lo settlers, why may you
not restrict it still further to settlers over eighty
years of age, or altogether ? Look on that picture
and now look on this ! In 1802, General Harrison
presided over a convention in Indiana, whose object
was lo obtain a mod.fication of tho ordinance of
1789, so as to admit slavery in that Territory ? In
1819, General Harrison was a member of Congress
from a district in Ohio containing more abolitionists
than any other in the State. The Mi,souri question
raised by Mr. Van Buren and his associates was’
brought before Congress. It was one of those try
ing occasions which few men have the moral cour
age lo meet. General Harrison had, and actel
worthily of his own fame, and the patriot name
which he had inherited from a noble ancestor He
was told. If you vote with the South, you will de.
stroy yourself. “'lhat is probable,” he replied
“ but it is belier that I should destroy myself than
to destroy the Constitution of my country’’ an ex
press ion and an act sufficient of themselves to
stamp him a patriot He voted, with two others,
and only two, from the non slave States, to sustain
the chartered rights of the South. Never did a
wilder, fiercer, or more furious storm burst upon the
head of any man. At the next election, he was
notwithstanding h s overwhelming popularity, bea’
ten for Congress; and never was more vituperation
and opprobrium heaped upon any man than hesuf
lered.—The town of Cheviot was in hta district
and in that neighborhood there were more abolition
ists than any where else in the State; and there ihe
denunciation of General Harrison was most violent
in 1533, the people of Cheviot, remembering his
public services, and willing to forgive, not to for
get, his great political crime—for abolition had in
creased, not diminished—invited him to a public
dinner. His friends urged him to make no allusion
to abolition; that a decent respect to those
had invited him-a very large pomon ot whom
were abolitionists demanded that he should make
no allusion to the past. He at once determined
that he would not; but, on hia way to Cheviot, ho
found the dangerous spirit of abolition more rife
than ever. He determined to rebuke it, and he did
*o. I wish you to remember that this speech WJg
not made to stave holders, but that there was not a
man in the assembly who was not opposed to sla
very, and a large number of them abolitionists. To
such an assembly he he d the following language ;
“ There is, however, a subject now begming to
■ agitate them (ihe Southern States,) in relation to
l which if their alarm has any loun ration, the relative
situation in winch they may stand to some of the
States, will be the very reverse to what it now is.
1 allude to a supposed disposition in some individ
uals in the non-slaveholding States to interlere
with the slav» population of the other £ tales, for
the purpose of forcing their emancipation. Ido not
call your attention to this subject, fellow citizens,
from the apprehension that there is a man amongst
you w ho w ill lend his aid I* a project so pregnant
with mischief; ami still less a State
in the Union w hich could he brought to give it
countenance But such are tho feelings of our south
ern brethren upon this subject—such theit views,
and their just views, of the evils which an inlerfer
en e Oi this kind would bring upon them, that
long before it would reach the point of receiving
ihe sanction of a State, the evil of the attempt
would lie consummated, as far as we are concern
ed, by a dissolution of the I n'on. If there is any
principle of the Constitution of the United States
less disputable tha.. any it is, that the slave
population is under the exclusive control of
the Stales which possess them. If there is any
measure likely to rivet the chains, and blast the
piospects ol th.' negroes for emancipation, it is tlio
interference of unauthorised persons. Can any one,
who is acquainted with the operations of the human
mind, doubt this ? We have seen how restive our
Southern brethren have been from a supposed vio
lation of their political rights. Wh it must be the
consequence of an acknowledged violation of these
righis, (for evety man of sense must admit it to be
so,) conjoined with an insulting interference with
their domestic concerns?
u I will not atop to viqtureinto the motives o f those,
who are engaged in this fatal and unconstitutional
project. There may he some who have embarked in
it without properly considering its consequences , and
who a r e actuated by benevolent .nd virtuous princi
ples. But , if such there are, lam very certain'hat
should they continue their present course, their feVow
citiz ns will, ere long, “ curse the virtues which have
undone their cou try'’’
“ Should I he asked* is there no way by which
j the General Goverenment ran aid the cause ofeman
) cipation, I answer that it has long been an object
■ near my heart to see the whole of ns surplus reve
nue appropriated lo that object. With the sanction
of the Slates holding the slaves, there appears to
vie to be no constitutional objection to its being
ihus applied ; embracing not only the co'onizaiion
of those that may be otherwise freed, but the pur
chase of the freedom of others. By a zealous prose
cution of a plan formed upon that basis, we might
look forward to a day, not very distant when a
North American sun would not look down upon a
slave To those who have rejected the plan of
colonization, I would ask if they have w ell weighed
the consequences of emancipation without it ?
How loi-g would the emancipated negroes remain
sU is fieri wuh lhal? Would any of the Southern
Slates then (the'negroes armed and organized) he
able to resist their claims to a participation in ail
their political rights ! *V u!d ileven slop there ?
Would they not claim admiltance to all the social
rights and privileges of a community in which, in
some instances, they would compose the majority?
Let those w ho take pleasure in i be contemplation of
such scenes as must inevitably fellow, finish out
I the picture.
; “Isl am correct iu the principles here advanced,
j I leper* my assertion, that the discussion on the sub
| jecl oj emancipation in the non r Urveho[ding Stales
is equally injurious to the shoes and th ir masters ,
I and that it has no sanction in the principles of the
j ConHvutvm. 1 must not be understood lo say, that
j there is any thing in that instrument which prohi
bits such a discussion. I Know there is not. But
tide min who believes that the claims which bn
fellow citizens have upon him are satisfied by ad
hering to the letter of the political compact that
connects them, must have a very imperfect knowl
edge of the principles upon which our glorious
Union was lorrued, and by which alone it can be
maintained ”
The following extract of a letter from an in
timate friend of Gen* Harrison, places his con
duct on that occasion in a striking point of view :
“ But his speech at Cheviot, ass »rds still stronger
proof on this point It was delivered, you will re
collect, on the 4th of July: it was delivered 100
before the very men who h id opposed him because
of Ins slavery views. Purely, then, be would n«>t
n»w touch this dangerous topic. The occasion did
not r quire it : the occasion, indeed, would hardly
justify it. Besides, this was the fint opportunity
which the General had enjoyed since 1822 of ad
dressing Ihe people ; and how easy, bow natural it
would have been, to improve it lor his own ends ;
to seek, by talking ofoHd times, of hi* (eais of arms,
and the glorious West, to kindle afresh tliose friend
ly feelings which once burned so strongly in his
favor ? Why nett so era! race it ? Why, a! any rate,
discuss a subject which was full of excitement,
which might rouse against him passions that were
even then only slumbering, which had before, and
on that very spot, marred his political prospects ?
He did it, it is evident, because a foul spirit was
! about him, which if aflow-e i to spread, would peril
all that was noble in the land ; and he forgot him
i-elf, and thought only of his country, in the effott
lo destroy that spirit.'”
Afterwards, in a speech at Vincennes in 1835,
he used the following language upon this subject:
“ I have now, fellow-citizens, a few words more
to say nn another subject, and which is, in mv
opinion, of more importance than any ether that is
now in the course of discussion in any part of the
Union. I allude to the societies which have been
formed, and the movements of certain individuals,
in some of the States, in relation to a portion of
the population in others. The conduct of these
persons is the more dangerous, because their ob
ject is masked under tlic garb of disinterestedness
and benevolence ; and their course vindicated by
arguments and propositions which in the abstract
no one can dewy. But, however fascinating may
be the dress with which their schemes are present
ed to their fellow citizens, with whatever purity of
intention they may have been formed and sustain
ed, they will be found to carry iu their train mis
chief to the whole Union, and horrors to a large
portion of it, which, it is probable, some of the
projectors, and many of their supporters, have
never thought of; the latter, the first in the
series of evils which are to spring from their
source, are such as you have read of, to have
been perpetrated on the fair plains of Italy and
Gaul hy the Scythian hordes of Atilla and
Alaric ; and such as most of you apprehended, upon
that memorable night when the tomahawks and
war clubs of the followers of I ecumseh were rat
tling in your suburbs. I regard not the disavowals
of any such intention unon the part of tne authors
of these schemes, since, upon the examination of
the publications which have been made, they will
be found to contain the very facts, and very argu
ment, which wou'd have been used, if such would
have keen their obbject. lam certain that there
is not in this assembly, one of these deluded men,
and that there are few within the bounds of the
State. If there are any, I would earnestly entreat
them to forbear; to pause in their career, and de
liberately consider the consequence of their con
duct to the whole Union, and to those for whose
benefit they profess to act. That the latter will be
the victims of the weak, in •udicious, presumptuous,
and unconstitutional efforts to serve them , a tho
rt ugh. examination of the subject must convince
them. The struggle (and struggle there must be)
may commence with horrors such as I have descri
bed, but it will end with more fitmly rivetting the
chains or in the utter extirpation, of those whose
cause tney advocate.
“ Am I ion ng, fellow-citizens, in applying the
t rms weak, presumptuous and unconstitutional to
the measures of the emancipators ? A slight ex
amination will, I think, show that lam not. In a
vindication of th e objects of a Convention which
was lately held in one of the towns of Ohio, which
I saw in a newspaper, it was said that nothing
more was intended than to produce a state of pub
lic feeling which would lead lo an amendment of
the Co. slitucion, authorising the abolition of sla
very in the United States. Now, can an amend
ment of the Constitution be effected without the
consent of the Southern States ? What, then, is
the proposition to be submitted to them ? It is
this: ‘ The present provisions of the Constitution
secure to you the right (a right which you held be
fore it was made, which you have never given up,)
to manage your own domestic concerns in your own
way; but as we are convinced that you do not
manage them properly, we want you to put in the
hands of the General Government, in the councils
of which wc have the majority, the control over
these mailers, the effect of which will be v
to transfer the power from yours into o> lr
“ A-gaiu ; in some of the States, ani in Sf . ?•’
of others, the black population far exceeds hT 1 ° os
the white. Some of the emancipators Dl -o at °f
immediate abolition. What is the prorTv 3 "
then, as it regards these States and parts o f^ S , tlon .
but the alternatives of amalgamation
blacks, or an exchange of situations with th ****
Is there any man of common sense wi )o
believe that the emancipated blacks, heincr** 3 8,1
jority, will insist upon a full participation of* m ’'
ical rights with the whites ; and when
of these, they will not contend for a full
social rights also ? What but the extreme*
weakness and folly could induce any one t V
that such propositions as these could be list°
by a people so intelligent as the Southern !? edtf|
Further : the emancipators generally declare k S ’
is their intention to effect their object' aiti* , 11
acts contradict the assertion) by no othe °
than by convincing the slaveholders that t}/ ■ nea “ s
diate emancipation of the slaves is called lni:ne '
by moral obligation and sound policy ? r * bot! >
fledged youth, a: the moment of leaving r Un '
in many instances, before he has left it) j,,
gical seminary, undertakes to give lectuio °*°‘
morals to the countrymen Wythe, Tucker p Upou
toa, and Lowndes ; and lessons of political •
to States, whose affairs have so recently h!l! S^orn
reeled by Jefferson and Madison,Macon a n dr°
ford. Is it possible that instances of greater • *'
and presumption could be exhibite. ? n C< J n ‘ , y
course pursued by the emancipators is uncou
tional. Ido not say that there are any w 0 p l . ‘
Constitution which forbid the discusiionc f | S **
engaged in; I know that there arc not
there is even an article which secures to th -
zens the right to express and publish their on’ Clt **
without restriction. But in the construction of
Constitution it is always necessary to refer t, i
circumstances under which it was fiamed a h 6
ascertain its meaning by a comparison of’gf . t 0
visions with each other, and with the previous^ 0 *
nation of the several States who were parties
In a portion of these, slavery was recognised °
they took oare to I aye the right them t
follow and reciainTsuch of them as were fueiti - °
to other States. The laws of Congress, passed ' CS
der tnis power, have provided punishment to T'.
who shall oppose or interrupt the exercise of th'
right. Now, can any one believe that the i ustr a
ment, which contains a provision of this kind"
which authorizes a master to pursue his slave mi
another State, take him back, and provides a p Ur
ishment for any citizen or citizens of that star*
who should oppose him, should, at the same time'
authorize the latter to assemble together, to nJ
resolut ons and adopt addresses, not only toencoa
rage the slave • to leave thcii masters, out to cut
their throats before they da so ?
“I insist that, if the citizens of the non- slave,
holding Stales can avail themselves of the article
of the ConslPution which prohibits the restriction
of speech or the press, to publish any thing inj uri .
ous to the rights of the slavcholding States, that
they can go to the extreme that I have mentioned
and effect any thing further which writin® or
speaking could effect. But, fellow-citizens, these
arc not the principles Constitution. Such a con
struction would defeal one of the great objects of
its formation, which was that of securing the peace
and harmony of the States which were parties to
it. The liberty of speech and of the press, were
given as the most effectual means to preserve to
each and every citizen their own rights, and to the
States the rights which appertained to them at the
time of their adoption. It could never have been
expected that it would be used by the citizens if
one portion of the States for the purpose of depriv
ing those of another portion of the rights which
they had reserved at the adr/ption of the Constitu
tion, and in the exercise of which , none, but them
selves have any concern or interest. If slavery u
an evil, the evil is with them. If there is guilt in
it, the guilt is theirs, not ours, since neither the
States where it dees not exist, nor the Government
of the United States, can, without usurpation of
power, and the violation of a solemn compact, do
any thing to remove it without the consent if those
who are immediately interested. But they will
neither ask for aid, nor consent to be aided, whilst
the illegal, persecuting, and dangerous movements
are in progress, of which I complain ; the interest
of all concerned requires that these should be stop
ped immediately. This can only be done by the
force of public opinion, and that cannot too soon be
brought into operation. Every movement which
is made by the abolitionists in the non-slavcboldug
•States, is viewed by our Southern brethren as an
attack upon their rights, and which,if persisted in,
must in the end, eradicate those feelings of attach
ment and affection, between the citizens of all the
States, which was produced by a community of in
terests and dangers in the war of the Revolution,
which was the foundation of our happy Union,and
by a continuance of which it can alone be preserv
ed. I entreat you, then, to frown upon measures
which are to produce resu ts so much to be depre
cated. The opinion which I have now given,l
have omitted no opportunity for the last twoyears
to lay before the people of my own Stale. I have
taken the liberty to express them here, knowing
that even if they should unfortunately not accord
with yours, they would be kindly received.”
What motive can Gen. 11. have to falsify all that
he has heretofore said on this subject—to disgrace
and dishonor himself ? He can have none, as he
is pledged not to he again a candidate.
But it is said that, if he is not an abolitionist, the
abolitionists support him. it is not true. As hr
as I know, there is but one abolition paper in the
Union that is not opposed to him; and that u nut
more than neutral.
Bui to put this charge forever at rest, the aboli
tionists at a late Convention, have de ermine! to
suppo.t neither of the candidates, and have started
candidates of iheir own.
In the Cheviot speech. General Harrison advan
ces ihe opinion that, on the application of the .Slavs
States, Cor gress may appropriate the public lands
to ihe purjioses of emancipation. In this I know
he is i r . error, but it :s an error into which Mr. Jef
ferson, and Mr Madison have fallen; and a most
harmless error No such application will ever be
mode by the slave States; and it it should, there is
no great danger in those States being aided with
money on their own applies ion.
I do not know General Harrison personally; I
ordy k .ovv him through the history of the country.
If that history be I me, it is absurd to deny him
high qnalites and tuterns. It is too late to deny mil
iary talents toa man who, to say nothing of any
thing e'se, has received an unanimous vote oi lhanki
from Congress, the approbation of Madison, and ot
the time honored SheKy, who served in the *ara«
campaigns with him I have been very much
struck with one thing in the life of Gen. Harrison.
He entered the service of the country when but a
b *y, with a large hereditary fortune. He hid op*
poriunities of enriching himself to millions whilst
Governor of tne North Western Ternloy- but h«
came out of that service and a’l of his trusts, a poor
man; and he is neither vicious nor a spendthrift
It was regirv".-*! among the Romans, the highest
compliment to one who had been invested with iht
port ant trusts, to he able to say that he died on
poor as to be I uried at thepublic expense. Never did
any man belter deserve such a tribute.
For these reasons I du not hesitate to expn’stto
yon my opinion that the inteiests of the country
will be promoted by the election of Gen. Harrison-
If. however, he should be elected, and his adminis
tration should be such as my own judgment nwy
n<t approve, 1 shall place myself in no position
where I cannot ojipose that administration. Os one
thing I feel very sure, that no change can be lor the
worse.
Most gratefully and truly, your humble servant.
April 18. 184 t . WAUUY THOMPSON, Jr
The Last of the Poles !—Poniatowski. tha
gallant prince who leaped on horse-back into »
rapid river, filled with wreck and ruin, and went
to the bottom with his colors flying, was called
hy Nepoleon himself the last of the Poke."
The last of the Poles! God forbid ! There are
thousand and tens of thousands of that uncon
querable nation lo be found in all the armies o !
Europe, and scattered over ail the face of tb e
earth—abounding even in this country —ashram
adventurous, and iion-hke as Poniatowski hint*
self. Among the best and bravest of all
troops ever fed by that great conqueror to batik,
were always the Poles— a’.ways !—and tbe*
never faltered o.“ flinched; but were ready 10
storm even a battery on horse-back which ' ,a *
planted on the top of a hill—at the mere poin l )
ing of hrs finger! Aye, and they carried it too
—leaping their horses literally Jnto (he vorM<
just as the gallant Pulawski leaped his battle
charger into the redoubts of Savannah, iu
revolutionary war. No! never let it be s»*
that Poniatowski was the last of the Poles, win e