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CHRONICLE AM) SENTINEL. AUGIjTA. ___ 4 THURSDAY MOANING, MAY 21. Cy’ The crowded stahj of our columns to-day will be a sufficient apology for the absence of our usual variety. CCj’lt is proper to reipprk that an error occur red in the advertisementjof the Augusta Bank ■dividend, which appearedfhi yesterday’s paper.— It should have been Forfi instead of five dollars per share. ?■ Judge Celqoitii’s Circular. In our columns will be found tliis ex traordinary document w;hich we noticed on its lirst appearance, with our comments interspersed -and included in brackets* We have also taken the liberty to supply *oipe omissions which the honorable gentleman unf-wtunately made in his desperate struggle ia pijesent an “ unvarnished talc, in order that our readers may airive at truth. In our notice oi this Circular, we have xio animosities to avenge*, and if we should han dle the gentleman with Igloveless hands, it will only be in the discharge, of what we regard an imperative duty to the qause of truth and the principles we advocate, f We have in a formerhiotice of this Circular, t ’ said, that it garbled speeches and letters, that it not only suppressed truth, but that it suggested falsehood.—These assertions, bold as they may have been considered, v-erc not made without due reflection upon tfeieir|import. But we now, without intending ar’y dffence to the honorable gentleman, go still further and assert, that he makes statements whid[j are positively untrue, ■and it the honorable gentleman merits the char acter for intelligence, wi£ich he has acquired in Georgia, he knew' to he such. This, we are •aware, is strong language, but it is such as the oc casion demands, and weiinakethcm in no unkind feeling towards one whijm we have contributed our humble efforts, to eljvafe to the station he now occupies, but we he|e pledge ourself to prove to every candid mind a!l|tbat we say, if we have a patient and attentive gearing. We therefore, invite the most scrupulous investigation of the new allies of the honor ilfle gentleman, as well as that portion of his lornter friends, who believe him incapable of attempting to misrepresent or suppress facts. We doraot ask you to accept as sertion for the truth of w:aat we state, we are well aware, that assertion is hne thing, and proof is sometimes a very different thing, but we ask you to scan closely, the documentary evidence we shall present—and somejof that evidence, too, the very documents, which jiihe gentleman has gar bled—in order to prOvjo that, which he knew could not be proved, if* he had not suppressed material parts. . '< Although we do not profess like the honorable gentleman to have lie.® “ born ” a Republican, we think we shall be,able to show, that in the support which we, ia| common, with the State Rights party in Georgia, are giving to Harrison *md Tyler, are quite asiniuch in accordance with sound republican principles, as his efforts to de feat them ; howevc r, “\ionorai)le'’ the means he n&es may be. And aery, we will take occasion to remark that, the hoponible gentleman would have occupied a much higher stand in the public esti mation, if he had, on this occasion, resorted to no other than “ honored) e] means” But as we do not pretend to know w'hat he regards as “honora ble means,’ we are certainly unable to determine whether he has vio*a|ed in this instance, his pledge to use that rigs* alone. CIRCULAR OF 31R. COLQUITT. To the People of Georgia, and Especially to the State Rights Party, Fellow Citizens I feel it a duty I owe mv self and yon, to calmly and dispassionately present my views ot men and measures. Unaccustomed to die language of flattery and dissimulation, I shall mr.ke no apology fu- t ini) style in which my temarks will appear. By birth,* by education, by habit, and by principle, a Reul ljean, you will not expect me to play die courtier. : \ few years ago, when prin ciples marked am! djaraeierized the Republican i party of (ieorgia, (a party fur which 1 have always done battle.) members bit:* would itself have been t uf ficient to afford prunajpeie evidence-of sound faith and action. From it? Federalism received no counte- | nance; and the me b suspicion of its taint was a suf ficient signal for our urifled opposition. But, under the mighty workitga of forac extraordinary influence recent occurences demonstrate that its odium is "one and that our ancient adversary is hailed as a boon’ companion. Alter iffUlfat had been said and done by my party friends ui th| Slate, 1 had no riaht loan ticipate any liaving (or its o?.ject tlie .committing of the pcjr.vy to the support of (General Harrison. lam nchv. satisfied that I relied with too much confidence <m t ;ie uncompromising consis tency of those wit h vvjtom I have acted, and their readiness to make sacrifice in order to sustain long cherished doctr ,esu The mee ings in Mon roe and Bibb; the moling in Columbus ; the meet ing in Augusta; thoi If iter of Col. Dawson; and the zealous manifestation of feeling that seems to prevail favorable to thd nominating and supporting a Harrison ticket m! Georgia, have made it neces sary for me to pen iblU: aduress before the anticipa iea June Convention,, j In differing with strong, in fluential arM worthy rffen . whose gudance I have long followed, lam uoapprised of the shareof odium I must bear fitqu those whose friendship T Jmve long coveted nhj enjoyed But a 8 lam not prepared to rally unujir tt.e banner of Gen. Harri- I son, and shall feeiat .njy duty to use every honora ble means lor tut,, det-ai, 1 solicit the attention of the honest and .rnlepehdft.il while I assign the rea sons for my course*, s 1 cannot give hi mi my support, because he is a Federa list; that /■£ Ortpjrorted the black-cockade ad - 1 ministration of the idler Adams ; that he supported the administration of He younger Adams ; that he i has nev r c> angedikigiFideral notions; that he is still a Federalist; aid must derive his main sup jwrl from that party\ | "So matter how Ijtt’le the establishment of these charges may oncral'elujion the minds ot others, I trust they will he stsfpeient to screen me frem their sneers. It is a thinjj so easy for any man to be branded as a deserts| from Ins par y—for his name to be subjected to infamy— that VPry-many choose father to ti at with iff© tide of public opinion, than investigate their pitJ iion and resist its current ; but it lam enabled;l|s prove that (den, Harrison is a Federalist, has <; r r,Uf,j/s acted with that party, and is iww their canilidyti, we have always proteised •vainly in Georgia, i; fve give him our support. 'This I w 1 now proceed tit d,>, in a plain and intelligi ble manner ; nor uwl I leave room for a doubt on ill* mind of any unprejudiced man. My fellow citizen! will remember, that while John Adams the eldwas President of the United States, during his administration the Fe 'eral par v passed the Alien c.nf! Sedition Lous, which gave rise to the Kent iicM* and Virginia resolutions of 1793, 99 During tne.se years there were no neu trals in puhln, ite ;Hi was a time of severe party conflict, and pary bjies were vc ry distinctly draw n. 1 have belorc ineiJe Ist volume of “Executive Journal,’ whe-o; -at page 282, it is recorde that on the 20i off June of that ever raemorahff ’ I ear, 1798, John Admits the then President ol tiie U ; i States, conferred upon General Harm on the office of “ Secretary of the Territory northwest of the river Ohio.” Would not this appointment it self afford strong presumptive proof that General Harrison was a member of the Federal party ? Take into consideration the year, me time and the circumstances, ti e proof would hs sufficient to shift the onus ct least. Bot the proof shall pro ceed. General Harrison was a delegate from the Nonh-'.veft m Territory, to the Douse of Rep resentatives ot the United States during the ses sion of 17yy and 180.); during the sesssion of that Congress and before its close, lie was ap poin’eii by John Adams, the Preaiden , Governor ol ihe Territory ot Indiana. (See Executive Jcur j nal, vol. 1. p. 353.) Now when we renumber that the election for , President took plac? tiiat same year (1800,) and ; when vve recollect the great excitement that pre vai’cd between the partiei, and how bit.crly Jes ] lerson was denounced by the Federalist ot that day, | and the uncorapromis ngspirit that prevailed,where I jistt e men that would dare believe ( hat John Ad - ms, : I who lr d bestowed on Harrison a prior appointment ! j and who now was enabled to j udge ol Isis Iriend- j I ship by his Jicts while at Congress uut 1 the time I of Ins appoinimem, on the 12th day of May of | that session, would have made hra Governor of Indiana, if 1 e had not been his friend and a mem- ; her of his party, opposed to Mr. Jefferson and his '< pmty ? No man can doubt. But be it further r m< mbered, that a majority of the Bonafe were Federal, who had K> ratify the appointment; and this too, when universal proscription was the or der ot the day, and the celebrated b ack cochide she badge of Federal devotion. It would not seem necessary to produce other evidence ; but as it is convenient, I would call your attention to his own admissions as late as 1826 In the the U. States in that year (1826) as may be seen in the “Congresssional De .ates, ’ by Gales and Seaton, in the first part of 2d volume, and at page 359, John Randolph ot Va. said, that the difference between himself and Gen. Harrison was vital ; that they differcvl ** lundnmentalfy and totally,” and did when they lirst took their seats in Congress. Speaking of Harrison, he said; u He was an open , zealous and f/unk supporter of fthe i sedition-law and black-cockade administration ; and I iras as zealous, frank and open <pponent of the I black-cockade and sedition la w adm inist ration. lie differ fundamentally and totally; ue never can j agree about measures or about men Ido not mean ; to dictate to the gentleman ; itt us agree todiffer as : gentlemen ought to do,especially natives ofthe same Blate, w ho arc antipodes to each other in poli’-ics.” j Now this specific charge was made by John Kan- 1 dolph on the 20th ot March, 1826. ’I he reply of Gen. Harrison is reported in the same volume of j Debates, and at page 361 and ’5, in which he said, “he could not refrain from making his acknow 1 lodgement to the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr.Rvn dolph) for the notice he had been pleased to take of him. He had been pleased to say, that in the administration of Mr. Adams, I was a Federalist : and he comes to that conclusion from the course oursued by me in 1799 and 180a.” I wish it borne . in mind that Mr Randolph charged him to his face | with being a zealous, open trunk supporter ofthe sedition-itw and black-cockade administration. He then proceeds in ieply ; “At that session, the gen tleman and myself met for the first time ; lie in the station of Representative from Virginia, and I in | the more humble one ot Delegate from the North western Territory. Having no vole I did not think | it proper to take part in tiie discussion of any ofthe i great political questions which divided the two par ties. My business was to procure the passage of the bills which I had introduced, for the benefit of the people I represen.ed. The gentleman bad no means of knowing my political principles, unless he obtained them from private conversations. As I was on terms of intimacy with the gentleman, it is j very probable then he might have heard me express | sentiments favorable to the then administration. I I certainly felt them —so far at least as the course pur sued by it in relation to the government of F rance.” The charge is made direct and unequivocal ; and the answer does not deny, but admits, the charge ; hut insists he made no public speech to that effect in the House of Representatives, inasmuch as he had no vote ; and that Mr. Randolph must have heard it from him in private conversations. Yet he admits the charge true. In the sam? speech he j says : “ For Mr. Adams I entertained at that lime, and have ever since entertained, the greatest respect. I believe him to be an honest man and a pure patriot; and his conduct during that session proved him to be such. This opinion I know was entertained by those two able and upright statesmen, John shall and James A. Bayard.** [Here, gentle reader, you who are seeking after truth and desire a plain “unvarnished talc,” let us give you the first evidence of the honorable gentle man’s capacity to garble the Speech of General Harrison, which is in the following Avoids, to which ) we invite your careful attention, and will only re mark that the honorable gentleman, as you will perceive, in his great effort to suppress nothing true, stopped his quotation in the middle of a para graph :] “ .Vlr. Harrison said, that he could not refrain from making his acknowledgements to the gen- | tleman from Virginia for the notice he had been i pleased to take of him. He has been pleased to say, that in the administration ol Mr. Adams, I was a Federalist, and he comes to that conclu sion from the course pursued by me in 1799—1800. i At that session, the gentleman and myself met for 1 the first time—he in the station of Representative | I from \ irginia, and I in the more humble one of Delegate from the Northwesfem Territory. Hav ing no vote, 1 did not think it proper to take part in the discussion of any ofthe great political ques- ! J tions which divided the two parties. My business ! was to procure the passage of the bills which I in troduced for the benefits of the people which I i 1 represented. The gentleman had no means of knowing my political sentiments, unless he ob tained them from private conversation. As I j was upon terms of intimacy with the gentle man, it is very probable that he might have heard me express sentiments favorable to the then ad minlsration. I certaisily felt them—so far, at least, as to the course pursued by it in relation to the government of France. Nor, said Mr. H. f was I unsupported in that opinion by those who had a control of my actions, if not rny opinions. In no part of the country were those measures ; 1 more decidedly approbated than by my immedi ate constituents, the legislature of the North west j ern Tenitory, as the address of that body to the president, during that session, will clearly show. ( F'or Mr. Adams, said Mr. 11. , I entertained at that time, and have ever since entertained, the great est respect. I believed him to bean honest man 1 and a pure patriot, and his conduct during that session proved him to be such. This opinion, I know, said Mr. H., was entertained by those two able and upright statesmen, John Marshall and j James A. Bayard. [Fo the question asked by .Mr, Randolph, whether Mr. H. recollected a con- I versation between Mr. Nicholas and himself, in relation to the negroes and politics of Virgina, Mr. H. answered] —I recollect it perfectly w'dl, but can that he adduced as evidence of my favor ing the Sedition law !” It is important to note here, that the above ex tract, which is only about one half of the speech, i as reported, has been published in many of the Van Burcn papers, among which are the Rich- 1 rnond Enquirer, Nashville Union, Acc., as proof that Gen. Harrison admitted the charge to be true, i They have wilfully and designedly led astray many a “youthful orator” by withholding that part of Gen. Harrison’s speech, in which he ex- \ phcitly denies the charge of Mr. Randolph. By s ■ this unfairness and disingenuousness, on the part of the loco foco journals, many an honest, well meaning loco fuco orator, is induced to make a charge which cannot he sustained, and by an ex hibition of the whole speech, is made to appear | in a supremely ridiculous light before his fellow I citizens. The conclusion of the speech, as re ported by Gales & oeaton, is as follows : “Mr. Nicholas was my relation and intimate friend; the conversation was entirely jocular, and so considered by that gentleman at the time, and ever after. I will never resort to any one to sup port an assertion of mine in a matter of fact. But, if I choose to do so, the gentleman from Mary land, who sits opposite to me, and who was the brother-in-law of Mr. Nicholas, knows the undc viating fiiendship and support which I received from Mr, Nicholas, through his whole political life. Mr. Jefferson was at that time Vice-Presi dent of the United States, and was upon the most intimate terms with Mr. Nicholas, lie took his seat as President of the Senate within filleen minutes after the conversation alluded to had passed. If it had been considered in any other light by Mr. Nicholas than a joke, Mr. Jefferson would certainly have heard ot it, and would cer tainly have withheld those evidences of his confi dsnee and regard which I received from him dur ing the whole course of his administration. But, sir, said Mr. Harrison, my opposition to the Alien and Sedition Laws was so well rr) ' KNOWN IN THE J EURITOBT, THAT A PROMISE WAS EXTORTED FROM ME BY MV FRIENDS IN THE Legislature, nr which I was elected, that I WOULD EXPRESS NO OPINIONS IN PHILADEL PHIA WHICH WERE IN THE LEAST CALCULATED TO DEFEAT THE IMPORTANT OBJECTS WITH which 1 was charged. As I had no vote, I was not called upon to express my sentiments in the House. The Republican parly were all in favor of the measures I wished to have adopt ed. But the Federalists were the majority. Pru dence, therefore, and my duty to my constituents, rendered it proper that I should refrain from ex pressing sentiments which would injuriously af fect their interests, and if expressed, could not have the least influence upon the decisions of Congress.” What think you, reader, of this “unvarnished tale”! Do you see this admission of Gen. Harri son, which the honorable gentleman boasts of with so much apparent complacency ? On the contraiy, do you not see the most posit ve, unequivocal de nial of the charge, in such terms as overwhelmed even John Randolph—who did not even have the hardihood to reply, much less repeat the charge.] The Judge continues —These are tie expres sed opinions of General Harrison, concerning John Adams and his administration, in his speech of 1826. Take the charge made by John Randolph, which he knew to be true before he made it ; the acknowledgements of General Harrison —his high esteem for the polity and patriotism of the elder Adams ; and his receiving the appointment of Gc - vernorof Indiana from ins friend and patron. Jf he were now upon his trial lor Federalism, he miaht (tick hisown jury, and they would find him guilty. It may be proper to remark that John Mar shall and .las, A. Bayard, to whom he refers lor proof of old John Adams’ patriotism, were just as good Federalists as himself; doubtless they all entenain ;ed the same opinions. John Marshall received lbs appointment of Chief Justice ot the Supreme Court from John Adams, in 1801, just before he went I out of office; and the other gentleman, Janms A Bayard, a Representative from Delaware, voted fir : the Alien and Sedition Law, as the Journal ot the House of Representatives will show. The elec tion ot the younger Adams (John Q.) is much more fresh in your recollection, and rendered memorable ; bv two circumstances ; the first that Georgia had a favorite candidate in llie field, (Wm 11. Craw ford;) and, second the election of Mr. Adams, by what lias so frequently been called the coalition | with Mr. Clay. About the coalition I know noth ing—Clay made Adams Brcshient, and, as was natu ral enough, Adams made him Secretary of Stale, j At the first session of Congress alter this celebrated [ election. General Harrison was a member of the j tSenaie ; and the journals will show that his votes j stand recorded upon all leading measures with the administration. It was during this administration l hat, in the Senate, John Randolph made the charge I have quoted, showing from his first acquaintance with Hamsun, up to that lime, they had always I differed, and that they never should agree about j men or measures; the one being a Federalist, the j other a Republican. The appendix to the Senate Journal of 1826 and 1826, will show that General Hamsun voted lor that much abmed, wild and visionary measure, the Panama mission. On the 4th of March 1829, the administration of Adams closed ; but before he quit office, he was not un mindful of the friend and ally of his father, and the coni inued?supporter of himself. On the 22d day of May, 1828, he appointed General ifarri-on minister to Colombia. \V hut other or bt t er evidence could he wanted of his being a Federalist of the old and new school ? He was the Iriend, the zeal ous supporter and admirer of the elder Adams and his black-cockade administration. He was the | friend and supporter of the younger Adams’ ad ministration, and from both the lather and son re ceived the rewaid of faithful services, by receiving appointments from their hands. But, fellow-citizens, if Mr. Webster is a Federal ist (and ihis is not denied even hy himself,) we have other proof of his Federalism, and of later date. In his Cheviot speech, of which so much has : been said to further l lie claims of General Harrison, I delivered on the 4th ot July, 1833, he remarks: — “ 1 hava thus, fellow-citizens, en leavored to ei- I plain to you the principle upon which the govern j mentoi our Union is formed. I recommend to you, however, the Proclamation of the President ol the ! United States, issued on the 10th of December last, and the speeches of Mr Webster, delivered in the Senate of the I niud fetates, at their last session of Congress, in answer to the arguments of Mr. Cal houn, as containing the most eloquent ami satisfac tory exposition of those principles that have recent ly been published. By issuing that proclamation, 1 think General Jackson has rendered a service to I his country of greater magnitude fhan his splendid victory at New Orleans.” What think you of his j opinions ol the construction of the Constitution ? If Mr. W ebster is latiludinous and Federal, so is General Harrison; lor he lauds and commends rho former as an eloquent and satisfactory constitution al expositor. But what will the members ol ihe £tate Rights Party say of his high commendation of the Proclamation? a paper that the friends of the President have tried to modify and explain. Re cently, iMr. Wooster, in order to aid General Har rison in his election and to correct a falsehood I which he says had been circulated, among other things, makes the following remark : “ He (Gen. Harrison,) has now been selected hy the general voice of those whose political principles agree with his own , to go to the head of the column, and to hear up and advance the. flag under which it ' is hoped these principles may be maintained and de fended.’' I have now shown you that General Harrison was a Federalist in 1798, in 1826, and in 1833, and if Mr. Webster is authority, in 1840. But the Com* 1 mittee who have charge of General Harrison and hts opinions, confirm the same thing, m the follow ing language: “ The General’s views in regard to all the impor tant and exciting questions of the day, h ive hereto fore been given to the public fully and explicitly ; and that those views, whether connected with con stitutional or other questions of very great interest, j have undergone no change.” I have noticed, among the resolutions submitted ' hy the committee at the meeting in Macon, that it is stated tbat “ on the foirnation of the Indiana Ter ritory he was appointed by Mr Jefferson and by j Mr. Madison,Governor of that large ai d interesting dependam yot the Union.” The committee will i perceive they have made a mistake, as 1 have alrea jdy shown. Instead of having been appointed by :Mr. Jefferson, he was appointed hy the elder Adams, i Mr. Jefferson found him m office when became I into the Presidential chair, and did not remove him ; so did Mr Ma-ison. Mr. Jefferson found nearly ] all the offices filled by Federalists, very many of ; whom he continued. This circumstance cannot weigh a feather favorable to his being a Republi j can. If any testimony could be brought to show that tie ever claimed to be a Republican, it would but afford evidence of his being a tergiversater, and unfit to be trusted. But ihe truth of his being a Federalist is so well established, that no unprejudi ' ced mind can doubt. i Who, then,are the present supporters of General i Harrison? No one can doubt that master-spirits of the party are Webster, Clay, and Adams; and ah hough there are now among hts supporters some who have professed and acted with the Republican party, yet by farthe majority of his supporters are Federalists; and it he is elected, the Government the will be under the control of that party. \ Here let us calmly and dispassionately examine, jhese charges. We pass by the insinuation against the character and motives of those patriots of the ■ revolution, John Adams, and John Marshall as being worthy a place only in this “ unvarnish ed tale, ” —men whose motives and whose devotee patriotism have never been questioned. And what ever may have been the errors of the elder Adams the subsequent fiiendship which existed betweer I him and that apostle of Republican principles, I I Thomas Jefferson, to-the latest moment of their existence, as well as the deep national grief which a nation felt at their death on that day which was doubly consecrated by their demise, have entirely removed any odium which ever existed as to his motives. But it is a damning sin in the estima tion of Judge Colquitt, that Gen. Harrison should believe the elder Adams “an honest man and pure patriot,”—the man who on the ever memoiablc 4th of July, 177 C, declared, in his place in Congress, ‘■Sink or swim, live or die, survive or perish, Igo for the Declaration.” That man, who, in his dying moments, on hearing the report of can non, exclaimed almost with his last breath, “This is A glorious DAY.” Os the same character, too, is his attaek upon James A. Bayard, the man ap pointed by Mr. Madison to conclude a treaty of peace with Great Britain. But the honorable gentleman has been peculiarly unfortunate in se lecting the appointment of General Harrison by the elder Adams as evidence of his Federalism. — The history of the government at that day attests that appointments were not made as the reward of partisan services. The only questions which were asked were, “is he capable —is he honest .” T hese were passports to confidence. General Harrison had, long prior to his appointment by the elder Adams, received an appointment from the hands of the Father of his country, the il ustrious Washing ton ; and had also shared the confidence of that brave and generous patriot, Anthony Wayne, in whoso military' family he occupied a distinguished , and prominent station, and according to the record ed testimony of that brave General, had shown himself not only' valorous, but gallant and worthy, in the great battle of the Miami, which vras fought in 1794. His first appointment, then, as Secretary of the Northwest Territory, which was better evidence of the confidence in his honesty and capacity, and a reward for his services in the memorable battle of the Miami, than a reward for partisan services. While occupying this station, Gen. H. was returned as the delegate of ihe Ter ritory in Congress ; and during his term of service in Congress, the office became vacated, and he Governor. Now, we ask, who was more fit to fill that office, or who had the Presi dent a right to expect would give greater satisfac tion to the people of the Territory', than the man whom the people had sent to represent their inter ests in Congress. None, we unhesitatingly answer, and such will be the reply of every honorable man. But we have said the appointments of the elder Adams were not confined to his partisans, as is as serted by the honorable gentleman; and if he had consulted the very same Executive Journal from which he quotes, a little more closely, he would have discovered that the elder Adams appointed the illustrious Patrick Henry of Virginia, ana that dis tinguished and devoted republican Elbridge Gerry, who lived and died in the faith ; and there are many other appointments of the same character, but we mention these two as being prominent men, whose principles were known from one end of the Republic to the other. Equally unfortunrte has been the attempt of the honorable gentleman to fix the charge of federalism upon General Harrison, because of his approval of the policy' of the administration in relation to the French question. It is known to every man who has made himself familiar with the history of those 1 days, that that policy was almost universally ap proved by the Republican party'. We will only give a single instance, which was or ought to have been known to the honorable gentleman. During the pendency of that important cabinet question, a i meeting was got up in Georgia, at which that dis tinguished son of Georgia, William H. Crawford, , was present and participated in the proceedings,so far as to present to the meeting, and support with ’ all the powers of his vigorous intellect, resolutions sustaining the policy ot the administration on that identical question, and pledging themselves to sus [ tain the administration in its views. And in 1824, when Mr. Crawford was a candidate lor President, . the party with which Judge Co’quitt is now act acting, and which hails his circular with the ut most joy—charged him with supporting the admin , istration of the elder Adams, and cited as evidence ! the proceedings of this meeting. What was Mr. . Crawford’s course on that occasion ? He met the ’ charge like an honest man ; he met it as General Harrison d’d. and not only' admitted its truth, but justified his course. Will the honorable gentleman have the hardihood to attempt to fix upon William 1 H. Crawford federalism, because he approved of this policy of the administration of the elder Adams. Without, however, noticing upon whose authori ty the honorable gentleman has based this charge made in the Senate in 1826, or insinuating that the L Georgia Legislature considered John Randolph of , Virginia so obnoxious to the charge of federalism in 1812, that the name of the county of Randolph was changed to Jasper county, we will pass to other proof to show that General Harrison was considered not only worthy but a republican by Mr. Jefferson, but also by Mr. Madison, if the gen tleman’s doctrines as to appointments be true, which was much more so in relation to Mr. Jeffer son than to the elder Adams —for it is a well established fact that Mr. Jefferson did remove nu merous important officers, because of their oppo sition to him. And heie let us remark, that the honorable gentleman has been guilty of slating what we assert is not true, in saying that Mr. Jef ferson never appointed Gen. Harrison, but found him in office, and continued him there, as did Mr. Madison. The first proof that we shall adduce to establish this position, is the third clause of the Ordinance passed by Congress in 1787, for the gov ernment of the Northwest Territory, which we find in Graydon’s Digest, page 137 of the Appen dix, and which is in the following language: “ Be it ordained by the authority aforesaid. That there shall be appointed from time to time, by Congress, a governor, whose commission shall continue in force for the term ol three years, un- I less sooner revoked by Congress: He shall reside in the district, and have a freehold estate therein, in one thousand acres of laud, while in the exer cise of his office.” This then establishes beyond the possibility of a i doubt that the Governor could only be appointed 1 for three years ; now, as Mr. Jefferson served as ’President eight years, and had the only appointing 1 power, and as General Harrison continued Gover -1 nor of the Northwestern Territory', it is only' rea sonable to suppose that Mr. Jefferson re-appointed \ him. But we will not content ourself with this i deductive proof—we will prove by this same Ex- L ecutive Journal, from which the honorable gentle man has been aided so much in his glc not “to suppress truth” that Mr. Jefferson did appoint General Harrison Governor, which e may be found at page 441 of the 2nd volume 1 and at the expiration of his term of three years he* again appointed him, bu“; we have not the Journal d to refer to the page and volume. Rut again, Mr Jefferson appointed him sole Commissioner to s, treat with the Northwestern Indians, an office of n almost unlimited powers. The following extract from tlie proceeding'of the Legislature of the Ter ritory, of 1809, will show in what estimation he was held by that body. They (the House of Representatives) can not forbear recommending to, and requesting of, the President and Senate, most earnestly in their own names, and in the names of their constitu ents, the re-appointment of their present govern nor, Wm. Henry Harrison. —because he posses ses the good wishes and affections ol a great ma jority of his fellow-citizens ; —because they be lieve him sincerely attached to the Union, the prosperity of the United, States, and the admin istration ofits government; —because they believe him in a superior degree capable of promoting the interest of our terrritory ; from long experi ence and laborious attention to its concerns, trom his influence over the Indians, and wise and dis interested managament of that department; and because thev have confidence in his virtues, tal ents, and rkpublicanism .” But he appears also to have shared in an emi nent degree the confidence of the Republican ad ministration of Mr. Madison —by whom he was appointed Governor of the Tcrritary of Indiana, at every expiration of his term of oi'Rce, an office which he filled for thirteen successive years. Reader, do you wish more proof? We could give you the oft repeated declarations of General Harrison himself, but lest that should be regarded as not strictly within the rules of evidence, we will present what the honorable gentleman wi\l perhaps, in his new situation, regard as good testi mony, it is taken from the file of the Richmond Enquirer in IS 13, and is as follows : “The Federal printers are impudent enough to claim all the laurels of the war, by denominating the most distinguished of its heroes as Federalists. Hull, say they, is a Federalist, and so are Chaun cey, Decatur and Harrison ! Oh no, not Harrison, because the Federal Republican has very lately call ed 'iim the ‘■Democratic General .* “But how can those men be ca’led Federalists, according to the definition of the Federal printers ? A Federalist, now-a-days, is synonymous with a friend of peace .” Again in 1522, (Oct. 14th,) the political opinions of Gen. Harrison, who was then a candidate for Congress, were published with high commendation by the same Richmond Enquirer, as “ Republican Doctrines .” But hear Gen. Harrison himself. On the 11th of Nov. 1809, when Madison was elected President by the Republican party, Gen. Harrison wrote to Dr. Brownly as follows : “Irejoice sincerely in the triumph of the Repub licans of Maryland L I have written to my friend. General Smith, to congratulate lam on his appoint • ment to the Senate without having any other evi dence of it than the success of the RepuhlicanT icketd Again in 1822, Gen. Harrison said, in an address to his constituents, “I deem myself a Republican of what is commonly called the old Jeffersonian School.” Let us now give you the testimony' of Judge Burnett, of Ohio, who has known General Harri son for near fifty years, a man of the highest char acter for veracity. It is in these words : Cincinnati, Feb. 27, 1840. Mv Dear Sir: —I remark, in reply to y'our let ter of this morning, that during the contest be tween Mr. Jefferson and the elder Adams. General Harrison and myself were residing in the North Western Territory, and of course had not the pri vilege of voting. At that time, I was in habits of great intimacy with Gen. Harrison, although I was a Federalist (honestly' so,) and he a Republican of the Jefferson school. I supported Adanjs warmly', and he, witn equal warmth supported Mr. Jeffer son.—During the controversy from 1796, I conversed and argued with him times withou, number —he sustaining Mr. Jefferson, and I Mr. Adams. You may' assure your friend, that there was not a more consistent,decided supporter of Mr. Jefferson, in the North Western Territory, than Gen. Harrison. For the truth of this declaration, I most willingly pledge my reputation. I slate to you wh'at I saw, and heard and know. When the Alien and Seuition law passed, the Gen. was not a member of Congress. He neither voted nor had an opportunity of voting on that law. Your friend, J. Burnet. Hon. Wm. Southgate. Hers we might safely close, but let us “ pin the basket” with the testimony of Major Joel Craw ford, whom y u all know. “ His political principles are understood to be in strict accordance with those taught by Thomas Jefferson, for whose able and successful adminis tration I have jfften heard him express great ad miration.”] I will beg leave so present another subject to your eonsideration, worthy of your serious regard —a subject of vital importance to the w hole South—l mean the subject of Abolition. It is the blindness ol stupidity, or the madness of party, for any man to doubt that the nomination ot General Harrison was made with the view and for the purpose of obtaining strength by procuring the votes of Abo litionists. Ihe friends ol General Harrison say that he was nominated because it was thought he could obtain ihe most voles. Os this 1 have no doubt; but the reason for believing that he could procure a belter vote than Henry Clay, was. that he might get* the strength and influence of this sup port, which Clay cou;d not. '1 here are some facia which 1 know, and a few others to w hich 1 w ill re fer, upon this subject. I know that no petition having for iis object the abolishing of slavery in the District of Columbia, in the Slates or Territo ries, has been presented this session, but by a Whig. 1 know that no speech has Peen made in favor of Abolitionists, this Congress, but lias been made oy aVV big. 1 know that upon ihe final vote, to ex clude, by a ruleoflhe House, the reception of these petitions, but one Whig from a non-slaveholdmg State voted with us, while four Southern Whigs voted against us, among whom was John Bell, of Tennessee, the W l.ig candidate for speaker. 1 know that at least two of the Democratic party're fused to he made the instruments of presenting such pennons, and one of them, a Senator from t hio, a non slaveholding Slate, where the aboli tionists are numerous. Mr Tappan said : “Ohio will do unto others as sh? claims that they should do to her. As she will go\, permit any' interference with her own institutions, .*o she will not permit her servants to interfere with the n.s i tutions of other Slates. 1 know her will upon ttiis mailer, it is clear and unequivocal. Resolutions of tier assembly have repeatedly' declared her senti ment upon rtie subject maiti-r of these petitions, and her dec ded opinion that ihe attempt making oy these petitioners “ is hostile to the spirit of the Con stitution, and destructive of the harmony of the Union ;” and a recent and more iiumerom a sem hlage of Democratic delegate in a State Conven tion than has ever before met in that State, with but three dissenting voices, adopted the following resolutions ; “ Rvsoloed, That, in the opinion of this Conven tion, Congress ought not without the consent of the people of ihe District, and of the States of Vir giniaand Maryland, to abolish slavery in the Dis trict of Columbia ; and fiat the efforts now making for that purpose, by organizing societies in the Irea States, are hostile to the spirit of the Consiiiutton and destructive to the harmony of the Union. *• Resolved , That, slavery being a domestic insli tution recognized by the Constitution of the United States, we, as citizens ol a tree Slate, have no right to interfere with it; and that the organization of societies and associations in free States, in opposi tion to the institutions of sister Stales, while pro ductive of no good, may be the cause of murh mis chief ; and while such associations lor p.dhical purposes ought to be discountenanced by every lo\er ol peace and concord, no sound Democrat will have part or lot with them. “ Resolved That political Aboluionism is but ancient federalism, under a new guise, and that the po>iiical action ot anti-slavery societies is only a devise lor the overthrow of Oemocrocy. “I know, sir, ilmt these resolutions express the deliberate judgment of the Democracy of Ohio; as to the sentiments of I he opponents of the Democrat ic party, the Harrisonians, I know less. Their conduct is open to observation. By that, it is well know n that they hold m their fraternal embrace the enure abolition pan of the population of Ohio.” These facts have occurred during the present ses sion of Congress, and yet very many Southern members shut their eyes to these siartling truths and are glad at heart* that the Northern Democrats’ . will lose strength in their respective District* tnr giving us their aid. Much pains have been taken to throw popp.es over th 3 eyes of the So ah, by at- tempting to prove that General Ha not an Abolitionist; bur officiil l e i- e IS ° n him,* es ihw-iluu he t« .. pp , Jße(1 l desires it abolished. As lam writi-,„ i aver )’, j<Wi did corisiueraliun an unvarnished i,7 j-’W. Wr your attention his circular, winch !,»’ ) V|ll c s p c : c( .•the purpose of satisfying the dis,,i\ abolitionists : * C| atire u j * “ Fello.v-citizens: Being called Sll < ‘ XC< to attend my sick family, 1 have but < en! f k P 0 * 0 answer a lew of the ‘ calumnies’ u) a K ' rn °«nr n * cutai ton concerning me. 1 illn actus/ 1 friendly to slavery. From my earlier? of W n present moment, i l ave been tu e « r .i ! ‘k• I human liberty. At the age of ei o-h t _ ° r,t wh< j number of an Abolition Soc cty, t-stablYl nish ! moiid, Va.,lhe object of which Whs a, * spe« ! ihe com! ii ion of slaves, and procure it aiße l«h * Iby every legal means. My venerable!? K ne< *’ G itch, of Clermont County, was a! s ) ent pu*l this Socieiv, and has lately given wri i feat I was one. 'ihe obligations 10, ce % der, I have faithfully perlornted.” ien ca <#th. on [Again gentle reader let us aid the H on „ man in presenting an “ unvarnished t ■, • • ” | cll3 lie might easily have done by public:. ■ ance of the speech of Gen. Harrison w ; ,-T • Ull below, commencing immediately where th ?u P tleman left off, in the middle of a but here let us remark that he has not min proficiency in garbling as his noble brother- *' 'I the Editor of the Federal Union, who 'I sentence at a comma, but Judge Coiquitt fa* H ' nv to a period, altho he has not published the line thing. Gep. Harrison’s address is as folios frit ' “Fellow-citizens ;—Being called sa'c. *?’ home to attend my sick family, I have bi,' ment to answer a few of the liat in circulation concerning me, " pan “I am accused of being friendly to . .. From my earliest youth to the present mot? the have been the ardent friend of human />, t ipi At the age of 18, / became a member ofan f m ' il tion Society established at Richmond, Vi? 1,110 the object of which was to ameliorate the l!,0i tion ot Slaves, and procure fheir freedom llvl ii \r ii r ■ . m lua legal means. My venerable friend Judge d t hn ot Clermont county, was also a memlter 0 f s l« Society, and has lately given me a certificate 4,1 I was oe. The vbl gallons which I then - under I have faith fully performed. I have t* h?i the means ofltberaling many slaves, but r, iitu placed one in bondage. I deny that mv v < - ,eil in Congress, in relation to Missouri and Ark® ! are in the least incompatible with theseprin- . Congress had no more legal or constitutional n* we to emancipate the negroes in those sections' be< Eouisana, without the consent of their, o wr> : fail than they have to free those of Kentucky. Tk 4 '* u People were secured in their property by a < emn convenant with France, when the cow- sat was purchased from that Power. Toprohibr fee emigration of citizens of the Southern Staten be the part of the country, the situation and din; pg( of which was peculiarly suited to them, w have been highly unjust, as it had been purr:.- m a sed out of the common fund; particularly, tlu when it is recollected that all the immense::-, ren tory to the northwest of the Ohio had lieencL- ! ,e< by Virginia, and that, with an unexampledfe ality, she had herself proposed, by excluding llo! ry from it, to secure it for the emigration oftta sta Stales which had no slaves. Was it pro> qu then, when her reserved territory was in anas ure filled up. to exclude her citizens front e<r part of the territory purchased out of the coni fund 1 I was the first person to inirodmr B la Congress the proposition that all the mite Fo above Missouri (which, having no inhabits * e was free from the objection made to Missouri: Arkansas) should never have slavery admit: lnj into it. I repeat what I have before said,:; by as our Union was only effected hy mutuals wc cession, so only can it be preserved. |"i “ My vole against the restriction of Missoar. forming her constitution was not a condor one. There would have been time enough, ha continued to he a member, before thequesli. was decided, for my constituents to have inslrtt op ted me ; and I should have tejoiced in anr portunity of sacrificing my seat to principles,r !ul they had instructed me in opposition to my cot | struct ion of the Constitution. Like many otto mi members from the non-slaveholuing States,? pa whom I mention Shaw, Holmes, Mason of Ms f ,[ sachusetts, Lanman of Connecticut, and Bi. lr " ! win of Pennsylvania, I could see nothing in li Constitution, which I had sworn to support, 1 t h< warrant such an interference with the right!£ the States, afid which had never before beens> ari ! tempted! And where is the crime in one set: | men not being able to interpret the Constitutor j n < as other men interpret it! As we had alhinr, ito support it, the crime would have been inpr of i ing it a construction which our consciences wr t® l not sanction. And, let me ask, for what gw er l ! is this question again brought up; It has beet settled, as ail our family differences havetwr p 0 settled, on the firm basis of mutual comproroi* {V j And patriotism, as well as prudence, dewteii - A j effects of that awful discussion to eternal obliviffi- Is it not known that, from that cause, tbegra: fabric of our Union was shaken to its foundation j )( Is it not known that Missouri would not haft ve submitted to the restriction, and the other slave h> holding States had determined to support her b- Hut for this compromise, the probability i* :: J‘ at this moment we might look upon the t j, shore of Ohio, not for an affectionate sister fi® in but an armed and implacable rival. Whatp*® - " otic man would not join the gallant Eaton io f3 ecrating the head and the hand that and execute a scheme productive of a calataitp |u awful ? r> “ Upon the whole, fellow citizens, our pto \V a plain one : it is that marked out as well by inanity as duty. We cannot emancipate slaves of the other States, without their con* c Ju but by producing a convulsion which wouh® j do us all. » ♦ * * * I,€1 ,€ “William Henry Harris 0 -'’- But lest sceptics should asser‘ that tins‘ h- tion Society” which existed in Richmond Urg- y ( mark the place reader, was a most diabolical auA tw we give you the testimony of Tarlton VV. Pfe ea " who also happened to be a member of this so- which held its meetings publicly in RicbnuW 1 ginia. to “ In the year 1798,1 was a member of a ty in Richmond, called the “ Humane oCI ®V (M Robert Pleasants of Curies, was President 8) Society. Tlie object of this association | v ,’ ,P 1 conjunction with the parent Society in f 1 " phia, to aid in abolishing the slave trade,“ I assist negroes who were illegally held ni (i( to obtain their rights the Courts ot J° stl j, ~. w r as once a delegate from the Society u> | mond, to a Convention in Philadelphia, 311 it were delegates from the diflerent d< sylvania. New. York, New Jersey anJD a . 11 Dr. Benjamin Rush, James I odd. VV’illiara Dr. Wtstcr, Tliomas P. Cope, and °f“ ers u from Pennsylvania ; Mr. Boyd, from New Richard Hartshorn, from New Jersey; " Rodney, from Delaware; and many ot^^ rS ’ ( j lsC t!' names Ido not recollect. A very l® n S* *- v Cf sion took, place upon the slave trade in ■ t p, William Rawle, Urs. Rush and lister F il larly distinguished themselves. Dr. h la one of the most elegant speeches I eve , r . )n ,fD- Jj This was the principal subject before ppjtai a lion. If the Abolition of slavery in ,ie States were alluded to at all, Ido not rC^ rel ji( n Thomas P. Cope and Timothy Secretaries to the Convention; 3110 . p ur ni3b» ? doubt, either »>f them, if living, woul copy of the Constitution, if written to self. I have no recollection that 11 son was a member of the Richi»a |V ,#r?' Society but I have no doubt this "^ s Society of which lie was a member, 3 ’ pyt.dk m so much has latterly been said in