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CHRONICLE AND SENTINEL. AUGUSTA. FRIDAY MORNING, MAY 22. Judge Colquitt’s Circular. In this mornings paper will be found the con clusion of the circular of Judge C. and our re view, to which we iuvitetbe attention of our read era. We are well aware of the great aversion felt by most readers to long articles, and hence our deake to curtail as much as possible our re marks ; we could not however have condensed more to do justice to ourself and our caoar, though we couid have extended them much far ther by the introduction of more testimony. We therefore hope that none will fail to give it a calm and dispassionate perusal. The questions involved are important ones, and are question* in which every citizen is in terested to a greater or less extent. We partic ularly invite the attention of that portion of our readers, who have expressed their desire to see Judge C’s Circular in our columns, read it, aad see how far we have sustained our pledges to our readers, and ans er to yourselves how* the Circular hears the test w r plied. - • m Do yon hear that Boys V* Os* Hcsdb id names were added to the list for the Reformer yesterday. Hon* W. T. Colquitt’s Letter — Concluded. Lei it be remembered, 100, that es Mr. Crawford was ihe regular nominee of the Republican party, that Mr. Van Buren supported him, notwithstand ing there were then running Adams, Clay, and Jackson. The vote of New Y ork tells on this sub ject. The vote given lor the tariff of 1828 is now tnnqpeted abroau as an objection to Van Buren.— For this both the candidates for President voted. But here again !am stopped. In the year 1832, the party of which 1 am a member, gave again tnetr support to Mr. Van Buren for vice Presi dent of the United States. His vole and the cir cumstance under which it was iven, were no se cret—were well known to the public, and at a time of great excitement upon live subject of the tariff. It is uot_my wish to censure others, but to assign the reasons which govern my own conduct Acting with ray party, I give a cordial support to Mr. Van Buren at both those periods (1824 and 1332.) With out going into a vindication ot those votes now, I think you will agree with me that I should present them with bad grace ss reasons why he conld not Kt my vote: Th«.y were reasons which should ve operated upon our suffrage with much more force then than now. It has been near twen ty years since the Constitution of New York was revised, and the vote of instruction to Rufus King and the restrictive vote on Florida given.— With every apology that could be offeted for Mr. Van Burin, it we had heard or known nothing of him since, in these times of abolition excitement, these votes would be sufficient to deprive him of southern votes. But bow stands the case. We supported him then without a call fur his opinions upon the subject of slavery—since which we have had his published opinions and resolves upon this vital subject, to winch I will call your attention. He was interrogated by the Jackson and Shoeco committees belbre bis election to the Presidency, his answers to which show how far his votes twen ty yeats ago ought to alarm the South upon the •object, of slaveiy. He tfhys, if elecied," I must go into the Presidential Chair the inflexible and un compromising opponent of any attempt, upon the part of Congress, te abolish slavery in the Diet, of Columkiaagainst the w isties of the sla vehold mg States ; and also with a determination, equally decided, to resist the slightest interlernce with the subject in the States where it exists/' Are not itiese declarations made bes we his election in the face of the world, strong enough to satisfy the South upon this subject He avers his inflexible and uncom promising opposition to any interference with our rights. Hut iam aware that many declared then bo was insincere, and could not be trusted. Yet, after his election, when, if he had any desire to be tray our rights and falsify his declaration, when their was no actual call or necessity, in his inaugu ral r.ddress he rejieals them. I ask any candid man whether be would have said any thing upon the subject if he had not intended faithfully so execute liis promise ? He gives in his inaugural address, first a reference to what he had previously said, and part of which is the above extract, and then says, ** know only remains to add, that no bill conflict ing with these views can'-ever receive rny cpnstitu • iional sanction.” What more, fellow eiiieens, can we ask, in order ■to satisfy us that during his administration, there will be no interference with this domestic insti tution Bui nearly four years have passed, and . you may wish to know whether he is still t«- fiexible upon this subject, and whether the growing rage of fanaticism has not driven him from his posi tion. 1 his is right; you should kn >w and without a distinct confirmation, you might prudently with hold your votes from any candidate. On the IClh of Feb. Os the present year, a very respectful letter was addressed to Gen Harrison, from some gentle men in Virginia, in which they propound, among others, these questions. “ Is it-constitutional* and if so, would it be expe dient tu abolish slavery an the District of Colum bia r * In the event of your election, should a bill to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia pas-s Congress, would it receive your sanction ?” Now, these were very plain questions, easily an swered by an honest man who intends no imposi tion, and yet Gen. ffa-rwon refuses to answer. His friends in the South may say one thing, snd appeal to his speech at Vincennes, while his friends in the nonslavt-holding states. knovuanothcr. How differ ent has Mr. Van Buren acted. On the 21st March of the present yew, a letter from Virginia was ad dressed to him upon this subject, to which he re plies on ih«* '-7th of the same : “7 hove received your letter of the 21st last, and can have no ol feet ion to say in reply, that the sentiments txpressed in my letter to Junius Amis, and takers, on the 6th March 1836, and substantially repeated in my inaugural ad dress, are not only still entertained by me, but have hern greatly strengthened by subsequent experience and reflection." By this we have renewed assur ances of bis determination to preserve inviolate this s, ecies of our property There is no contealment, there is no equivocation—hma sentiment candidly ard fully expressed and published to the world. I should teel myrelf exceedingly humbled, if I were now to say so the people of nay stale, that I opposed Mr. Van Buren for the vote instructing Rulus Kitu,.or the vole changing the Constitution of New York or the vote of restriction upon Florida No matter how objectionable those votes, I and the party with which 1 acted, to say the least of it, ex cused them then.w about any favorable pledge front *" r /- m " u en . ol an objectionable expression has fallen trom his lips or pen since, upon this sub ject* and those repealed assurances in our favor; And how could 1, wuh any sort of consistency, as ®gn these totes as reasons for denouncing him now ? Bui them is other public evidence of hi* sin cerity up u tins subject. My fellow citizens will reraem!*er, that a hill was introduced in the Senate to prevent the transportation by mail of anti-slavery Kmphiew, books, newspapers. Ac. This bill came lore the Senate on the question, “Shull this bill be engrossed and read a third time ?” While Mr. Van Buren was Vice President. Upon this queg lion the Senate tied, 18 and IS, and the decision had to be made by Mr. Van Buren. He met it promptly and voted for its passage. We are treat ing gentlemen from non slave holding states with great unfairness, when we abuse them, alter every demonstrotioi they can make in our favor. I shall have to lose gard for virtue and consistency before 1 enlist in the crusade. But strong as are the expressions, and as decisive as has been the conduct of Mr. Van Buren, I would not fed that the bomb would be just to herself to yield him her support, it he was courting abolition votes at lb- expense of our rights, and if his supporters were affilating with these fanatics For this reason, the candidates tor Pre-ident are the representatives of jgreat principles, which principles I must often un derstand from the zeal and c haracter of their sup porters. On many, the testimony I may offer may have but slight effect, and with some, none at all; ”but st uated where 1 have been enabled to weigh <?vcry circumstance with reasonable impartiality, I feel its fo'ce. In all the attempts to prove llarri •on tin abolitionist, «nd that he would not get the support of these fanatics, no one protends to cha-ge the fact that Mr Van Buren stands any chance to 1 get them. They denounce him in every print as < the slave of the Sonth; mat his son lias married I the daughter of an extensive slaveholder ; and that I he is a “ northern man with southern principles.” i But I propose to go further, and thow a preponder- ! sting difference in fevorof the Nortltefn Democrats, ] the supporters of Mr. Van Buren. I In the last Congress their were presented 4,079 i abolition petitions, each petition varying as to the number ot petitioners they contained. Os this large I amount of }>etitions brought into Congress, will it not be of some consequence for you to know in i what proportion they were presented by Whigs and i Democrats? It seems to me that by it you may at I least learn this fact, who are the most zealous in < their cause. I have taken pains to inform myself i and iho result is, that 3,786 ot that number were presented by Whigs and the remaining 293 by De mocrats. —Will it not strike tne mind of every man. at once, the immense disparity between them? 1 Another singular fact is worthy of notice, that in 1 seme of the States, and I mention especially New Hampshire, where the Democratic party is strong, I and where the whole representation of the slate is of that party, the Representatives refuse lo present i these pelitiois; and the Abolitionists from those places send them to their Iriends who come from I other States. Os the 4,097 petitions presented last Congress, i he W higs presented from states in which they did not reside, 1,317, the Democrats 7. These i are tacts which 1 can show from the journals, and give the names of all who presented, the states from which they presented, and the number pre sented by each. Such circumstances as these are met by saying that there are Abolitionists among the Democrats, which is no doubt true, but they are not favored by ihe Democratic party while they are courted by the Whigs. lam not content to make declarations and endeavor to force your judgment* by clamour. Tlu< is a matter of too much consequence to you for me to favor this or that party, while by so doing I shall be giving strength to an interest wholly adverse to your ■ rights. But I will continue to s ate facts, and you may draw your own conclusions, and act upon the responsibility of your own judgments. I will not enumerate the many votes given during several ( preceding sessions, all of which will show the same preponderating influence of the Whigs in favor of the Abolitionists. T will submit a few direct votes only. By reference to the resolutions introduced upon this subject by Mr. Pinckney, of South Caro- i liua, one of them will be found lo read thus: “ That, in the opinion of this House, Congress ought not to interfere, in any way, with slavery in the District of Columbia.” This resolution passed by a vote of 163 yeas to 47 nays. I suppose you would consi der this rote in the negative some evidence that there were men in Congress who felt that Congress ought to interfere with slavery in the District? Who were they ? And how stood the partita upon this tote ? Os the 47 who voted in the negative, 42 were Whigs, the reraauting five Democrats. Mr. i Patton, ol Virginia, under the instructions, it is said, ofa meeting of southern members at the succeed ing Congress offered this resolution, viz : “ Resolved, That all pelition«, memorials and pa pers touching the abolition of Slavery, or buying selling or transferring slaves in any State, District or territory of the United Stales, be laid upon the table without being debated, printed,-read or refer red ; and that no further action shall be had there on ” Upon thn adoption of this resolution, the vote stands recorded : yeas 122 nays 74. Among those voting in the affirmative, from non-slaveholding States, there were fifty-one Democrats, and but one Whig. Mr. Atherton, (Democrat,) of N. Hamp shire, introduced resolutions, one of which was this: “Resolved, That, petitions for the abolition of slavery in the District of Coturrhia, and the Terri tories of the United States, and against the removal of slaves from one state to another, ate part of a plan of operations »et on foot to affect the institu tions of slavery in the several States.and indirectly, to destroy that institution within their limits ” This resolution was offered by a Democrat from a non-slaveholding State. Upon its passage, there stand recorded—l 36 yeas, and 65 nays. Os the 65 who voted in the negative, 62 were Whigs, 61 northern Whigs. His third resolution upon the subject wan this; “ Resulted, Tliat Congress lias no right to do that indirectly* which it cannot do directly." lu favor of this, the yeas are 170, and nays 30. Every man who voted in the negative was a Whig. The fifth aud last resolution was divided, and the vote demanded upon the first branch, which reads thus; “ Resolved, That attempts on the part of Congress to abolish slavery in the District ol Columbia, or the Territories, or to prohibit the removal of slavrs from State to Biate, or to discriminate between the institutions of one portion of the Confederacy and another, with the views aforesaid, are in violation of the Constitution, destructive of the fundamental principles on which which the union of these states rest, and beyond the jurisdiction of Congress.” This branch ot this resolution is as strong as any man from the South can ask ; and Jet it not be for gotten that it was introduced by a northern Demo crat. This passed by a vote of 149 yeas to 52 nays. You will be glad to know, doubtless, who voted in the negative ; 1 have their names. Os the 52, there were 47 Whigs, and but 5 Democrats. During the same session, the journals show that Mr. Slade, a zealous Whig, and an equally zealous Abolitionist, made a motion, “ that the rules in relaiion to the order of business be suspended for him lo move a resolution, which was read at the Clerk’s table, as follows: “ Whereas, there exists, and is carried on between the port in the District of Columbia arid other ports of tlu> United States, and under Ihe sanction of the laws thereof, a trade in human beings, whereby thousands of them are annually sold and transported from said district to distant parts of the country, in % T estels belonging to the citizens of the' United States, therefore to the end that all obstacles to Ihe consideration ofthis subject be removed and a rem edy for the evil be speeduy provided. Resolved, That so much of the fifih section of the resolutions on the subject ol slavery, passed by this hoaseon the 11th and 12th of the present month os relates to the renaoxal ot slaves from Stare to State, and | rolubits the acts of this House, and eve ry petition, memorial, resolution or paper, touching the same, be, and hereby is rescinded.” The effort to repeal this part of the resolution, I deem another question, calculated to show which Eany leans to, and is sustained by the Abolitionists, ipon th s motion there stands recorded 56 yeas and 147 nays. Os the 56 who voted in favor of Mr Slade’s motion 53 were Whigs, and out three De mocrats, 1 would desist from exhibiting further evidence, but I feel it ray duty to exhibit tacts that cannor be contradicted or denied ; that the people ol Geutgia may at least act understandtngly. God knows that 1 have no such sympathy for either party as w ould induce me to betray your rights. 1 desire your dispassionate judgment. The first motion made to introduce a petition this Congress, upon the subject, w as made by Mr. Lin coln, a W lug member from Mossachaseits. T his w»s met by southern gentlemen, among others, Mr, Cave Johnson who moved to lay the motion f»r re ception on the table. 11 ibis motion prevailed yon will see it was equivalent to a rejection. The vote was taken upon this motion which was carried in the affirmative by a vote 131 to 68. Os the 68 votes giv en in the negative 61 wire northern Whigs. If southern Whig and the remaining 6 Demo, rats. In this vote it was not considered that the right of petition was involved; and nearly the whole De mocratic party voted with the south. When ihe vote was afterwards taken to make it a rule of the House that no petition upon the subject should be received, the right ol petition was alarmingly.en forced by the Whig orators, and yet a sufficiency of the Northern Democracy voted with us to adopt the rule, in this 27 Derm crars went further to sus- ; tain our right than did 4of the Southern whigs. In the feenalethere have likewise I ecu a few ques tions exhibiting the state of parties upon thi 8 sub- 1 ject. 1 have already mentioned the introduction of the hill prohibiting the transportation by mail, of Abolition pamphlets, Ac. This bill upon its final passage was lost. Not a solitary northern Whig : voting for it. and lour southern W lugs voting against , it. Jt is a fact no wliere denied, I think that the principal ground of objection lo the admission of , Arkansas into the union, arose from the fact that , slavery was recognized in her constitution ; and < upon the ( asssge of ihe bill not one Whig Senator from New England voted for it. In the House of j Representatives, upon me pass iga of the same bill, j the votes stand about as usual; yeas 143 nays 52. , and ot the 52 who voted in the negative 46 were Wh gs and but 6 Democrats , During the present session of Congress Mr. Cal- , boun introduced resolutions in the Senate in rela- , ti nto Ihe national rights of vessels, fureed by stress , ot weather into Ir.endly ports, and the seizure us j the brigaEnterprize under them e-rcumstances j “Res Ivid, That a ship or a vessel on the high 1 seas, in time of peace, engaged in a lawful voyage, i is, accoiding to the Jaws ot nations, under tlie ex- i ciusixe jurisdiction ol the iStatc to which her flag ) belongs; ai much eo as it constituting a parr of iis ( own domain # , f *• Resolved , 'I hat if such ship or vessel should b« forced by "tress of weather or oilier unavoidable cause-, into ihe port, and under the jurisdiction of a friendly power, she and her carets and persona on board, with their property,and alljihe righ'a belong ing to their personal relations, as ei*abh>hed by the laws of the State to which they belong, would be placed under the protection which the laws of na tions extend to tlie unfortunate under such circum stances. “Resolved, That the brig Enterpri te, which was forced unavoidably by stress of weather into Port Hamilton, Ber.ouda island, while on a lawful voy age on the high teas from one port of the Union to another, comes within the principles embraced in the foregoing resolutions and that the seizure and detention©! the negroes ‘-n board by the local au thoniiy of the island, was an act in violation of the laws of nat ons, and highly unjust to our own citi zens to whom they belong.” On these resolutions t'.e vote was unanimous, but every northern Whig, except one, failed to vole, by being absent from his seat. 1 will call your addition a little to the action of the Democratic party, in non slaveholding Slates, by their resolutions passed in their legislatures and in primary assemblies. I should be glad to furnish you with many of their full resolves ; and although the subject is pregnant with interest to the bouth, 1 must abbreviate, in order not to tresspass too long upon your time. In the Stale nf Ohio, the stale in which General Harrison resides, at a large assemblage of the Democratic party, they passed unanimously, among others, the following resolu tions, viz • “ Resolved, That slavery being a domestic institu tion, recognized by the Constitution of the United Stales, we, as citizens of a Iree State, have no right to interfere with it, and that the organizing of s .me tres and associations in free Stales, in opposition to the institution* of sister Slates, while productive of no good, may be the cause of much mischief; and while such associations, fur political purposes, ought to be discountenanced by every lover of peace and concord, no sound Democrat will have part or lot with them ” “Resolved , That political Aholition’sm is but an cient Federalism under a new guise, and the politi cal action of anti-slavery societies is only a device for the overthrow of Democracy.” “ Resolved , That should there be any members of this convention, who do not subscribe to the prin ciples contained in those resolutions relating to the subject of Abolition, they be hereby requested to leave their names with the publishing committee, to be published wi' h the proceedings ot this conven tion.” What do you think of such resolutions as the above passing unanimously by the Democrats in the State of Ohio, where the Abolitionists at e talented and numerous. I consider this fighting our battles upon this subject in good earnest. And with whom ? let me inquire The answer is plain—with the Whigs and Abolitionists The Legislature of Ohio during the present year, with a very large majority of Democrats, passed resolutions upon this subject, pronouncing the conduct of the Abolitionists “highly criminal, and that it is the duty of every good citizen to discountenance the Abolitionists, in iheirmad, fanatical, and revolutionary schemes.” The party, in their assemblies, either through their Legislatures/or in primitive assem blies, and in some States by both, have passed reso lutions'equally decided in our favor, in Pennsylva nia, New York and New Hampshire, which I have now before me, and, if necessary, w:ll publish. I repeat, that these efforts, made by the Democrats at the North, it they can be sustained, give us hope that our property will be protected, and the Union saved. But what encouragement have they to de fend our institutions, if we contemn their friendship, aud make common cause with their political oppo nents, for their overthrow and defeat ? I now pledge myself, th-<t no man can show, in any non-slave holding Slate, where the Whigs have dared, in any political assemblage, to pass one resolution, or say ought in our favor. But, on the contrary, where ever they have taken the subject into consideration, it has been but to abuae and condemn. If we ally ourselves to the Whigs, and defeat the Democrats, it will be but retributive justice for them to with draw ihci: support, M*d leave m «• t«e mercy of abolition Whigs. I have before me resolutions passed by some of the Legislatures of the free Slates, where ttie W higs had majorities, denouncing slave ry, and urging efforts lor emancipation These I will publish, if 1 should find it necessary, at another time 1 will now furnish you with a few extracts from abolition papers, to show that Harrison’s nom ination is claimed as a victory. But IreTofe I do this, 1 will mention this fact; that after we had adopted the rule to which I have referred, rejec:ing the recepiion of abolition petitions, the Legislature of New York passed resolutions of censure apon the House ot Representatives for their vote. Mr. Mann, a member of the Democratic party in the New York Legislature, moved this resolution, viz; “ Re olved, (if the Senate concur,) That this Le gislature has seen w ith deep regret, and decidedly aixappr vex and condemns, the efforts of many mis guide*.! individuals in the northern Stales to inter lere, without right, and in violation of the principles on wheih the Constitution of the United States was established,with the domestic institutions of our sister Slates at the South ; thereby distu bing the domestic peace ot the St .tes, weakening the bonds ot our union, and sowing the seeds ot dissolution ” This resolution was rejected by a strict ;>arty vote; there being 41 Democrats for the resolution, and all the W’higs, in number 57, voting against it. Will Georgia w. ge war against,her own interest, by becoming allies to the Whigs? A very few extracts from abolition papers, and I will dedst from pressing upon your consideration this unpleas ant subject. Ihe Liberator, the leading abolition print, alter giving an account *»1 the votes given at the Harrisburg nomination, and announcing Harri son as the candidate, says -.“All the slave Stales went fur Clay. Weregatd this as another important sign of the times— as «t signal defeat of the slaveholding power tn this country. Ha*, it not been lor Aboli tionism, Henry Clay would iinduuntedly have b®en nominated We have faith to be'ie ve, that no slave holder will ever again be permitted to fill the Presi dential office in the Republic.” The friends of General Harrison at the South endeavor to evade the fori e of all this, by saying the Abolitionists will not support Harrison, and that they have a candidate of theirown* But all that is necessary lor us to know is, that Harrison was nominated to rscurethat influet ce; that they hail it as a triumph of their principles; and that a very large share of them, yea. foar-fitths of them, will give him their support. The Emancipator, the abolition paper in New York, heads an article, “The Harrisburg Con vention,” and says, “Well, the agony is over, and Henry Clay is laid upon the shelf; and no man of ordinary intelligence can doubt or deny that it is the anti-slavery feeling of the North which has done it, in connexion with his own osten atious and infamous pro-slavery demonstrations in Con gress. Praise to God fora great inti slavery vi* lo ry. A man of high talents, of great distinction, of long political services, of boundless personal popu larity, has been openly rejected for the Presidency of this great Republic, on account of his devotion to slavery. Set up a monument of progress there Let the winds tell the tale—Jet the slaveholders hear the news—let foreign nations hear it—let O’Connell hear it —let the slaves hear it—n slave holder is incapacitated tor the Presidency of the United Slates The reign of slaveocracy is hasten ing to a close. The reaction of Henry Clay, bv the Whig Convention, taken in connexion with all the circumstances, is one of the heaviest blows the monster slavery has received in this country.” (Here the Hon. Gentleman has again garbled. The gentleman has taken great pains to cull these two extracts from these abolition Journals. Does he tell you that they do not support Gen. Harrison ? Does he tell you that of the thirteen abolition papers of the Union, eleven of them pre fer Mr. Van Buren for Presidency ? No, not a word of these things —yet he tells you he presents an unvarnished tale ] This language of the Emancipator is true ; and yet the South is expected to complete the triumph by aiding in his election, and defeating the Demo crats, who have most manfully come lo our rescue. Another abolition paper.the Leroy Gazelte,formerly edited by Mr. Gates, a Whig member in the Hons? of Representatives, speaking of an Ohio paper, save, “The editor of the Ohio pnper abandoned the Whigs because they nominated the Abolitionists and joined the l/rcofocos because they went for the doughfaces; while we left the Jackson party be cause it adhered to slavery, and anted with the W higs because they supported abolition.” I have searched out a few- ot the many extracts w hica I could make,exhibiting the same startling facts to my fellow-citizen* lam neither so strongly at tacked lo the old Federal band, nor so bitterly pre judiced against ihe Administration, as for me topaas all these things by with a sneer. Sou;hern gentle men make light of these things; not because they are not true, but because they do not apprehend any immediate danger. They reject proffered friendship, and strengthen and encourage their un c> mprtimising'foes, for a petty parly triumph; a tri utnj h which annihilate* every republican principle, N and blights the prospect of the only parly, which, a as a party, susiains our rights. Backed, as Mr. a Von Buren is, by the Democracy in the Senate and House of Representatives, sustained as he is bv the I Democratic party in the non-slaveholding States, £ upon the subject ot slavery, and abused as he is by e th • Aboltionista, it seems to me lhal the difference is very wide between the parlies. However, the business is yours, and lo you I submit the facts, c With my belief, and with my knowledge, no matter } how you may differ with me, 1 feel satisfied lhal you will not blame me for doing what 1 verily be- c eve will be for the good of Fie country and the t safety of the Sou;h. If you fchnnld, however, as much as I shall regret censure from highly esteem ed friends, 1 must still act in accordance with ray 1 opinions, calmly and dispassionately formed. ( These evidences are sufficiently strong tw inform ] the South from what quarter their help must come upon this subject, and a sufficient guarantee that Mr. Van Buren will carry out his pledge. My op- | ; position to the present chief mar isi rate commence*! ( at the time ofis-ming ihe Proclamation during Gen. Jackson’s administration, and not for any thing ( t hat transpired before. And here I may be permit- * ted to remark, that there is no evidence that he ap- , proved or sustained the measure at the time ; but being a favorite of Gen. Jackson I take it for grant ed that he did. W 7 e have positive evidence that I ] General Harrison did approve it, aud lauded for this | , act Gen. Jackson, lo whom he had been previously j in bitter opposition. 1 looked upon the doctrines j of the proclamation, at war with those of the. Government, and to the utmost of my power op- ) posed them. This produced a severe conflict in the i . fetaiw, Irotn which 1 did not shrink, and was made 1 a vfotimto its power. Both parties will bear me | witness, that neither abuse nor defeat made me , falter a moment in my course. They were the : 1 principles of ’yd, the doctrines of Jefferson, for ■ i which I battled. I strove to make those principles | ( triumphant, believing thorn, as Ido vet, the conser- j vative principles ot freedom. The wounds and | 1 bruises received in the strile, have been difficult to ! | cicatrize. I have been reluciani to believe the pro- ! sessions of a people who seemad prepaied to pros- j i trate the sovereignly ofibe Stales, ai d leave ihem | w ithout a remedy for their wrongs. But 1 am not ; w illing that my prejudices shall force me into acts I of inconsistency, or place me in a false position , with ray principles. Up to a very late period, I j have had a right to believe that the State Rights j party would, in good faith, according to ihe re- , solves entered into last winter, take no part in the 1 coming contest. With this I was content, as by it 1 should make no sacrifice of political faith. And I * although ihe message of the President, and the re port ut the Committee of Ways and Means last year, were all that 1 could ask them to be,l chose , to occupy, for the sake of party attachments, per fect neutrality, holding myself houerably bound for the good of my country, to aid the administra- i tion in carrying out every measure which 1 be lieve to be just, and to resist what I deemed to be j wrong. And so I have acted. But if I withdraw i my support from Mr. Van Buren, because he was j the friend and supporter of General Jackson at the time he issued his prociomation, how should I act i toward General Harrison and his warm adherents ? , 1 I have already referred to the opinions of General I 1 Harrison upon that paper. And what were the opinions and actions of his clamorous friends ? j Harrison had been recalled as minister to Colom- j bia by General Jackson, where John Q. Adams j had sent him, and he was his enemy. Webster, Clay, Adams, and all the long allignment of old | , Federalists (now whigs) who were in unequal but 1 , warm contest with the administration, received it as a proclamation of peace, and rallied at once , around its standard. Fur this, Jackson was hailed by them as a second saviour of his cduntry. For what then, must I consent to become their ally ? In what do we agree ? Ther were our ancient foea, the opposers of Jefferson, Madison, Monroe and Crawford. F’or what must I give in my adhe sion and help them to power ? Have they chang ed any principle, or repudiated any Federal act } Not one; they are the same, with this exception, that they are more objectionable now than for merly, by reason of compromising our rights for the votes of such fanatics as would raise the shout of triumph at the tidings that our dwellings were devoured by tire,and our wives and shildren mur dered by our negroes. I have said enough to justify the course which 1 think honor and consistency compel me to pursue. I have done nought to disturb the unitj- of the par ty with which 1 have acted, but have ever oeen and am still prepared to represent and carry out their mng cherished principles; but for Harrison and the Bank 1 cannot go. The harmony and union that have so long existed among the State Bights party are exhibiting symptoms of decay and dissolution; every part of the State is mani festing ax ious solicitude, and the of apple idiscord rods through the land, generating discontent, dis order and confusion. In some counties I notice resolutions purporting to be passed by State Bights men, while in others a call has been made for nar ri'on and bank men, irrespective of old distinc tions. These scenes are the annunciations of dis solution to the party, and the annihilation of those principles with whose ruin sinks all that ever ren dered any party valuable. I confess I see with deep concern the poisonous divisions which have been introduced among us, not flora personal considera tions, for 1 trust I shall always have firmness to make principle my guide, though I be made a vic tim for their high estimate. The portentious clouds occasionally float through the atmosphere, or hang on the political horizon, often fade away without harm ; but when the tempests of interest and pas sion pass over the political arena, they uproot the long tried foundations of party, overturn its princi ples, so long its pillars, and leave but a miserable wreck of all its pride and glory. I have fearlessly, as I have felt it my duty to do, advanced my opinions with some of the rea sons which prompt my action. I have come to its discharge with impartiality and candor. So far as the shoit space of an address would permit, I have sought to represent my views with fairness I have endeavored to follow the advice of Cicero; “ Ne quid falsi decre audeat, ne quid veri nun au deat.-” “ Neither to dare advance jwhat is false, nor to suppress what is true.” With the sße pur pose of being distinctly understood myself, and of advancing those principles that 1 have taught to re vere, I have not written “aught in malice.’ In sending you this, address, you will permit me to make an acknowedgement of my gratitude for the repeated evidences of your regard and confidence, that 1 have notcancealled these endearing obli gations imposed by your friendship, has resulted trom a want of ability, and not from a d eficiency 1 in inclination. With the fond desire that the tur- \ bid streams of faction and discord may cease lo swell the aspiring wave of ambition which are beating against tire rock of our freedom, and that! all institutic ns, civil and religous may be preserved permanent and happy, be pleased to accept my cor- 1 dial good wishes for the prosperity of our State, , and the individual success o*f her citizens. With due respect, your servant, W. T. COLQUITT. fin conclusion we have a word to say to the Hon. gentleman, anJ which we shall utter in no unkind feeling for we disclaim any.altho, we have spoken plainly. What we have to say is this. When you again think it necessary lo give your constitu- j ents an “unvarnished tale” do not imagine your-I self a Nisi Prius lawyer addressing a jury, and therefore present only one side of the case.—When ! you again quote the speeches of a man do not gar ble them, but present the whole in order that your constituents may arrive at truth. —When you again ' quote frera the executive journals, do not forget that some naughty Georgians have been so impru dent as to procure and retain copies of that journal and may detect you if you do not tell the truth, the | whole truth, and above all when you assert again I that Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison never appoin- j ted Gen. Harrison Governor of the North Western ; Territory, you should recollect that some of the ■ limbs of the law, are in possession of Craydon’s digest containing £the ordinance for the Govern ment of the North Western Territory which shows i that the Governor had to be appointed every three years, with which ordinance, you as a Lawyer, an Ex-Judge and a member of Congress should have made yourself familiar before you ventured upon such round assertions. Bear these things in mind and they may have a happy influence upon your future political career, even in the cause of Van Burenism, should you continue in its support, sin cerely. We hope that you have never seen’those parts of documents which you have suppressed in your circular, aud that you have been the dupe of he prostituted organ* of the party with which aie now associated. If so, it is your misfortune and one into which you have f. Hen with a full and perfect knowledge of the character of those or* gans of the party—their continued, combined and eneigetic efforts to suppress truth and suggest falsehood. We are unwilling to belire you have done these things knowingly, because we are un willing to have our former confidence in your love of candor and your wish not to mislead any even the humblest citizen, shaken. There is, however,one fact which has struck us with great force on reading your Circular. It is this: the result of our observation through life has been, tnat when a man does any thing fairly he is erfectly willing to “ show his hand” so when he arrives at any conclusion by fair and honest pro cess of reasoning, he, in his new-born zeal to make converts to bis principles, spreads before them the whole data from which those deductions are made, without withholding any thing. It remains, there fore, for you to show why you have suppressed any portion of the documents from which you have quoted. For the Chronicle If Sentinel. Mr. Gvisu says I misrepresent him, and that is all the notice he will take of me. In the first place, when an editor publishes the remarks of his own regular and acknowledged correspondent, without note or comment, he virtually endorses them. In the second place, the remark in ques tion was published without signature, separated by a dash from the Darien Bank Report, which immediately preceded it, and prefixed by a (£7*. Before the editor can fix on me the suspicion of misrepresentation (my proper signature would satisfy him that none was intended,) he must show that there was some > token of the remark referred to being a communication. But I did not intend to provoke a discussion with the Editor, —I merely gave him a hint And if his correspondents, at Milledgeville and elsewhere , are not a little more cautious what they write, than they have been for a month past, ho mav get other hints, from other quarters. Hard Cider. For the Chronicle and Sentinel. Messrs. Editors. —The Editors of the Con stitutionalist turned Doctors ! ! Hear them ! ! “ We are charitable enongh'lo ascribe such a support of the Federal Whigßto infatuation—to an extraordi nary hallucination which sooner or later will be re moved, when the mind willjbe left free to'acl.with calmness.” They certainly have mistaken tle symptoms—l think the patient is decidedly better— the frequent doae&td emetic so liberally adminis'er ed by them and -their 'Washington Correspondent , have had a most happy effect- Continue the ton ics which you k have commenced in the “Sentinel and Reformer,” and depend upon it, Messrs. Guieu and Thompson to the contrary, notwithstanding, by November next, the patient (the public) will be in a sound state of mental and bodily health. They have not read any late works on the Patholo gy of the bnan, —if they had I would not have been compelled to lecture them for the gross missrepre sentationof the stats of the public mind. Look how they cant about “ republican principles ” “ anniver sary of the north,” “ anniversary of the west,” “ an niversary of the south” **protective tariff” “ con nexion between Bank and State.” “ internal improve ments,” “ federal whigs,” “ abolitionists,” “ pledges have been given ! /”* ** pledges will be kept /” Ok ! how they talk! They speak on all these points with a warmth that would induce people that did not know them, to believe every solitary word they say. But they “ coulin’t came,” Messrs Editors* We have been surfeited with such stuff. The flag of Harrison, Tyler and Reform, is nailed fast to the mast ; and .the watchword is board her—board her—board the miserable shattered government i bank! Stand by with grappling irons and we’ll | have her under way in leas than no lime ! Bob Short, Jr. For the Chronicle and Sentinel. j To all whom il may concern —Van Buren men in “ grneral” Harrison men i .cidentaUy, and Car olinians in “ perlicler.” “ He had declared uncompromising hostility to the principles upon which the Administration was com ing into power, and that nothing could reconcile'him to ratify those principles, by a re-election of the man although he might be found supporting any of his measures that might be sound.” Mr. Pickens of South Carolina, in Congress, after tle election of Van Buren, but before hit inauguration. Where is the Honorable Gentleman now ? Not in the Van Buren ranks of course, but supporting the star of the South ! Oh ! consistency, consistency ! where art thou ?—These deuced reporters ! hong on them all ! A man can’t express his sentiments upon any subject without it’s being placed down in black and white to stare him in the afterwards ! Heir him again : “ We have been foully betrayal , and against the principles of ihe succession toe de ilare uncompromising , unextinguishable war —‘ war to the knife.' ” “Il may be we sha'l be but few in numbers ; it may be th it our fl ic-staff shall be sha’~ ■ ttred and broken ; but roe will nail the flag to the gunwale , and conquer or perish under it.” ’Hiis sounds as though it came from the'raouth of a man possessing fixed and unalterable opinion*—lt seems to glow with a pure patriotism, indignant at the | corruption which than filled every department of the Government. Alas ! for human weakness! j That booming shot hurled from the mouth of the ! £ub Treasury mortar, has proved too much for I their shattered bark. Shesunk—bat not before the crew had found security in the enemies vessel. And how well they seem 10 like their new.quarters! Is it not amusing, Messrs. Editors, to contemplate tnis change—at the same time keeping in view their I frequent talk about “ principle.” Bob Short, Jr. The Journal of Commerce says the vaults of the Banks of that city overflow with coin ; also, I that the Banks offer to take the State Loans at 5 per cent. Major Noah remarks “Certainly Having no business paper to discount, having materially abridged their circulation in order to pay specie ; the Banks have now to loan on State ! Stocks in order to employ their capital. They are not making their expenses.” The Madisonian says a subscription paper has been presented to each of the Clerks in the Gen , eral Post Oifice Department, drawing a salary of a certain amount; and they have been requested to put down their names for six copies of the Ex tra Globe at five dollars ! Every body is aware that although this modest application is quietly made as a request, it will operate as a rmndale, to be disobeyed at the peril of dismissal from office. The same system will be pursued towards all the officers and agents of Government throughout the land. A general tax is to levied to increase the resources of the paper, and pay for the servi ces of an ex-member of the Cabinet. . If The examination of W- B. Dabney, who ; ;ig * been admitted as a witness in tho trial of B. W i? Greene, at Richmond, is still going on. The tes timony thus far has disclosed the fact that the checks found in the Bank to the amount of $534 . 000, represent that amount of money Office of the Gazette,) Apalachicjla, May 10, \ More Murders by the Indians I THREE FAMILIES. I By the steamer Hyperion, Capr. Churchill, which $ arrived last evening, we have received the melan choly’intelligence of the murder of Three more families by the Indians, since that of Mr. Me Lane, noticed in yesterday’s paper. The name, however, of but one, has Item ascertained by us, that of Mr. Lamb, about eight miles from BJounlstown, and within a few m les ot a military post. They at tacked Ins house on Friday evening, shot him w hile endeavoring to escape. There was in the house, at the time of ;be attack, several other persons, two ofwhom weie severely wounded. After they had killed and driven from their homes, the family, they pillaged the house, and set on fire ihe dwelling to gether with seveial out houses. /1 The oilier families that were attacked, live 1 in the neighborhood, several of whom were killed, but . we have not been able to learn (he r names The Indians which committed these depredations are said to number about fifty or sixiy, and conceal themselves in the hammocks between the Apalach icola river and Tallahassee until a lavorable oppor tunity offers lor them to commit such like deocs This forms ihe tonrih family which has been murdered in ihal vacinity since the 23d ultimo, and it is time some steps were taken to prevent them in future. Steamboat Explosion. The steam tow boat Grampus, Captain J. Martin, blew up on tne 13th instant, at 6 o’clock, a. m, with a tremenduous explosion, when roun ding to for the purpose of taking the schooner Victoria in tow, about 25 mile inside of the Bar, at the Balize. The boilers parted and fell on the guards, injuring the bull is such a manner as to sink her in half an hour. John Sprigg, 2d engineer, died in two hours after the explosion, from being scalded. Wiliam Walker, missing, supposed to haro blown overboard. William T. Knight, mate, slighty scalded. Capl. Kenyon of the Victoria, sent his boat to the wreck and had the wounded brought on board, and every attention paid them. The engineer was buried at the Balize.—JV*. Orleans Bee. The American Bible Society held a session at New York on Thursday morning, at which tho Hon. John Cotton Smith presided. The re ceipts for 1839, amounted to 97,355 dollars and 9 cents, being an increase of 2,225 dollars and 83 cents over those of the previous year. Twenty three new auxiliaries have been formed, and a* many more re-organized during the year. The number of Bibles and Testaments issued during the year was 157,261. The report contains a brief account of the operations of the Society in the different States, showing the amount received from each, and the number of books distributed. —National Intelligencer. From the Boston Mercantile Journal. A Re«t apture. nr hawser martingale. A short time previous to the declaration of war by this country against Great Britain, while the celebrated “ Orders in Council” of Great Bri tain and the “ Berlin and Milan Decrees” of Napoleon were in full force, an American schoo ner, Baltimore pilot-boat-built, called the Purse sailed from New-York with a considerable quan tity of specie, «sec., on board, bound for Bordeaux in France. At that time the whole coast of France was blockaded with British cruisers, and they were particularly. fond of sailing up and down the Bay of Biscay. It was consequently regarded as a sort of desperate undertaking, to attempt to thread the ganlle., and enter a French port —and none but 1 eal clippers were used for that purpose. The Purse was a real clipper, well provided with legs and arms—and with an intelligent Captain, two smart and active mates, well ac quainted with the peculiar qualities of the kind of vessel in which they were embarked, and a stout and athletic crew of twelve men, there seemed but little fear of being captured by John Bull’s cruisers, unless some unforeseen accident should lake place; for not a vessel in the British Navy could equal her in sailing, especially on a wind. But the most careful calculations sometime* prove erroneous, and on the fifteenth morning after leaving port, being then on the eastward of the Western Islands, as the shades of darkness and of mist were dispelled by the rising sun, the Purse, very much to the mortification as well as surprise of the officers and crew, found herself in a snug position on the lee quarter, and under the guns of a heavy English Frigate ! Escape was out of the question. The sharp bottom and clean run ol the pi lot-boat shooner w ere of no use to her in this predicament, as a shot from a long twenty-four pounder would overhaul the fastest vessel ever built in Baltimore, if placed in a similar situation. This was found by an ex periment which the Frigate tried, of sendings bah athwart the forefoot of the schooner, as a broad hint for her to heave to. The experiment was successful. The Purse was boarded by the man of war and from many circumstances it was so evident that she was bound to a French port, that the English Captain did not hesitate a moment in taking charge of her, and sending her to a British port for adjudication. Accordingly, the Captain and the crew were transferred to the Frigate—of those originally belonging to her, the chief male only was allowed to remain on board. A Lieut enant, ot the name ot Dennis, was put on board as a prize-master, with an Irish master’s mate, a sleepy-headed, heavy-moulded fellow, by the name of O Urien, and a crew of twelve stout man-of-war’s men. Lieut. Dennis was ordered to make the best of his way to Plymouth. Both Dennis and 0 Bnen were good seamen enough in their way and could manage a square rigged vessel indifferently well—but they soon found to their surprise and mortification, that they knew nothing of schooner-sailing and that the proper management of one of the** large clipper schooners, with their heavy spar* and enormous sails, required more skill and ex perience of a peculiar character, than are often found among old seamen, who had passed the greater part of their lives in ships or brigs. And it was not long before they were compelled t» acknowledge their want of skill, by summoning the American mate* whose name was Xurner, to their assistance. But Turner was a shrewd long-headed, taciturn, calculating Yankee. Hi* frame was rather slight—and there were no marks ot superior intelligence, or during resolu tion in his countenance. His physiognomy, how ever, did not do him justice—for lie possessed a superior intellect, and an undaunted spirit. When he found that the schooner was likely to be cap tured, he secreted two brace of loaded pistols and a dirk, in a snug corner of the cabin lockers— not knowing but an emergency might arise, when they would do him “yeomen’s service.” To the application made ?o him by the prize master, that he would give them some instruction and assistance in managing the schooner. Tur ner replied that he was regarded by them as & prisoner, and had no authority on hoard —and that while such was the case, his superior know ledge could be of little service—but if the prize master would confer on him the authority of an officer, with power to give the requisite orders to the men, in making, taking in, or trimming tb* sails, he would not object to give bis captors all the benefit ot his experience in srhooner-sailing ;