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CHRONICLE AND SENTINEL. AUGUSTA. FRIDAY MORNING, JULY 3. FOR PRESIDENT, WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON, Os Ohio; The invincible Hero of Tippecanoe —the incor ruptible Statesman —the inflexible Republican— the patriotic Fanner of Ohio. FOR VICE-PRESIDENT, JOHN T YL£ R , Os Virginia; A State Rights Republican of the school of ’9B— —of Virginia’s noblest sons, and emphatically one of America’s most sagacious, virtuous and patriot statesmen. FOR ELECTORS OF PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT, GEORGE R. GILMER, of Oglethorpe. DUNCAN L. CLINCH, of Camden. JOHN W. CAMPBELL, of Muscogee. JOEL CRAWFORD, cf Hancock. CHARLES DOUGHERTY, of Clark. SEATON GRANTLAND, of Baldwin. ANDREW MILLER, of Cass. WILLIAM EZZARD, of DeKalb. C. B. STRONG, of Bibb. JOHN WHITEHEAD, of Burke. E. WIMBERLY, of Twiggs. FOR CONGRESS, WILLIAM C. DAWSON, of Greene. R. W. HABERSHAM, of Habersham. JULIUS C. ALFORD, of Troup. EUGENIUS A. NISBET, of Bibb. LOTT WARREN, of Sumter. THOMAS BUTLER KING, of Glynn. ROGER L. GAMBLE, of Jefferson. JAMES A. MERIWETHER, of Putnam. THOMAS F. FOSTER, of Muscogee. The Army Hill. In a former notice of this Bill we showed that it was unconstitutional, and therefore, dangerous to the safety of the Republic and the liberty of the citizens. We now proceed to show the force of another objection, viz : that it is onerous and oppressive upon every citizen who may be sub ject to do military duty. The first section of the Bill requires every citizen who is not exempt, between the ages of twenty and forty-five years, to furnish himself, at his own expense, with a good musket, bayonet and belt, two spare fl;nts, a knapsack, a cartridge box to contain twenty-four cartridges, and a suf ficient quantity of powder. The second section of the Bill shows you what portion of the citi zens of Georgia, or any other State are exempted from performing military duty under this Bill. Now let us address ourselves to the people, the common working men of this counrry, and ask them if they are willing to incur the expen ses necessary to equip them to take their places in this standing army of 100,000 men, which Mr. Van Buren is endeavoring to fix upon the country. Will they not incui a debt to procure arms, which in many instances, will be onerous and oppressive in the extreme. We do not ask the rich man these questions, but we ask the poor man, aud we expect him to answer like an honest frreeman and one who desires to perpet uate his freedom to his children. But if this feature of the Bill is oppressive to the poor man, how much more so are some others which we shall point out. The I4th section lays off* the Union into districts, and forms the 6th district of North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida. The 17th section empowers the Presi dent to call out tho militia of each district at such times and places as he may think necessary —not exceeding twice in each year. Now we ask the people of Georgia who are liable to be long to this active force of 100,000 men, how they would like to be called from their homes and their business twice in each year, at the command of the President. How will you be pleased at the idea of leaving yout own State, and marching into Florida, North Carolina, or South Carolina; for you perceive by this 17th section, that Mr. Van Buren can order you to assemble at any place within the district, to perform mili tary duty under officers not of your own selec tion, and be then subject to all the odious regula tions of the regular soldiery of the United States 1 Are } T ou prepared for these things 1 Arc you prepared to submit to such an outrage upon your feelings, to be called from your daily business, excluded from all the endearments of home, and receive in compensation for these privations tho pitiful reward which a regular soldier gets 1 Thete is no exaggeration in all this. The Bill and all its odious provisions are before you, ex amine it for yourselves, and judge of its odious features. But there is yet another feature of this 17th section, to which we must call your attention. It also declares that during the period you remain at, are going to and from the place of rendezvous* pointed out by the President, you shall be deem ed in the service of the L'nited States, and the 20th section declares that you shall be subject to the articles or war, when in that service. Now what are the articles of War!—asks tho unsuspecting, honest man. We will show you, and we will also show you that these articles will not permit you to enjoy that freedom of speech which you enjoy while roaming at large over your beautiful fields and fine forests in Geor gia. On the contrary, Mr. Van Buren and his Secretary desire to put into your mouths A GAG more odious if possible, than the famous gag law of alien and sedition memory. Gagged ! What, gag an American citizen !! \ es, gagged, and that too by Mr. Van Buren’s Army Bill. You will not be permitted to speak in contempt uous or disrespectful terms of the President or Vice President, &c. This is the very essence of the gag law of’9B. Read then the sth section of tho Articles of War, under the government of which the citizen is to be placed, who may belong to this active force. “Art. 5. Any officer or soldier, who shall use contemptuous ox disrespectful words against the President of the United States, against the Vice President thereof, against the Congress of the United States, or against the Chief Magistrate of any of the United States in which they may be quartered ; if a commissioned officer, shall be cashiered or otherwise punished, as a court mar tial shall direct; if a non-commissioned officer or soldier, he shall suffer such punishment as shall be inflicted on him by the sentence of a court martial.” What think j'ou of this, you plain, hard-fisted workingmen of Georgia 1 are you prepared to submit to such an outrage upon your liberty of speech 1 But again, we want to call your attention to another Section of th.se famous “Articles of War,” to the government of which Mr. Van Buren and his Secretary desire to subject you, while in this service. The 9th Section of the Articles of War is in the following words: “ Art. 9th. Any officer or soldier who shall strike his superior officer, or draw' or lift up any w’eapon, or offer any violence against him, being in the execution of his office, on any pretence whatever, or shall disobey any Jawful command of his superior officer , shall suffer death, or such punishment as shall, according to the na ture of his offence, be inflicted upon him, by the sentence of a court-martial.” Thus it appears that any soldier who shall strike his superior officer on any pretence what ever—no matter what or how great may be the provocation—the grossest of insults to his wife— the most tyrannical treatment of himself—if he dare to resent it, and strike a petty sergeant or a corporal, he SHALL SUFFER DEATH, &c. And to all this Mr. Van Buren has given hla sanction, for he said, “ I cannot recommend too strongly to your consideration the plan for the organization of the militia of the U. States .” General Harrison was in favor of punishing, in certain cases, thieves and other criminals by whipping them. Mr. Van Buren is now in favor of punishing with DEATH, innocent men —any one of us it may be—who shall resent an outrageous insult. People of Georgia, if you are prepared to sanction these things,—if you are willing to place yourselves and your children under the odious regulations of this Array Bill of Mr. Van Buren and his Secretary, you will give your support to Martin Van Buren for President; but if, on the other hand, you are opposed to such measures, vou will certainly manifest your oppo sition by supporting General Harrison—the pat riot farmer—the man who knows your rights and feelings, r nd who will represent them. It matters not whether Mr. Van Buren suc ceeds in getting this law passed ; he has, as we have already shown, endorsed its provisions, and recommended it to Congress,—and thereby ad mits his anxiety to have it passed; and if he is again elected, ho may endeavor to force it upon the country in the same manner he has the Sub- Treasury. From the New York Courier <$- Enquirer, “Heave this great People prosperous and happy.” These were the memorable words of General Jackson’s farewell address—this the declaration to which the friends and supporters of Martin Van Buren pointed in triumph in the spring of 1837, as evidence of the great National blessings flowing from the Administration of one, in whose, footsteps their pliant tool had pledged himself to follow. “ I leave this great people prosperous and happy” said Gen. Jackson, —and now after nearly four years of the Administration of Mr. Van Buren, what is our position as a people ! What has it been during nearly the whole period that the destinies of the country have been under the control and direction of the present corrupt Administration I Let the bankrupt merchant, the impoverished manufacturer, and the embarrassed farmer, with his large but comparatively worthless crops, an swer these questions. Let the friends of the Lo co Foco Presidents and of Loco Foco Legislation, be directed to our ships rotting at our wharves; to the death like silence which pervades many of our largest manufactories, and to others convert ed into County Poor Houses for the reception of Paupers created by Tory misrule; and to the barns and granaries of our farmers stocked with the produce of the earth, produced by the sweat of their brows, but absolutely worthless, because it will not command a price which will pay for its transportation to market ! We have General Jackson’s testimony of what was the situation of this people in 1837, and of the then existing prosperity which even his eight years of misrule had been unable to check or destroy—and we have now the testimony of every man woman and child in the United States, to the wide-spread ruin and disaster which has been produced by the profligate and unprincipled administration of Marlin Van Buren. The object of all Government is the happiness of the people; and hence it is, that the right of revolution is admitted by all to be a natural right of which man can never be deprived. When ever a form of government is found to be oppres sive or less calculated to render the people hap py and prosperous than some other form, it.is their right to demand a change ; and it was this feeling which led to our declaration of Indepen dence, and subsequently established our glorious Republic. —With our from of Government we are satisfied ;‘and yet this moment, the People of this model Republic—wc, who boast of being the only nation of freemen on the face of the Globe, and who have demonstrate;! our ability to govern ourselves —wc, who assume to look with pity upon the enslaved of the old world—we, the en lightened, free, and educattd people of the Uni ted States, are at this very lime tlie most oppres sed, the most embarrassed, and the least prospe rous people in the civillized portion of the world. If this be true, we believe there arc none who will deny it, what is the cause of this universal distress! Is it to be found in the character of our Institutions, or has it its origin in the mal ad ministration of the Government! If in the for mer, let us get rid of them; but if the true and only cause of this sudden change from the height of prosperity to general and universal embarras ment, is to Ik traced to want of honesty aud w'ant of talent in our rulers, then are we called upon by every consideration of patriotism and of duty, to hurl from power and place the unfaith ful public servants, who have so administered their stewardship as to bring widespread ruin upon a people whom Gen. Jackson in 1837 ‘ left prosperous ami happy,” and disgrace audoppro- < brium upon those institutions and that form of government which was dearly purchased by our Patriot Sires, and which are alike the subject of envy and jealousy to the old world. Let the creatures of the rotten manarchies and . iron despotisms of Europe laugh as they may at our present distresses, and continue to point to them as evidence of the baneful consequence of Free Institutions—the people of the United States will never faulter in their patriotism, or for a moment visit upon our form of government the cosequences which are only chargeable upon the corrupt and unprincipled men who have ob tained control of our National affairs. But the simple fact that the mal-administration of our public affairs, has given to the enemies of the peo ple an argument against free governments, de mands at our hands more than ordinary efforts to pnt down so vile and dangerous a slander. We repeat therefore, that patriotism as well as duty, call upon us to use all the means in our power to hurl from office our present corrupt and inefficient rulers. We are well aware, that whenever a friend of the existing administration leaves the ranks of its supporters and arrays tiimself on the side of the people, pointing to the state of the country as the cause of his change of politics, it is the cus tom of the creatures of power, to taunt him with acting from interested motives ! We admit the charge. We contend that the whole object of government is the happiness and prosperity of the people; and surely we should not desire any better grounds of opposition to an administration than that it has failed in the great object for which alone governments arc instituted. What matters it to the Farmer and Mechanic whether he lives under a monarchy or a republic , so long as the measures of his rulers arc calculated to lessen the value of his labor, destroy his useful ness, impoverish his family, and keep him forev er in a state of dependence and poverty 1 And it should always he borne in mind by the people, that whenever their rulers so administer the gov ernment as to deprive them of the great object of Free Institutions, it becomes their duty—a duty from which they may not shrink—to unite in producing such a change as will secure to the country that prosperity and happiness which can never fail to flow from our republican form of government when faithfully, ably and honestly administered. The present, we contend, is a crisis which calls for the prompt action of the whole body of the People. Not only have the measures of the Administration reduced us from a state of unex ampled prosperity to one of general bankruptcy, distress, and ruin; but it is openly avowed by the organs of the present Executive, that the great object of these measures, is to reduce the price of labor—to lessen the wages of industry— and ultimately, to produce the same state of things here that now exists in the despotic coun tries of Europe. Mr. Van Buren avows that his object is to bring every thing to a hard money standard ; and in his last annual message points to the state of things now existing in twenty three European Governments, as that which he desires to see in this free and independent coun try. Mr. Buchanan tells us, that never will the manufacturer accumulate wealth until he can hire his operatives at seven pence a day, and by means of the Sub-Treasury, compel the Farmer to sell his produce at a fourth of what it has heretofore brought in market. In short, the fol lowing declaration of Mr. Tappan, the Loco Foco Abolitionist Senator of the United Stales from Ohio, and the especial organ of Mr. Van Buren, embodies the whole creed of the Administration on this subject, as expounded by Mr. Van Buren himself, by Messrs. Buchanan, Benton, Calhoun, and indeed, all who speak the sentiments of the Loco Foco party: (Xj 3 “ The price of labor is entirely too high. The laborer in this country can afford to work for eleven pence a day, and the hard money sys tem will bring down wages to that sum—wheat will also come down sixteen cents a bushel , and every thing else in proportion. This is the best tariff you can have, and the only one that can enable the manufacturer to compete with Eng land. The Sub-Treasury trill effect both objects —it will put down the banks and bring wages and every thing else down.” Jjg) It would he useless to multiply words on this subject. These are the openly avowed principles of the administration ; these the results which they are pledged to produce if Mr. Van Buren should be re-elected; and this the issue upon which the Whig and Tory parties go before the public in the coming contest. If the farmers and mechanics of the land are desirous of seeing the price of wages of produce reduce to the Eurepean standard, they will of course give their support Mr. Van Buren, as it is their duty under such cir cumstances to do; but in the mean time it may he well to call their attention to the following plain facts from the Wheeling Times, portraying the difference between what the situation of the farmer tm/s when Mr. Van Buren came into pow er, and what it now is. Let the Sub Treasury be come the law of the land and permanently fixed upon us by the rc election of Mr. Van Buren, and in three years, produce and labor will fall as much below their present value, as they now are below their value in 1830. In one woid, the professions of Tappan, Benton. Calhoun and Buchanan wil be realized, and the Farmers and Mechanics of the United States will be placed on the same footing as those of Italy, France and Cuba. From the Wheeling Times. The farmer can raise no more wheat on an acre, no more wool from a sheep than he could in 18- 36, and he gets only a third as much for what he does raise. In 1836, a farmer brought 100 bushels of wheat to market. He got for it $1 25, cash. He bought 100 lbs, of coffee at 14 cts., §l4 ; 10 lbs. tea at 75 cts., §7,50 ; 10 yards of cassimerc at §1,50, §15,000 ; 8 yards of calico, §1,00; one bridle, §2; and 1 lb. of Cavendish tobacco, 37 J cts. He then had to carry home. He goes to market in June, 1840, with his hundred bushels of wheat, sells it and buys the same articles. What does he have now to carry home 1 twelve and a half cents. Is not that farmer the loser of §BS by the present slato of things I Gex. Jacksox and Gex. Harrison.— We have recently heard it hinted, on respectable pri vate authority, that Gen. Jacksox, though oppo sed, of course, to the election of Gen. Hauiusok to the Presidency, is far from endorsing the ahuso and rudeness displayed by a portion of the Ad ministration party towards that war-worn patriot. The foul epithet of “coward” he is said to especi ally deprecate, as being wholly unwarranted by the conduct of Gen. Harrison during the war. If this be true, the fact is highly creditable to the magnanimity of the venerable ex-President, and should serve as a warning to the enemies of Gen. Harrison against the violence of party malig nity. We are aware that the relation subsisting be tween Gen. Jackson and Gen. Harrison during the war, and particularly while the latter was act ing as Governor of Indiana, were of the most courteous character, and we confess it would have sounded strange, after what then transpired, had the ex-President suffered himself to he made a party to the abuse heaped upon the veteran Hero of Tippecanoe by the leading friends of the Ad ministration in Tennessee.— jYashvillc Whig. Largest Inox bridge. —The largest Iron bridge in the world is in China, near Kingtung, where it forms a perfect road from the top of one immense mountain to the other. It is formed of chains, twenty-one in number, and bound togeth er by other cross chains. This bridge is more than 150 years old, and yet the Chinese are con sidered fools by foreign barbarians. a The Barbecue. The late hour at which we write, will not per mit a detailed notice of the proceedings at the dinner yesterday. Os the dinner itself, it will be sufficient to remark, that it was sumptuous, and one of the best served, in the true old \ ir ginia style, that we have ever partaken. There were from five to six hundred persons present, principally from the country, —the bone and sinew of the land, —and all seemed to mingle with unalloyed pleasure in the proceedings of this festive occasion. Soon after dinner, the multi tude assembled and in obedience to their call were most forcibly and eloquently addressed by Dr. F. M. Robertson, George W. Crawford, C. J. Jenkins, and A. J. Miller, Esqrs., and Mr. Lloyd and Major Stark of S. C. and when wc took leave, our enterprising and zealous me chanic, John W. Walker, had mounted the ros trum in obedience to repeated and loud cJIs, and was holding forth to an enraptured and delighted auditory. Altogether, it was amongst the most agreeable, spirit stirring festivals we have attended. From the N. Y. Commercial. QQ3 9 Q Iletrenchment and Economy. When the Appropriation bill was on its pas sage through the House of Representatives, va rious Whig members were induced to bestow some pains upon the investigation of Government expenditures, and some very curious details were brought to light, illustrating most remarkably the emptiness of Administration professions to the exercise of a just and prudent economy indis posing of the public money. From among the instances thus brought to light, we select a few, which formed the subject of a witty and sarcastic speech delivered by Mr. Stanly, of N. Carolina, on the 29th April. The appropriation under view was the sum of §12,000, for expenses of the branch mint at Charlotte, North Carolina; and the motion ofMr. Stanly was to reduce the salary of the superin tendent to §ISOO, on the ground that he had wasted the public money and abused his authori ty- In support of this allegation, Mr, Stanly show ed, by ollicial documents, that the expense of the branch mint was §1166 greater in 1837 than in 1838, although it did not go into operation until December, 1837. The compensation of officers in that year was §10,466; in 1838. only §7,000; and the sum charged for wastage of gold and con tingent expenses in 1837—that is for one month —was §5,500, being §IOO more than in the whole of 1838. Curious to ascertain by what magical process this result could have been effected, Mr. Stanley ! betook himself to the vouchers on file in the Trea sury Department, and among the first that he drew forth was the annexed bill of “contingent expenses.” Philadelphia, Nov. 3, 1838. L*. S. Mint, Charlotte, N. C.per Col. Wheeler, Bought of D. Landreth & Co. 50 Alianthus trees §1 00 §SO 00 50 Horse chesnutdo 1 00 50 00 5 Magnolia grandiflora 5 00 5 do macrophylla.... 150 750 5 Tulip poplars 1 00 5 00 5 Silver leaved maples 1 00 5 00 5 English walnuts 1 00 5 00 5 Chinese arbor vita? 75 3 75 5 American do 75 3 75 5 Balm of Gilead 1 50 7 50 10 European lindens 1 00 10 00 10 Morusmulticaulis 62£ 6 25 1 China rose 50 1 Tennessee do 50 1 Macrophylla do .. ’ 75 1 Green box tree 50 1 Variegated do 50 100 yards box edging 12 50 1 Chacorus Japonica 50 1 Pyrus do 1 00 ] 2 best double dah1ia5........ 50 6 00 1 Lonicerafluxuosa 37 1 Monthly honeysuckle.... 25 12 Apple trees assorted 25 3 00 6 Peach do do 25 1 50 3 Plum do do 624 1 88 3 Apricot do do 75 225 3 Pear do do 1 87 1 Garden reel 1 25 1 do line 50 1 Scuffle hoe 50 1 Swan neck do. .44 and 31 75 1 half round do. 50, 56 &69 1 75 1 p’r fancy flow’r pots. 37 & 54 87^ 1 copy Amer. Orchardist 1 00 1 do do Gardener 100 1 do Florist’s Guido 27^ 1 do Lindlcy’s Outline 25 1 Transplanting trowel 87^ Packing 11 bundles & 2 b’x’s with porterage. 16 50 §2lB 25 Received, Philadelphia, 7th November, 1838, of John H. W heeler, Superintendent of U. S. branch mint at Charlotte. North Carolina, the above amount of two hundred and eighteen dol lars and twenty five cents. D. LANDRETH & CO. Horse chesnuts, magnolias, tulip poplars, roses, honeysuckles and morns multicaulis ! AM very useful and indispensable, doubtless, in coining Benton mint-drops. Garden-ieels, scuflle-hoes, swan-necks and flower-pots ! Necessary imple ments in stamping eagles and half dollars. Two hundred and eighteen dollars and twenty five cents expended in this way, to illustrate the econ omy of the Administration. But farther. The branch mint commenced operations, as eve have said, in December 1837 ; the superintendent's salary commenced in Janu ary of that year, that of the coiner in March, and that of the clerk in May. Moreover, from June 1837 to January 1838, the superintendent was allowed §lO per month for pay of his servant for attending the offices, making fires, &c. He was also allowed §l5O for his expenses in going to Philadelphia to make purchases of gar den seeds, flower-pots, &c., and stationary; of which last here are a few specimens from among his purchases. 2 reams superfine satin post gilt edge pa per §l3 00 4 pair office shears 6 00 4 large inkstands 00 3 Rodgers’ four-bladed pen-knives 7 50 I Bennett’s book-keeping 2 00 1 large inkstand 75 Then come various items of furniture, as fol lows : 1 scroll sofa, boxing, cartage, &c §Bl 50 1 1 mahogany bedstead 25 00 1 hair mattress 22 50 1 case of shelves for superintendent’s office. 90 00 77 y’ds superfine ingrain carpeting §1 37.105 49 Making and binding 10 00 2 floor cloths, §8 jg oo 2 hearth rugs, §lO 20 00 2 table covers qq 5 Venetian blinds, §8 40 00 2 do do §lO 20 00 6 mahogany chairs, §5 50 *33 00 Box for the chairs. qq I chair covered with morocco, for office.. .* .34 00 Box for the chair j -q Pretty well, all this, for an economical Admin istration. Sofas at eighty dollars, bedsteads at twenty five, easy chairs at thirty-four, and ink stands at eight dollars seventy-five cents ! No wonder the “contingent expenses” amounted to so large a figure. But now let us look for a moment at the buil ding itself, erected for the purposes of this branch mint. The principal edifice cost .$29,800 For extra work on mint edifice not in cluded in contract 1,758 For building fences, summer house, ice house, &c., 5,500 Summer-house! ice-house! $5,500! Were these things necessary sos coining 1 But these were not all. There wore also a carriage-house and stables—a hat king-house, moreover, of which the following descriptions are given in the* con tract : “ Stable and rarriag'-house —all ihe walls to be a brick ami a half thick; the windows in the upper part of the stable to be in the form of a crescent, with green slats fixed or moveable; roof to be covered with heart shingles; roof, doors and windows to be painted with three coats of paint,” &c. &c. “ Carriage-house to have a firm plank floor, doors to be uniform and batten; door and window sills to be of stone,” See. “ Ice-house to be 16 feet deep, at least, with a well and roof as per plan No. 4; the roof to be shingled with heart shingles; the well to be 14 feet square at the top, walled with skid pine poles, good strong batten door, with lock, and a'floor above.” “ Wood-house to be 35 feet long by 24 feet wide, and 15 feet high, to Have two doors ob the end and one in the centre: to be underpinned with stone, to be weatherboarded and shingled, and to be painted with three good coats of paint. ’ “ Bathing-house to be eight feet square, at tached to one end of the kitchen, as per plan No. 2, eight feet high, covered with a shed roof, and shingied; one window in the rear, of the same size, and finished in the same manner as the kit chen windows, plastered and whitewashed as the kitchen, with a fixture for a shower bath; panel door, with a transom light; tin pipes, to run from well and engine to kitchen and bath, and a drain from bath to lead off water to culvert.” [What snug arrangements for coining money! —What glorious specimens of Democratic econ ‘ omy ! !] “ Summer house, [for a branch mint!] to be octagonal, and plain, about twelve feet across, to stand upon eight posts, with a shingle roof, to be painted, to have seats of plank, marked W' in plan A.” “ The whole of the buildings, &c., herein de scribed to be finished with good and suitablo knob and stock locks and hinges, and all the walls to be of the thickness of a brick and a half, and all to be rough cast, except the wood-house, and all the wood work to have three good coats of paint, except where otherwise specified.” All very comfortable, no doubt, for the super intendent, but not quite so economical as might be.” From the Richmond Whig. Negro Testimony. Case or Lieut. Hooe.— The principle es* tablishcd in the case of Lieut. Hooe, and appro ved by the Secretary of the Navy and the Presi dent, of admitting negroes to testify against offi cers of the Navy, has excited much feeling in this State. It is one of those questions on who h the people feel more than they reason, and it is one which wai ranis the strongest indignation which can inflame the bosoms of a free people. It is a measure, more deeply imbued with the spirit of abolitionism, than any which has come to our knowledge, and in its practical effects, it goes farther to put the negro upon a footing of equality with the white man—the great object of the Ab olitionists—than any thing ever achieved by Tap pan or Garrison. The social equality between the white and black races, preached and practiced by a few fanatic women, such as Miss Grimke, Miss Abby Kelley, &c., and a few designing hy pocritical men, has produced, and can produce no bad effects. Examples set by such characters, carry no weight and influence; they only serve to bring their authors into odium and contempt. But the affair assumes a very different aspect, when the first officer of the Government, and the Minister of the Marine, sanction a principle, which reduces every gentleman in the American Navy to a quasi level with free blacks. Here the elevated stations of those who set the exam ple, and the high authority with which they are invested, conspire to attach importance to (heir precepts and practices. No man in the public service can disregard the one or dispute the oth er, with impunity. Their ipse dixit is law to the Army and the Navy, and whatever regulations they may adopt, are imperative upon all connect ed with either of those important branches of the public service. It is in this light, in which we regard the prin ciple established in the case of Lieut. Hooe, and which invests that decision with a pervading and enduring importance. It is a direct insult offered by the President and his Naval Minister, to the feelings of a large portion of the American people, and in subjecting the conduct of Naval officers to the surveillance of the black servants ol the commander reduces them to a state of degrada tion to which neilherNorthern nor Southern gen tlemen can submit. This cannot fail to exert a most baneful influence upon that favourite arm of the national defence. Gentlemen of honour and sensibility will, by degrees, be banished from the service, and they will be succeeded by a mean spirited generation, willing and fit instruments to do the bidding of a master. But there is another consequence resulting from the principle here established, of not less consequence. If negro testimony is admissible in the Navy, is it not also admissible in the Army, and even in the Federal courts! We cannot conceive of a reason for a distinction, and we pre sume there is none. An officer «fthe Army may be cashiered upon the strength of negro testimo my, since a Lieut, in the Navy has been repri manded and dismissed upon the testimony of two servants of Capt. Uriah F. Levy ! And in the Federal Court, any individual, it this principle be recognized, may be prosecuted by the Govern ment for a breach of the Revenue or any other laws, and by the testimony of his own servant, be amerced. Suppose, for example, the Government should arraign a citizen of Richmond upon the charge of smuggling English cheese, or any other article paying duty.—The case comes before Judge Peter V. Daniel.—Suppose the accused to he an incorrigible Whig; his servant or that of some other man is summoned to give testimony —conviction ensues, as a matter of course,—and his Honor, the Judge, has the supreme felicity of passing sentence upon the political reprobate. This is not an impossibility—it is the legiti mate sequence of the principle established in the case of Lieut. Hooe—i. e. that negroes are compe tent witnesses in cases in which the United Slates or any of its officers are interested. Since the facts in this extraordinary case were brought to light, several efforts have been made by the understrappers of the Paity to relieve the Administration of the odium. The Globe fhas put forth sundry articles, distinguished much more for their violence than respect for troth. The Enquirer, always Charley at the hole, ha* lent a helping hand. This worthy, in his other self, as Editor of the “ Crisis,” has procured a letter from Mr. Paulding to exonerate Mr. Van Buren from all blame in the premises. The de sign, as in the case of Mr. Poinsett and the Stan ding Army, is decidedly good ; but heie as there, the execution is decidedly bad. The Hon. Secre tary hits wide of the mark, and does not touch the true matter in issue. In other words, he ad mits the offence charged, and does not even offer matter in mitigation ol damages. He admits that negroes, and they the servants of Captain Uriah T, Levy, were introduced as witnesses against Licul. Hooe ! This cannot be palliated. combination of circumstances, or bo rnad a B blc to whits gentlemen, either north o*' 0 *' f): ‘ !a B His apologies for approving proceedin' vel revolting, are; I. “ The a hnission of senption of testimony objected toby M r is a universal practice o n board ofVu/'-p --war.” So much the worse, if it be so a °B greater the necessity for arresting such a But can another instance of the kind U , P n Cl B We never heard of one before. 2. *. Thi ion was no doubt made on the ground u l ‘ f °B disqualification of a legal nature” which co>M m ly exist by a law of Congress, was shown’’tß admits every thing—and claims what vv'e >, r B stated was a legitimate sequence of the de B that negro testimony is admissible in and in the Federal Courts! 3. “ The *, • of the negroes maybe entirely rejected wTB affecting the sentence of Ihe Court.” HowljM the Secretary know this I But it is a rule onß as well as common sense, that irrelevant B ny shall not be admitted, for there is no ting what undue bias it may exert on the of the jurors—and if admitted, it is good'"'B for an appellate jurisdiction to set aside the*!® cislon. But all this has nothing to do *ith .?|| main point. Os the merits of the decision B far as relates to Lieut. Hooe, we know Votl B and they have nothing to do with the queji'B we are discussing—i. e. the admissibility 0 f ■ gro testimony against white men. This i s !fl great matter—this it is which docs violent ,jB the feelings of the people, and which the Sec** ry of the Navy and the President have apmJfl The 4th excuse is for the President, and j s B of quibbling, a la mode his associate Pni B It is as follows; ’ "B “ is not deemed nccessaiy to go further inti this subject than merely to add, that the p rP , 1( ] B had nothing to do with the Cou-t nr its pro«S ings. The judgement of the Court was vIM I ved, and cirricdinto effect by the order of'B Department;—the approval or opinion of anil hichcr power was not necessary.” No one supposed the Presi lent had any thiß to do with the Court or its proceeding ”wln B were held according to the Secretary, «*d n hJB a U. S, Ship of War in the Bay of PensacolaS But he had s< mething to do with them aftenvariß at Washington. The facts are these; The V r fr ß ccedings were sent to Washington ; they were# endorsed by the Secretary ; Jh “APPROVED, J. K. Paulding.” j Lieut. Hooe then appealed from the decision B the Court and the approval of the Secretary, B the President. In his memorial to that hijß Functionary, he expressly complained of theß legallity of negro testimony, and asked thecspß cial attention of the President to it. The Prtß dent examined the record and memorial, ami .|1 turned the same to the Navy Department witluß following endorsement; “THE PRESIDENT FINDS NOTHIN* IN THE PROCEEDINGS IN THE CAS® OF LIEUT. HOOE, WHICH REQUIREfi HIS INTERFERENCE. M. V. B.” ’I I his leaves no loop-hole for escape. Out r|| his own mouth he is condemned. But we wi,l| do ihe Presiden; the justice to say, his conducß in this particular is consistent with his past life,*; 1 and in perfect keeping with his advocacy of Fr«J| i\egro Suffrage. He who had maintained thel fitness of the African race to exercise the higher] I rights of afieetnan, that of electing LegislatoiiH and rulers, could not consistently object to theill competency as witnesses before civil and miliiarjl tribunals. Great “Democratic” Electing. Once on a time—’tis little matter when, But not a thousand years ago—a call Was published—that all “ Democratic ” men ,|J Should meet together, at the City Hall, \ | And nominate themselves a delegation, To attend a fourth of July celebration. 8 To this asssembly, also, were invited The friends of Cooper, Colquitt, and of Black— So earnestly! it must have quite delighted The worthy trio, that their sudden tack, Was likely to produce amalgamation, Between the Sta.e Rights and Administration. The hour came—and out of curiosity, I went along with others to the Hall, To see the mixture and the generosity I hat party leaders would show, one and all, | To the new converts in the congregation, Not yet accustomed to their situation. State Rights, Union, I\uHificrs, Federal, W ho once \ an Buren never could endure, Were here, most nicely link’d together all, And every one a real Simon Pure Os ’9B, “ evinced determination ’’ To go his death for this Administration. If few in numbers, ’tvvas “most enthusiastic,” Their paper saith—“ that ever hal been held;" And the new allies proved them very plastic, Though some old Unionites, e’en then rebelled, And swore that from the party they would all quit, Rather than swallow Cooper, Black and Colquitt. The wise ones passed a flaming resolution— (Which “ was received,” they say, “with great appause,”) Made of such woids, in glorious confusion, As “patriotim,” “freemen,” “ principles,” and! “laws,” j And not to get in another hobble again, Endorsed the course as “sound republican” — j Os th’ immortal three ! Next they agreed, To farther honor the illustrious Black, By giving him some diy a public feed, When from his arduous duties he came back: | The place se'octed to display their bounty, Was on the line of Burke and Richmond county. I These tilings disposed of to their satisfaction, I They next proceeded to discuss with zeal Their present prospects, and to urge to action The backward and the lardy. You would led Amused no doubt, with solemn face to see men Collared so well, yet dub each other freemen .' The second speaker, with a look “ emphatic,” Yet soberly , addressed the wondering crowd, Warning them all, in tones that seemed prophet That if “ Old Tip, the Hero,” was allowed To gain the day, an universal ruin Would ’whelm the spoilsmen end their head, Van j Buren. " With warm appeals to the “ beloved people,” He closed. Such cries rose from the assembled throng, 2 Startling and loud —that Justice on the steep lo Knit her high brow, as they were borne nion. The mountain labored —and amid these Up rose “a Northern man with Southern feeling His speech was brief, but “ chaste and beautiful* A democrat entire, he bade them all, Unto Van Buren and the cause be dutiful, And all the game was surely theirs next fnd* He finished. Three times they raise tumu.tn cry, And then adjourn, to meet next ~ “ Sine Bin- A Magnificent Plant. —V. c find * n our late English papers, the following Cs of a splendid botanical curiosity “ There is, at this time, a splendid sj