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CrfIIOMCLE AND SENTINKI,. AUGUSTA. FRIDAY MORNING, JULY 24. FOR PRESIDENT, WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON, 0 Os Ohio ; The invincible Hero of Tippecanoe—the incor ruptible Statesman —the inflexible Republican— the patriotic Farmer of Ohio. FOR VICE-PRESIDENT, JOHN TYLER, o Os Virginia; A State Rights Republican of the school of ’9S— one of Virginia’s noblest sons, and emphatically one of America’s most sagacious, virtuous and patriot statesmen, FOR ELECTORS OF PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT, GEORGE R. GILMER, of Oglethorpe. DUNCAN L. CLINCH, of Camden. JOHN W. CAMPBELL, of Muscogee. JOEL CRAWFORD, of Hancock. CHARLES DOUGHERTY, of Clark. SEATON GRANTLAND, of Baldwin. ANDREW MILLER, of Cass. WILLIAM EZZARD, of DeKalh. C. B. STRONG, of Bibb. JOHN WHITEHEAD, of Burke. s E. WIMBERLY, of Twiggs. ® FOR CONGRESS, WILLIAM C. DAWSON, of Greene. R. W. HABERSHAM, of Habersham. JULIUS C. ALFORD, of Troup. EUGENIUS A. NISBET, of Bibb. LOTT WARREN, of Sumter. THOMAS BUTLER KING, of Glynn. ROGER L. GAMBLE, of Jefferson. JAMES A. MERIWETHER, of Putnam. THOMAS F. FOSTER, of Muscogee. A Sketch by his Friends. In this day’s paper will be found an extract from the address of the Jackson and Barbour Conven tion, to the people of Virginia in 1532, to which we invite the attention of our readers. It will be recollected that the party now supposing Mr. Van Buren is the same, with but few exceptions, thro’- out the whole South that gave utterance to, and endorsed the sentiments of this address. It is a melancholy evidence of the influence of party drill, to see a party charging upon a man in 1832, political offences which the same party in IS4O, not only endeavor to palliate, but deny. This address, as we have before remarked, was put forth by the present supporters of Mr. Van Buren ; it charges him with nearly all the offences with which he is now charged, and urges them as reasons why they could not give him their support for Vice President. How will his friends in Georgia unsay what they so zealously urged in 1832? They then en dorsed these sentiments, and vouched for the truth ofjhe charges it contains, that Mr. Van Buren was opposed to Mr. Madison and the War, that he was in favor of Missouri Restriction, a protective Tariff, and Interna] Improvements. Have they less force now than when first uttered? Have they lost any of their truth by sleeping quietly for eight years? Or are we to attribute the strange position they now occupy toward Mr. Van Buren, to the forge of party drill? Let the people read and re flect upon these matters, and let them recollect that these same charges were made in 1835, by the identical men who are now supporting Martin Van Buren, and who, to bolster up his sinking fortunes, are now denying many of them, and asserting that he is a wondrous fine Democrat! From the Charleston Courier. Mr. Calhoun—The Mercury vs. Gen. Har rison. We do not hold the Mercury responsible for its war upon the candidate of the Whig Party of the United States. We charge its onslaught to another and a higher source. The same mind which governed its columns, when they were de voted to the destruction of Crawford, which made vain war upon Jackson, and accumulated every infamy upon the head of Martin Van Buren, now attempts to cut down the well earned reputation of the destined President of the United States. The bitter and afflictive lessons of the past have : r- no wisdom with them. When will Mr. C n learn wisdom ? What amount of disas trous experience will serve him ? Has he not yet iea’nt that to be the guillotine and execution er of other men is not the way to win affection for himself? He may succeed in striking down those whom he counts his rivals—but their friends will remember the blows he has given— they have remembered them. What would he not now give, if his fierce quarrel with Crawford could be stricken from his history? Who can reckon for him the cost of that quarrel? Who can measure the depths of his contrition and the sincerity of his repentance ? Crawford is in his grave—but has Mr. Calhoun never crossed his shade, in his eager march towards the Presiden cy ? Has he not wrestled in vain with his spirit, and foun I himself, again and again, prostrate from the struggle ? As with Crawford, so with all At forty, in his sanguine manhood, there was but a step between him and the Presidential Chair. And now in his old age, he is supporting the nominee of one whom he styled a tyrant— the very “fox” and “vveazel,” whom he and his have held up to the unmixedcontempt and loath ing of the State. We repeat it—“whom he and his have held up to the unrnixed contempt and loathing of the State”—whom he and his have made a hissing and a scorn and a stench in the nostrils of the people—a by-word of treachery, trickery, servility and sycophancy. We shall make no quotations and call no witnesses to prove this. Ihe State is our witness, and all its records our quotations. The Editors of the Charleston * Mercury, partizans as they are, and partizans as < they avow themselves, have not and will not de- , 1 ny this. And this contempt, and hostility were i based upon no secret knowledge, no simple pri- t vate grounds. It was not because Mr. Van Bu- j s ren deprived him of the confidence of Gen. Jack- ' son, and slept between him and the Presidency. f t It was because he not only voted for the bill of * abominations, the Tariff of ’2B—but because he 1 betrayed the South, and the expectations of the South in doing so. Because he had. for the purpose of conciliating I ‘ a foreign court, subjected the disscnlionsand par ty contests of his own country to the animadver sion of the Ministers of the country, long the rival of his own. Because when, by Mr. Calhoun’s vote he was recalled from that Court, as one who had disgra ced his country, and was unworthy to represent it—he deliberately wrote to lire people of the Uni ted Sta is, “that it was glory enough to have ser ved under General Jackson, and won the appro bation of such a chief!” Because he was Gen. Jackson’s chief adviser, and sanctioned the. administration which levied war upon South Carolina—which anticipated the action of Congress and pointed the guns of the Natchez against the wharves of Charleston— which issued the “Proclamation” and enacted the Force Bill. Because ho sanctioned the removal of the de posited—a measure denounced by Mr. Calhoun and his friends as executed in contempt of Con gress—and in defiance of the Constitution. Because he endorsed the Protest, which drew all power to the Executive, and by force of im plication made the President an unlimited mon arch. Because, in the maturity of his power, ho had been forgetful of his duty to the country, careless of the Constitution of the United States; and per sisted in opposing the admission of Missouri into the Union —persisted in a denial of equal rights to a Southern Slate, even when that denial shook the Union to its centre. Because he was the creature of Gen. Jackson — the servant of his will, the stipendian of his boun ty, and raised to the Presidency by the interfer ence and patronage of the President—in triumph over the Constitution, in defeat of the libei tics of the people—or to use Mr. Calhoun’s own words, in his letter of congratulation to the whigs, on the triumph of Gen. Harrison in Maryland. “No one can look with greater alarm than I do on the attempt of the Chief Magistrate to ap point his successor. Should it succeed open and undisguised as it is, and resting as it almost ex clusively does on the avowed subserviency of the nominee to the will of the P dent, without those high qualifications and services on his part, calculated to command the regard of the people or to lit him for the duties of the high office to which he aspires, it would afford conclusive proof of the consummation of executive usurpation, over the other departments of the Government and the Constitution and liberty of the people. Entertaining these views, I regard with pleasure the decided victory achieved by Maryland in the late election over the President’s nominee and of course over executive dictation. It is the more honorable to the State, placed as she is, so near the focus of influence and corruption, while oth ers more remote and less exposed such ready obe dience to the rod of power.” Such were the public, unchanged grounds of the hostility, and contempt of the Nullification Party ofSouth-Carolina, to the present President —such pre-eminently were Mr. Calhoun’s. Such were the causes, which but yesterday made him rejoice in the triumph of Harrison. These rea sons of opposition were not light nor transient. They involved every thing fundamental in prin ciple, or valuable in character. They involved the honest sentiments of the citiz , the honor of the nation, and reached to the liberties of the peo ple. Mr. Calhoun, Gen. Hayne, Mr. McDuffie, Mr. Pinckney, Col. Preston, Waddy Thompson, Warren R. Davis, Mr. Pickens—every name visi ble above the horizon of the Nullification Party— from their personal knowledge, from his public acts, taught the good people of South-Carolina, to regard Martin Van Buren as faithless as a pol itician, without claims as a Statesman, and desti tute of generosity of sentiment as a man. We hold not the Mercury responsible. We admire the sprightliness of its talent—we respect the honesty and disinterestedness of its devotion to Mr. Calhoun. We hold Mr. Calhoun alone re sponsible for the war upon Gen. Harrison, in whose victories he rejoiced but yesterday, and for the advocacy ofMartin Van Buren, but yesterday denounced, as one who had triumphed, through “corruption” over the Constitution of his coun try, and the “liberties” of the “people.” Mr. Calhoun’s character as an honest man stands pledged against the character of Martin Van Bu ren.and no man, who believes as Mr. Calhoun, has professed to believe, can vole for Martin Van Buren, who cares either for the liberties of the people, the honor of the nation, or the honest sentiment of the citizen. Mr. Calhoun has in dicted Mr. Van Buren, before the nation, as hav outraged all these. The indictment remains on record unexplained, unrccanted without apol ogy or atonement. We ask not any one else— but we will ask Mr. Calhoun what he counts more sacreJ than the Constitution of his coun try ? What dearer than the liberties of the people ? What more fundamental, inappreciable, indis pensable to the life of the republic than a high, kc i, pure sensibility, and sense of truth, honor, fidelity and patriotism on the part of the citizen ? What of more value to the Slate of South- Carolina than the honor of the nation ? Was Mr. Calhoun the Senator, the patriot, the honest man, in earnest or in jest, when he held up Martin Van Buren, whom he had known for long years at Washington, as an object of loath ing to the State, and scorn to the nation ? And does he believe that the country, or the citizens ot the country, can cast their so l ages for such an one—for one who has triumphed over their “con stitution” and their “liberties,” through “avowed subserviency” to the will of an usurper, through influence and “corruption”—does he think that the nation can elevate such an one to its chief seas of honor, to be the symbol of its dignity and power, without surrendering its own honor, aban doning its own dignity, and putting degradation and slaverympon the people? We ask Mr. Cal houn, what shall a free people take in exchange for their constitution, their liberties, their honor? Who is prepared to support one who has either trampled on or betrayeu them, who is not prepar ed to be either tyrant or slave ? Let the questi be brought home to the peo ple of South Carolina—suppose it were, this day, an independent nation, and Martin Van Buren were its present Governor, and he had been made Governor by “avowed subserviency” to the will of an usurping predecessor, through “corruplio ” and in his triumph had overthrown the “consti tution” of the State, and prostrated the “liberties” of the people ? Would the usuipation be confir med ? Would the people re-elect him ? Should they ? Upon what plea, upon what necessity could he be re-elected, but upon that plea, and that necessity, which makes slaves and tyrants ! Has South Carolina and the country arrived at this pass and reached this inglorious necessity ? PLAIN TRUTH. American Whale Fishery.— There are en gaged in this important business, no less than 498 ships and barques of 34 brigs, 7 schooners and one sloop—belonging to various por's in the United States, chiefly on the Northeastern coast. Among the principal places are New B Jford which has 169 ships and 6 brigs; Nantucket, 78 ships, 1 brig and 3 schrs.; Fairhaven, 42 ships and barques; Sagharbour, 31 do.; New London, 28 ships, 2 bri 3 schrs. and 1 sloop; Warren, 17 ships; Salem, 14 do; Newport, 9 do.; Stoning tuu, 7 do. A number of places are mentioned having from 7 vessels to 1 in the trade ; Wil mington, Del, the most southern port engaged in the whale fishery, having commenced a few years since has five ships employed. There were imported into the United States in the month of June last in 33 vessels, 16,319 bbls, • r 514,048 gallons of Sperm Oil; and 21,725 bbls. or 683,847 gallons of Whale Oil. “ Dick what do you call sheer nonsense ?” “ Why, shearing a hog for his wool.” Address ■ Os the Charlotteville Jackson and Bar -1 hour Convention, To the People of Virginia 1832. ; IXTIIACT. In selecting Philip P. Barbour as a candidate t for the Vice Presidency at this interesting crisis -of our public ass irs, we have chosen one who • has been known to you through all the vicissi tudes of an eventful and distinguished political career, and whose eminent virtues as a man and , abilities as a statesman have been conspicuously i exemplified in a life chiefly devoted to your ser } vice. 5 He is contrasted on the present occasion with - an individual, whose claims to your confidence ; rest, either on an indiscriminate hostility to or an equivocal support of every principle and in • terest which h; s been justly held dear by Virgin i ians. You arc required at this ciritical juncture of our country’s affairs, to do homage to the man, while r you denounce his measures, —to elect to the se cond office of our government, a pulilitcal enemy, - who still bears the arms of his hostiltity in his hands, and wears the laurels, fresh on his brow, 1 which were won by his inveterate and relentless 5 opposition to your rights, your interests, and your - principles. j We would ask you 1o pause ere you commit 3 ) r ourselves and your country into such hands, i and to scrutinize the political character of him, for whose aggrandizement alone, you are re - quired to sacrifice so much. Mr. Van Buren has advanced to that age, and - has filled those stations in public life, which gen i erally stamp the political character of men unal -1 terably, either for good or for evil. He may there i, fore he fai r ly judged by his political acts —and 3 fairly condemned. At an early period of his political career, we I find him pursuing a course of systematic and in - discriminate hostility to the favorite measures and 1 men of Virginia.—During the last war, when all - the energies of our Government were scarcely 3 equal to the shock of External force, and the in t trigues of domestic faction ; when every patriot , was posted in the tented field, or anxiously dclib b crating for his country’s safety—Mr. Van Buren 0 was found in the ranks of an insidious opposi f tion of Mr. Madison’s administration, of which , that war was the leading measure. This oppo t sition was carried to extremes by some of the i. politicians of New York and New England. b The memory of the Blue Lights and the Hart -3 ford Convention would endure forever as an abi f ding stigma of our national character, were it not b effaced by the glorious victories which our ar r mies and navies achieved despite the insidious - treachery of some of our politicians. In No - vember, 1812, a ticket of Presidential electors was formed by the legislature of New York of f which Mr. Van Buren was then a member) with 1 the avowed purpose of defeating Mr. Madison’s t re-election and the war. This statesman, who is r now held up as the mirror of republican ortho i doxy, voted throughout for the ticket. In 1820, the celebrated Missouri question was . deliberately conceived and concocted by some of - the leading politicians of N. York, and the legis -1 | lature of that State instructing Rufus King as f 1 their Senator to insist on the terms of admission, - i which he subsequently proposed. Mr. Van Ha , ren was then a member of the Senate of that , State, concurred in the course, and voted for - Mr. King under these instructions. In 1821—2, we find Mr. Van Buren in the 3 Senate of the United States. His debut in that , body was signalized by this support of a bill - which proposed to erect toll gates on the Cum - berland road to collect tolls, See. within the ju i risdiclion of the States, and to appropriate the j sum of $9,000 to the repair of this work of na } tional improvement. The bill did not become a ) law, because it was arrested by the veto of Mr. - Monroe, on the ground that it was unconslitu i tional.—Actuated by the same principles, wo r have seen Mr. Van Buren more recently, as a j member of Gen, Jackson’s cabinet, declaring to r members of Congress, that “it was impossible -for the President to veto the Maysville road bill, . because the principle, in some way or other, had s been sanctioned, by every administration since - the commencement of the government”—and he , cause it might lose the votes of several States to i the administration ” It has been said, (on good 3 authority) that Mr. Van Buren finally approved t this act of the President, and professed his con - currencc in the principle of the Veto Message. - If this be so, we submit to a candid public, to s and why he changed his opinion, as - j facts shall warrant. - i In 1827, when the protective or “American s System ” (as it has been falsely termed,) had - been already carried to the extreme of prohibition as to many articles of prime necessity, and when i that course of systematic extortion and plunder had become thoroughly organized by the union i, of all the interests which were to be enriched by •, its operations, Mr. Van Buren advocated and 1 I voted for the tariff bill which passed the House of Representatives, and opposed all attempts to mitigate the enormous duties proposed on salt 0 and other articles of absolute necessity. :1 Mr. Tazewell, Mr. Macon, and other Senators r from the South, whose constituents had felt the • I grievous and heavy curse of this “American J ! System,” and who then complained of its intol if erable burdens, made frequent and unavailing es -1 i forts to lay the bill of 1827 on the table—to rc - ! commit to the Committee on Manufactures, with J instructions to inquire whether its [duties were not prohibitory, &c. Mr. Van Bu en voted t throughout against all these attempts, with the f unrelenting and inexorable friends of the protec- J live system. At length, another motion was - j made to lay the bill on the table, and Mr. Van i ! Buren being absent from his scat, there was an - j equal division of the Senate, and the motion was e ! carried in the affirmative by the casting vole of ? i the Vice President. r Fearing that the accidental respite which was - thus gained by the Southern States, for one short year, from the oppression of that Bill, might be - imputed to a returning sense of justice in his , i bosom, Mr. Van Buren took occasion in a pub -1 1 lie speech during the ensuing summer at Albany, 2 to disclaim all intention to hesitate or faulter in 1 ; his devotion to the protective system. In this ’ j speech, made at a meeting, to send delegates to a . | “Manufacturers’ Convention,” Mr. Van Buren ’ declared that he was accidentally absent when - the tariff bill of 1827 was lost—that he could | scarcely be suspected of wanting zeal m behalf r of the system of protection—(especially the pro -1 t. ction of wool.) as he owned more than $20,000 ! worth of sheep. As the fleeces of these sheep t were to have been enhanced by that bill, Mr. Van Buren seems to have regarded them as so many hostages which he had given to the Ameri can System. A er thus aiding in sending dele , gates to the convention of Manufacturers, and ] being instrumental in forwarding the celebrated 3 Harrisburg Convention, Mr. Van Buren’s polti [ friends moved to instruct him during the ensuing r session on the subject of the tariff. They in ; structed him to vote for such a tariff as would “ afford a sufficient protection to the growers of [ wool, hemp and flax, and the manufacturers of I iron and woolens and every other article, so far • as the same may be connected with the interests of manufacturers, agriculture ancf commerce.” These are the vague and indefinite instructions, (thus gotten up by Mr. Van Buren’s partizans,) which are now relied on, to extenuate or justify his vote for the tariff of 1828—wh ch has driven the Union, we fear to the verge of dissolution. This shallow excuse concedes that Mr. Van Bu ren does not regard a protective tariff as uncon stitutional—a doctrine which lies in our estima tion at the foundation of the whole system. We have never heard, however, that Mr. Van Buren I was instructed to vote for the tariff of 1827, and those preceding it, or to make his speech during that year, in which he avowed himself in lavor of the system. While these acts and opinions are explained and unatoned for, we cannot regard Mr. Van Buren as possessing those peculiar claims to the confidence of the republicans of Virginia, which have been recently asserted in his behalf. We will not acknowledge the humiliating necessity of making yet another sacrifice, to appease the ruthless spirit of a task-master—nor can we cast the principles of our State into the political scales to be weighed down by “/Ac Spoils of Victory .” From the Georgia Journal. Postmaster at Columbus. We published, week before last, an article from the Alabama State Register, stating that Mr. Jeter had been appointed Postmaster at Columbus. — Though it was in part true, yet it appears that John Schley, Esq., has been appointed. We are happy to learn, however, that this attempt on ihe part of Mr. Van Buren to “ bring strength to the Administration,"has proved an“ unprofitable trans action.” The following extract of a letter from Columbus, explains, as understood there, the par ticulais of this affair: — “I perceive in the last Journal an extract from the Alabama State Register, staling that Wm. L. Jeter had been appointed Postmaster at this place, to supply the vacancy caused by the resignation of James P. Van Ness. It appears now that John Schlej', Esq., has been appointed. The conduct of the President in this affair having created some excitement, and his course being such as to merit and receive the censure of the lughminded and hon orable of both parties, I have determined to give you what 1 have learned concerning it. The appli cants for Hie office were Jacob M. Guerry, Joseph Sturgis, G. W. B. Towns, John Sc hley, E. Barnard and Wm. L. Jeter, Esqrs. The five first named were good Union Van Buren men. The latter gen tleman was a State Rights man, and an opponent of Mr. Van Buren, until Judge Colquitt announced his determination to support Mr. Van Buren: Mr. J. being a copartner and relative —and it may be said, a “hand-plant” of Judge Colquitt’s, he of course “followed in the footsteps of his illustrious” guardian. During the last winter, Mr. Guerry learning that it was probable Mr. Van Vcss would retire,procur ed the recommendation of a large number of the members of the legislature, and citizens of Co lumbus and elsewhere—and made application for the office, in case there should be a vacancy. His friends were assured that when it did occur, he would be appointed. Lately, when it was gene rally known that Mr. Van Ness would retire, other applications were made and some petitions were sent on. The general impression, however, was, that Mr. Guerry would receive the appointment; but when it was whispered about that Jeter’s pros pects were very good, many of the “Democrats” became hostile —and many threatened to quit Van Buren, if he was appointed, Jeter’s connection with Judge Colquitt —his sudden change —and the intimation that he would be appointed to an impor tant and lucrative office worth from S3OOO tq, $-4000, so soon after, looked so bad —so much like “trading, ” that the honorable of both parties did not hesitate to condemn it. It is supposed that Mr. Jeter,perceiving that the storm was gathering force, and fearing that the affair, instead of benefitting Messrs. Van Buren, Colquitt & Co., was calculated to do them serious injury, wrote and requested his application to be withdrawn. But before J’s. let ter reached Washington, the President had nomi nated him, which fact was communicated to their friends in this place, by Wilson Lumpkin and Judge Alfred I verson. The latter gentleman, I un derstand, wrote to a friend, that he had seen Mr. Van Buren, and had done all he could for Mr. Guer ry, but that Messrs, Colquitt and Cooper had more influence with him than lie had, and that Mr. Jeter had been nominated, and only needed the consent of the Senate to bo Post Master. Upon the reception of this news, much excite ment prevailed —many condemned it, and some denounced it as a high handed and corrupt transac tion, and the sheriffof the county, and several oth ers of the “Democrats,” renounced Van Buren, Colquitt aad Cooper, came out for Harrison, and attended the Harrison dinner on the 4th. From what I can learn, it appears that the President had appointed Jeter, and had sent the nomination to the Senate —but that the Senate not having acted upon it, before his letter was received, his name was withdrawn and that of Mr. Schley substitu ted. —Whether this thing will mend matters or not, Ido not know, but think not. However, one thing is pretty certain. Muscogee will elect a full State Rights Harrison ticket for the Legislature, and I would not be surprised, if the Harrison ticket obtained a majority of 300 in November next. Notwithstanding, the “ call' ’ emanated from this place, and much noise has been attempted to be made, 1 can assure you there are very few State Rights Van Buren men—they are indeed “few and far between.” The State Rights party num ber between 850 and 1000 voters, and I dont think there are 20, who will go over entirely. Those that have already joined the Union party are more bitter and denunciatory of the State Rights party than the most uncompromising and disgusting Un ion men, during the days of Nullification. Indeed the leaders (they are all “ would be leaders,") have even gone so far, as to advocate the right (as claimed and carried out by the Van Rurcn party in tire last Congress, in the New Jersey case,) of a majority of the members elected to Congress, be fore they are sworn or “ organized" as a “ Con gress,” to disregard the broad seal of a Sovereign State —to disfranchise her, and to rejecljher certifi ed members ; and yet, they still claim to be State Rights men ! What delusion ? The worst Federal ist in the United Slates does not claim any power for Congress, so thoroughly against the principles of the Constitution, and so destructive to State sovereignty as these State Rights (P) Van Buren men. Away with such State Rights princip’es. Lot such principles but prevail, and our beautiful structure of Government —a Government of free sovereign and independent States, will be swal lowed up in that of a Consomdatfd Despotism. But I must stop. My heart sickens at such glar ing and unpardonable misuse of our good old name, Stale Rights, by men, who were once with us—but who are now “ dyed in the wool" Van Buren men. THE SPY.” From the Baltimore Patriot, Ominous to the “Follower”! —The Co lumbus (Ohio) papers contain an address, to their brethren thoughout the Union, signed by one hundued and FORTY eight original Jackson men, and setting forth their reasons at length for repudiating thc“ Follower,” and supporting Gen. Harrison. It is also to be remembered, by those who would truly read this sign, that the whole number of the signers—one hundred and forty eight men, good and true—are members of the “Jackson Reform True American Association of Columbus, Ohio,” as well as ‘ original Jackson mcn.’ They are not scattered over the Stale, but are dwellers of that city and vicinity. When such limits contain such a number of changes, in favor of the cause of Harrison and Reform, it should be a caution to the spoilers. But these are not all. It is understood there are a number more, even in the same region, besides the 148, “ whose names could not be got in time for the paper,” in which the address was published, but which will be given in a pamphlet edition of the address. The original Jackson men of the West are, in fact, moving rapidly to the support of Har rison. With regard to Ohio, the Cincinnati Ga zelle, after noticing the address of the 148 at Columbus, adds, that “numerous secessions have lately taken place in Licking, Muskingum, Perry Harrison and Jefferson. Conversions are heard of daily.” With such marked demonstrations of the pop ular sentiment of the great West against him, and in favor of Harrison, the spoiler chief must have lost all sagacity and “cunning,” if he can still hope to maintain his hold upon the purse and the sword, beyond the 4th of March next. A gainst such evidence of the public judgement, even his “standing army,” if added to the Sub- Treasury, would not suffice to lengthen out his term of office, for a single dav, “ Comparisons are odious,” as the baboon said when they told him he looked like a dandy. “ Your friendship is dear to me,” as (he mer chant said when he had to pay his endorsement for his neighbor. From the Baltimore Patriot. A Si ax lir the Empire State. —A counfy meeting: of the friends of the Administration was recently held in Penn Yan, Yates county. New York, at which resolutions were passed, denoun cing the Sub-Treasury scheme, the favorite finan cial measure ofsaid Administration. The ates county Democracy say they are “opposed to the Sub-Treasury system —opposed to it because it virtually proposes one currency for the people and a different one for the Govern ment —because it would impair the credit and cripple the means of State hanks —because it promises no benefits, advantages or conveniences which are not afforded by the present system — because it eventually proposes a change in the whole currency of the nation —because it is an innovation, taking away a tried and positive good, tor a new and dangerous project —because it would be surrendering the purse into the hands of the Executive, thereby increasing its patron age, and affording a dangerous and powerful means of corruption.” While thus denouncing the Sub-Treasury scheme, and rendering reasons for their denun ciation, the people of Yates county still profess “the fullest confidence in the integrity and patri otism of Martin Van Buren.” They say they do not fear that he will abuse the dangerous pow er thus placed in his hands, but that others, per haps less honest than he, might, in the course of events, have this “mighty means of mischief com mitted to their keeping.” The remark naturally suggests itself, that a mong honest and disinterested men, as we must presume these Yates county Democrats to be, such honest and well founded opposition to (he “favorite measure” of the Administra tion cannot continue, without weakening their confidence in the Administration, and eventually turning their eyes towards a safer and a better chief, to be found elsewhere. Mr. Van Buren has set his heart upon this “mischievous” and “ dangerous” measure ; and by means of his vast official influence, has actually carried it through Congress, contrary to the will of the people—as the pilot fish said, “in spite of the lamentations here or elsewhere.” This being the known and evident state of the case, how can the honest ap ministration men of Yates county (New Y ork) continue to place confidence in Mr. Van Buren] It is contrary t« nature, for honest men to support the authors of bad and And therefore we may expect in the course of events that those who are capable of appreciating the full “mischief” of the Sub-Treasury scheme, and who denounce it, as the people of Pen Yan do, will withdraw from the support of its author, and will, in the end, find themselves thoroughly op posed to both scheme and schemer. One of the complaints, publicly made in 1760 by the merchants and traders of Philadelphia, against the measures of the British Parliament or Ministry, was the following: “The restric tion on paper currency, and prohibiting it from being a legal tender in colony debt—as it deprives us of the only circulating medium of trade, which we can by any means retain among us— prevents the cultivation of lands—obstructs the improvement of the country, and is peculiarly embarrassing and distressing to commerce, which experience has shown us all cannot be carried on to extensive advantage without it," Corruption DcFEATEn.-The corrupt scheme of Van Kendall, (and his new ally, Dr. Niles,) Blair & Co., to prohibit “ all persons from being the hearers of any written or printed paper, on any mail route, or road parallel there with,” was an atrocious conspiracy, designed to promote the special views of the first named of this notable firm. The United States mail was intended to be “charged” and sur-charged, with their forgeries and falsehoods, to the exclusion of newspapers and documents in refutation, and individuals, (Whigs especially,) prevented from carrying a letter to their neighbor’s house, under the severest penalties. This conspiracy of Van Buren & Co. was of so gross and flagrant a nature that the trainbands in Congress could not be prevailed upon, pliant as they have proved themselves, to give it their support, and for once they met with a rebutter which they probably did not anticipate. Is it requesting too much to direct the special attention of the honest and w r cll meaning portion of our Whig opponents, to this profligate scheme which would deprive one neighbor of the right of carrying a letter or a few papers to another, under a severe penalty, or being cast into prison if unable to pay it ? Yet the enactment of such a law was asked of Congress by Van Buren and his immediate associates to prevent the people from obtaining information. From the New York Express. Ancient Spite. Gen. Jackson has never forgotten Gen. Harri son’s notice of his conduct in the Seminole w f ar. The beautiful tribute of the latter general to the bravery and skill of the former, was lately pub lished in the “ Times.” All admired it who gave it a perusal, and richly did it deserve their admi ration. But while it applauded the general char acter, it condemned the particular act of General Jackson. The consequence was, as appears from the sequel; the bitter and undying hate of the hero of New Orleans. Among his first acts on reaching the Presidency in 1829, was the recall of Harrison, our minister to Colombia, even be fore notice was received in this country of his ar rival at Bogota. But even this arbitrary and revengeful act was not enough. His hate rankles even on the jaw ottbo grave, and in 1840, in contempt of public opinion and the utter forgetfulness of his own dignity, he gratuitously publishes a letter denying to one of his country’s heroes, not only correct political principles, but the possession of military abilities. It is strange and humiliating. But the passions of Gen. Jackson have presented the spectacle of a successful and rewarded soldier, jealous of his brother soldier’s fame, seeking to trample it down, to build upon it the elevation of a lavorite, whose main recommendation was ob sequious submission to his will. The spirit of the nation will redress the wrong, and will frown down the impious attempt to blast the laurels of its hero. Consistency. —“ Corruption will be the order of the day it members of Congress continue to be appointed to office.” So said Gen. Jackson ; 3 r et he carried out the corrupt practice; and Mr. Van Buren has closely ‘ followed in his fools*eps.” —Gov. Marcy, Cambrcleng, Niles and others, discarded by the people, have received their re ward from Mr. Van Bcrcn, and now Mr. Phil. Dtckerson, one of the New Jersey delegates, elec ted by their own body, by a combination and fraud, after aiding Van Buren to extend his pow er, has also been paid with the appointment of United States Judgeof the District of New Jer sey. How beautiful is'consistency. Taking it coolly. —Dr. Pctrikcn, of Penn sylvania, having been caricatured in a most ludt crious manner, sent one of the prints to his wife, with the remark, that as most of the members of Congress had sat for their portraits, he had con cluded to have his taken. Durham Cattle. —There was a sale of im ported Durham cattle at the Oakland Course, near of Louisville, Ky., on Wednesday, the Ist instant. The Journal states that two superb cows were sold at S4OO. One brought $~lO, and another $325. Two year old bulls were sold at from SIOO to 230, and one fine year ling as low us $55. One yearling heifer was sold at $ 1 10, and one at $37. Ou account of the low rates the greater part of the cattle were with drawn. From the Cincinnati Gazelle 0 Coolness on the Fielder u~ . Connected with the movements IS western aimios.ir 1813 and previous] v H n1 l incidents which, though too I , pages of general history, are nevcrtiicln sor <h« I te ‘ interesting, and well worthy of prew.' hi ?hlv f * cT Some of these have been related by (v ' atlu, u - lab ami some other brave officers; several Ti P'o t i1 ‘ in the narratives of Dawson and Hall* ! f ree ° the be found in the newspapers of the tim e ! ■ "Ur H ‘ they occurred; but the greater the dwell merely in the recollections of tb/ ° lh , soldiers who witnessed them. Some q play an intrepidity unsurpassed in the . warfare; others exhibit a coolness in tj ' !tof ? t? of imminent danger, indicative of the r , eill0Bl( »i b cn mined resolution and the mostextraordin Os this latter character are the two incite" mo tionod below. We find them related in* I a v from Col. John Speed Smith, (a prominent f din the administration, in Kentucky,) to a i nea of this city. Col. Smith, it will be rccollSS wa t one ot the aids of General Harrison in h, , ■ I of the Thames. e • ' The writer states, that a moment before tw Ct ** tie commenced, General Harrison rode up t ,be jestic Seneca Chief, and took his powder 1 tbe re-prime his pistols. Upon wirnessiag this p* ll wh< Smith asked him if he expected to come in\ ( , flas al contact with the enemy; to which the if' ‘ replied, that it was proper to be prepared Jac event, —that he commanded an army of bep f 5' -1 lerials than Proctor’s —and that he was de'e, ; iff not to survive a defeat; adding with . Lieut. Smith, “You had better fresh prime I *° U I shall expect my aids to die around me!”’ 50,1 y ou Whilst at the crochet, as er the left h a - k av covered from its momentary contusion, j n( j * | aw joined in the front,General Harrison ordered! wo< Smith to bring down Chile’s command to sup ma it. While he was giving this order, the nee,’ B bi< their two horses were interlocked; and someth wa 1 of a tree above them, which had gathered atp u < tained a cluster of leaves, and around which 1 I Itt! aid had to look at his Commander, were cut cbP by the enemy’s balls. Near the spot at the * moment, a soldier was shot through the thigh.* wei seeing the Commandcr-in-Chief as heswungron the and fell, he cried out, “did you see that Genet; mil they have shot me again!” y a p This man had been wounded the day before. f ‘ the Bridge. Gen. Harrison directed him to fa' p jJjjL ken back to have his wounds dressed; but fi* wi thal his thigh was not broken, the brave fa, ~ll*l 1 bandaged it witii his handkerchief to stop 1 bleeding, clutched up iiis gun, swore lie tncaati *^ u j have satisfaction, and continued to fight. Ah dec moments afterwards, a young man dashed up to_. stre commander, holding a scalp in his hand, and win out, “Look here, General, I’ve got it! Mj-fa, ac t was an old Kentucky Indian fighter; and whe v*]' left home, he made me promise to bring scalp of a red skin killed by myself. And he? t0 j is—this is for the old man. jiow 1 want one a . myself!” And away he sprang in search of j. eiJ ' other enemy. i ib These two anecdotes, Col. Smith says, git; gur amused Commodore Perry, when he related fa con to him at the close of the battle; and the fa w h< sailor truly said, that an army of such menmn jM» f not be conquered. And he frequency afterwfa El on meeting with the officers of the army, wouldti * ier . peat the brave soldier’s exclamation with greats* ma ‘ —“Do you see that General? —they have shotm ' ‘ again!” mes ' ‘ ‘ i r Western Sport.—ln the Pacific Monitor.pc. caln lished at Hannibal, Mississippi, we find itemso; com sport which would startle an Eastern amateur.- jjgg An inveterate angler assures the editor of theib itor that he had recently hookeda small bassisthe 1 * Mississippi but before he could'landit, a large pit * crc darted forward and swallowed tiie bass. Mo! td b course were bagged together. The pike weigfaee mor twenty pounds. In the same paper the editor tells side a specimen of his own observation. Angling him. ban' self in a place where the air was darkened wit »iie musquitoes, he saw a sturdy j* v to the buff, pursuing his work as if there wereu j such nuisances as musquitoes in creation. Tin very reasonable inference which he drew from to sight was that eels may, by practice, become met to skinning. *( and From the Gentlemen's Magazine. darl Scenes in the Mess. OVCI BY THE AUTHOR OF 1 OLD IKIONSIDES OFF A LI! . . „ nigl SHORE. c f t ‘Give us a yarn,gentleman,’saysthelieutenaii', and pulling down his little waistcoat over bis littk like belly, and slewing himself in his chair so as ti crav turn his deaf ear towards the company. spoi ‘Weil, doctor,Ways the purser, lading anothe 1 .‘1 and heavier pull at the halyards, ‘didyoueverhea* Cul how the olu Culloden lost her sticks just ibos deal here, many years ago 1” ‘No, cries the doctor, joined by the voices c wre the whole mess ; let us hear it.’ Well, then,’ says (he purser,‘here it goes., the pet THE. DEAD Man’s LEDGE. ■ • wai ‘Not more than one hundred miles from t& i 2 southern extremity of England, rises in awfc cras majesty above the tempestuous ocean, the j n g ful breakers of the dead man’s ledge. Aolbm jj le( can exceed the solitary appearance —the loot tiie dreary loneliness they present the eye of t • ’ watchful seaman when the heavy swell ofßisci a j (> comes rolling up towards the northern oceans g o rt the light scud spreads its flitting screen ot frosif < silver before the face of the broad red hane w j n moon. When the night comes on in Mackiol* .j ing shadows from the windward, andlhestom mag petrol calls his little band together to dance upo the white foam that hisses in the vessel’s wit' it>p ( then may bo heard the terrific music of the tie* jnsr man’s ledge, louder than the wail of the canvas J OVI splitting tempest, louder than the moan oft: »] wilderness of waters, as it heaves up its blackei t urr ed breast to own its God. will ‘From the day of the earliest navigators, the.' *] rocks have been famous in story, and when ’• the shadows of evening settle upon the deep, wo a wer unto the outward bound mariner that se«a n ase their dark summits sink in the waste of loam c*i join ped waves astern. a 6 lt ‘lt was the commencement of the nineteen century, when a heavy armed corvette undent was ble reefed top-sails, came running belore a * sloe southwester, and just at evening discovered - 1 anc Agnes’light ahead. Proudly she dashed wre the billows, and with the setting of thewatc its t lantern rose to her ensign peak, and a hea'} non mingled its note with the thunder oft * e " *nd ments around. A large ship now rose rae horizon astern, and soon a light gleamed oVfr purpled deck. A bright flash soon shovve * j the cannon of the three-decker lias answers- j a^( signal of her consort, and then the thick the evening storm hid them Irom each oi- l VieW ‘ ti ‘Forecastle, there,’thundered the oltr- deck. , end ‘Aye, aye, sir,’ answered the master s m ■ neg ‘Keep a bright look-out ahead, sir. : q ‘Aye, aye, sir.’ s> pari The captain now came upon deck; Hal anxiously he looked towards the light, an as his eye rested upon a break in the water-' • Ua j he said— at II ‘There they are, the black devils. ur - mi n pin, send the best men to the wheel. eas) ‘Aye, aye, sir,’ sai l the first lieutenan , a j )o soon a hardy set of old quartermasters c ha spokes. • ithaca* a^n ‘Man the relieving tackles,’ thunderc |fi e tain ; they were manned instantly an " swered her helm promptly, the crest , and broke all around her, but not a wave u on kiss her decks. . t fieoter ** er ‘Tr.e storm increr s, sir,’ said them 8 nea ant, touching his hat. .. > r oi ‘Furl the top-sails, and set the ti7* sa ‘ s ’ pov cd the commander, above the howling ” by Dark forms glided up the till soon the top-sails were furled, ihe ,r - s same time caught the wind, and the s P a I most started from the holt rope. . t l ‘Have axes laid by the masts —this is Bui for idlers—call all hands,’said the cap 3 Wa( ‘All hands,’ cried the boatswain. jjjpii **** ‘All bands,’ shouted bis mates, and a abc stood upon deck. Then might one