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CHRONICLE AND SENTINEL. i ■ A U€r XJ S T A. SATURDAY MORNING, JULY 25. FOR PRESIDENT, WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON, ? Os Ohio ; The invincible Hero of Tippecanoe l —the incor ruptible Statesman —the inflexible Republican— the patriotic Farmer of Ohio. /-■ IOR VICE-PRESIDENT, JOHN TYLER, & Os Virginia A State Rights Republican of the school of ’9S— one of Virginia’s noblest sons, and emphatically one of America’s most sagacious, virtuous and patriot statesmen. FOR ELECTORS OF PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT, GEORGE R. GILMER, of Oglethorpe. DUNCAN L. CLINCH, of Camden. JOHN W. CAMPBELL, of Muscogee. JOEL CRAWFORD, of Hancock. CHARLES DOUGHERTY, of Clark. SEATON GRANTLAND, of Baldwin. ANDREW MILLER, of Cass. WILLIAM EZZARD, of DeKalb. C. B. STRONG, of Bibb. JOHN WHITEHEAD, of Burke. E. WIMBERLY, of Twiggs. d,® FOR CONGRESS, WILLIAM C. DAWSON, of Greene. R. W. HABERSHAM, of Habersham. JULIUS C. ALFORD, of Troup. EUGENIUS A. NISBET, of Bibb. LOTT WARREN, of Sumter. THOMAS BUTLER KING, of Glynn. ROGER L. GAMBLE, of Jefferson. JAMES A. MERIWETHER, of Putnam. TH5maS F. FOSTER, of Muscogee. ■Barbecue. We are requested to say, that a Car will leave the Railroad Depot this day at 10 o’clock, for for the purpose of conveying passengers to the Barcebue at Doyle’s, and will return at 6 o’clock in the afternoon. % '* A Reward for Loco Focos. The Madisonian offers twenty dollars, and the Savannah Republican fifty dollars re ward, for the production of a spurious copy of Holland’s life of Van Buren. If none is produc ed, the assertion, by the loco focos, “that a forged copy has been published,” will be proven to be . false, The Forged Circular. Since our notice of this trick of the Locofocos We have observed that the forged circular is pub lished in the last Macon Telegraph. Really, the charge of publishing forged documents comes with bad grace from a party which gives curren cy to this circular. ihe Charleston Courier of yesterday, says : A correspondent informs us that over two thou sand plates, and three hundred and fifty dozen knives and forks were purchased in this city, on Vy ednesday, being part of the preparations ma king for the Harrison festival, to be given at Ma con, oit the 13th August next. . Did Greene has Spoken. This County, so long devoted to correct re publican principles, has spoken in a voice worthy of her palmiest days, and on.the second Thursday (the 13th) of August, the influence of her re publican counsels will be felt, and appreciated m Macon. Her citizens, devoted to the institu tions of the country, have almost unanimously rushed to the standard of republican principles, to rescue it from the danger which served to and the voice of a portion of the time |*nored fifty-six is heard in the shout, to the the rescue! ' oN ’• f ne New Orleans Picayune —We find the following in the Courieroffl^^ve.iing: “ We understand that a gentleman who arrived in town this morning, reports that Mr. Winn has been elected to Congress by a majority of 11 or 12 votes in the 3d district.” How any such report could have reached the vve are at a loss to divine, and feel confident ■K 1 turn out a alarm. We made enqui- BPNtcrday b ut could learn nothing of the elec tion in the 3d district, and until the arrival of a steamboat or mail from the upper country we look for noffurther returns. Meeting in Abbeville, S. C. We publish with much pleasure, the proceed" ingsof a Meeting of the friends of Reform in Ab beville.—Our letters from that district, assure us that the indomitable spirit of the people is being aroused, and regardless of the dictation of dema gogue leaders, they are determined to resist the of misrule and corruption. ® ® Meeting of the Fourth Ward Tippecanoe | Club. At a meeting of the Tippecanoe Club of the fiOOth District, on the 23d inst., it was Resolved, I hat each and every member of this Club not already appointed by the Central Tippe canoe Club, of Richmond County, be, and he is hereby requested to attend the contemplated Con vention, of the friends of Harrison and Tyler at Macon, as Delegates from the 600th District. # Resolved, That James Harper, Charles B. Hitt, and William Jones, members of this Club, be ap pointed a Committee tc act with other Committees from Tippecanoe Clubs, and Captains’ Districts in the selection of candidates for the Legislature in | ctis County. And that J. C. Alford, W. C. Daw son, R. W. Habersham, T. B. King, E. A. Nisbet, and Lott Warren, be appointed honorary members of this Club. For the Chronicle 5* Sentinel. Messrs, Editors — I observe in your paper of to day, a communication fiom the Hon. Edward J- Black, in reply to one of mine, published some two or three months since. The question between us may be thus stated: I charged, that in his com munication to Governor McDonald, relative to the resolutions ot the General Assembly of Georgia, he made certain assumptions, unfounded in fact, and injuriously affecting me. He maintains that the assumptions complained of, cannot be fairly deduced from his letter. Having disclaimed any intention to assume what I and many others under” stood from his letter, I should take pleasure in re tracting all that the gentleman may have consider ed bitter or angry in my former corn nunication, had he not sought, in his disclaimer, to convey the idea that I had perverted his obvious meaning, in order to find occasion for the gratification of per sonal hostility. He denies, first, having assumed that I introduced the resolutions in question, in lieu of measures more appropriate, &c.; he affirms that he meant to impute the substitution of them, for the measures more appropriate, &c.,only to the Legislature that passed them. Calmly reviewing his letter, with its author’s own critique upon it before me, and, moreover, with a determination henceforth to understand it as expounded by I still maintain, that in the absence of that aid, I but gave it its grammatical construction. He char acterises them as “resolutions relative to the con troversy with Maine, introduced by Mr. Jenkins into the last Legislature, and ultimately passed by that body, in lieu of measures more appropriate,” &c. The words, “introduced by Mr. Jenkins into the last Legislature,” constitute one member of the sentence; the words, “ultimately passed by that body,” another, which two members, referring to the same subject matter, are connected by the cop ulative conjunction. Then follows still another member, intended to qualify, to wit: “fia lieu of measures more appropriate,” &c. What does the latter member qualify? Clearly, it seems to me, those two members of the sentence, which refer to the same subject matter, and are connected by the copulative conjunction. I know of no rule of construction which would make it applicable to the one and inapplicable to the other. Suppose the gentleman had intended to convey the idea, that the resolutions were both introduced and passed in lieu of measures, &c., how would he have varied his I phraseology? Would he have said, “resolutions in troduced by Mr. J., in lieu of measures more ap propriate, &c., and passed by the Legislature in lieu of measures more appropriate,” &c.? Would he have thought that repetition necessary to make the sense clear? If I should sa}', that the Sub- Treasury bill had been recommended by the Presi dent, and ultimately passed by Congress, as a finan cial experiment, I apprehend I should be under stood as affirming that the President and Congress were be th financial experiments. Should I say,how ever, that the Sub-Treasury bill had been recom mended b}- the President, but ultimately passed by the Congress, as a financial experiment, it would be understood that the effect of the disjunctive conjunction, was to limit the qualifying words to what followed it. My purpose is to shew that my construction of the sentence was legitimate and na tural, not forced. Ido not insist that it was accor dant with the writer’s real meaning. I treated it as understood by myself, and all with whom I con versed. It does, however, often happen that a writer’s meaning is, to all but himself, a hidden mystery; I therefore neither question the gentle man’s prerogative to expound his own composition, nor object to his exposition in this case. Had the sentence been indicted by a hand less practiced, or less skilled in the use of the pen, charity might have suggested the propriety of an earnest search fora meaning, less obvious, but more just, and, therefore, more agreeable to me. It is said again, there was error in supposingthe gentleman had assumed that I, “in proposing the resolutions, had in view a remedy for the case of Philbrook and Kelleran.” This is the error charg ed upon me: now mark the correction. “I refer to my whole letter to shew it is not true, that 1 as sumed that, and nothing else.” I said the gentle man had assumed a certain thing. He replies, “it js not true that I assumed that and nothing else.” — 1 have never asserted that he assumed only one, or two, or three things. Why! here is neither correc tion made, nor issue formed. But for the conclu sion to which he comes, it might be fairly argued, that in affirming he did not assume that alone, he admits he did assume that and more. My inference was drawn from two sentences in the gentleman’s letter, in one of which, he uses this language: “ Resolutions relative to the con troversy with Maine, introduced into the last Le gislature, by Mr. Jenkins.” Now the controversy with Maine, as every one knows, originated in, and had exclusive reference to, the case of Phil broo/c and Kelleran, and indeed, in speaking of this matter, the two phrases italicised, are used as synonymous. Is it not then the same, as if the gentleman had said, I proposed the resolutions rel ative to, or having in view a remedy for, the < ase of Philbrook and Kelleran ? Again, in another sentence, he asks, “ What fond hallucination could have influenced the author of those resolutions to hope or to ask, at the hands of abolitionists, jus tice, by the enactment of a law, to the penalties of which, Philbrook and Kelleran would have been submitted, when these individuals were but en gaged in accomplishing the very object to winch the law makers themselves, have been so long and so ardently devoted.” I have no argument to ad dress to any man, who does not see, at a glance that in this extract I am represented as hoping, or asking justice, against Philbrook and Kelleran, by the enactment of such a law as the resolutions con template. The gentleman mr.y have meant other wise, but I must t onstrue his language as I would that of any other writer. “ I leave it to any man, not blind with feeling or prejudice,” and who has charity enough to suppose that the gentleman uses words in lhair ordinary and approved sense, wheth er my construction was either forced in itself, or wilfully unjust to him. I shall not pause to shew, (as I easily might,) that in examining the proofs I had submitted against his assumptions, lie con siders that which I adduced against the second, in connection with the third, thereby of course w ea k_ ening its force. This I hope was done inadver tently. Mr. Black correctly presumed, I ‘had no other grief whereof to complain,” except that produced by the injustice, I believed he had done me in his communication to Governor McDonald. I know not that he has ever before done, or sought to do, me injustice. lam unconscious that he has ever stood between me and a desired object, checking , an aspiration or crushing a hope. I seek contro i versies with no man, but do not profess the lamb like temper, which would submit to injury from sheer disrelish of them. Whilst I do not claim for myself, my principles, ■ or mj measures, exemption from canvass, discus ■ sion, or objection by my constituents, I would re : mind Mr. Black, in this country, even a “ public 1 servant ” is not without the pale of Nature’s first • law, nor yet of the lex talionis. Touching the in • fusion of “ bitterness and anger ,” wbi:h the gen > tleman has discovered in my last, I have to say > that I meant only “ measure for measure.” I could not perceive, the necessary connection which my relation to those resolutions, and my motives for introducing them, had with the ostensible object of his communication to the Executive. It appears none of his colleagues thought there was any such necessary connection, for they, though agreeing with him in opinion, dealt only with the resolutions , leaving their author to be dealt with by his con science and his constituents. I thought mysc f gratuitously presented to the public in a false position, and essayed, (as I shall always do, in like cases,) to vindicate my course. If the honorable gentleman did not intend what I understood, it is well. I certainly have no in clination to insist, that ha wilfully did me injus tice. If I have now succeeded in satisfying such of your readers as may have been curious enough to read all that has been avritten on this subject, that my construction of Mr. Black’s language was reasonable, and not perverted to the purpose of personal altercation, my object is accomplished. Respectfully, CHARLES J. JENKINS. Augusta, July 23, 1840. For the Chronicle and Sentinel. Under the’imposing influence of a name, hew many and how gross the impositions practised ! With a high-sounding title, our imported rogues find an easy passport into the affections of our boasted republicans; and the lofty Count, with his ancient lineage and endless pedigree, soon leaves them —he, to laugh at their practical democracy — they, with their now fruitless reflections, to con vince themselves that they had been blinded and deceived by the glittering splendor of a name! It is even said that the devil quoted scripture when it suited his purposes; and, at this time, we behold a party under whose deteriorating influence their country bleeds at every pore—which has fastened itself upon her bosom like an incubus, withering her best energies and impeding her progress to ma turity and greatness —sailing under the violated flag ol democracy, and desecrating the principles they essay to espouse! Thousands enlisted under their banner at the moment it was unfurled, with out, I fear, even casting their eyes upon the stand ard-bearer. To such we would say, pause, reflect, and look again; ample time is left you yet —exam- ine for yourselves. Are not these self-styled and vaunted democrats, truly a party of pledges and of words? Do they not rest their c.airns on their pro mises? —empty in some instances and disregarded in others. What parts of the country, or what portion of the people, (excepting office-hunters and holders,) have felt or enjoyed the benefits of their pure and exclusive democracy? Is it the merchant or farmer, manufacturer or laborer? Or is their watchful guardianship and paternal care attested by the ghastly wounds of bereaved and neglected Florida? They call themselves democrats, while they ad vocate the enlargement of Executive patronage and power, in the form of sub-treasury and stand ing army; they endeavor to defend the adminis tration in its flagrant and alarming abuse of the appointing power, and attempt to shield and pro tect it in its extravagance and profligacy'. They tell the people that, for their own dear sakes, they had become alarmed at the increasing influence of the United States Bank; and they have but disrob ed it of its power, and shorn it of its capacity to do good, that they might add strength to the growing arm of the Exccutiue, and enable it the better to nourish the germ of royalty, whose leaves are ex panding in the atmosphere of the Capitol. For more than fifty years, under the auspices of our institutions as they were, our onward course in the way of prosperity and improvement, astound ed our enemies abroad, and warmed, with elevated hope and pride, the prtriot’s heart at home. Mr. Madison managed our ship of state, most honorably and successfully, through a tedious and expensive war, without difficulty or apparent danger with re gard to the fiscal operations of the government; our flag was hailed with admiration and respect on every sea and by every nation, while it bore with it the emblems of unimpeachable credit. If, under these institutions, we were enabled, in so short a time, to attain this proud station among the nations of the earth, where is the excuse for the innova tions that have been made? Go ask the spoilers- Will you not heed the clanging of the chain which is forging for you, and which the march of federal encroachment would fasten about your necks? Mr. Van Buren is a great man—not as a poet, an orator, or a statesman—but he is a great promp ter, and a great pledge-maker; ami with all his great fertility of resources in these respects, he sometimes overreaches himself. He even admits | the Constitutionality of Congress (in his answer to { the N. C. Committee,) to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, but pledges himself to veto the —Constitution ! Will you be content with the , shadow without the substance —the semblance without the reality ? Will you suffer your judg ment and your patriotism to be biased by the cun ning pledges of self interest ? Cunning, too, at the eleventh hour, from the eleventh hour friend of the war—the eleventh hour, friend of De Witt Clin ton —and the eleventh hour, friend (in his pro fessions) of the South ? No: you will “judge the tree by its fruits.” Hear what Thomas Jefferson said about pledges: “ Coming out of the Senate Chamber one day, I found Govemeur Morris on the steps. He stopped me, and began a conversation on the strange and portentous state of things then existing, and went on to observe, that the reasons why the minority of the States were so opposed to my being elected, were, that they apprehended that Ist, I would turn all the federalists out of of fice ; 2d, put down the Navy; 3d, wipe off the public debt. That I need only r to declare, or au thorize my friends to declare, that I would not take these steps, and instantly the event of the election would be fixed. I told him that I should leave the world to judge of the course I meant to pursue, by that which I had pursued hitherto, be, lieving it to be my duty to be passive and silent during the present scene ; that I should certainly make no terms; should never cro into the office of President by capitulation, nor with my hands tied by any conditions which should hinder me from pursuing the measures which I should deem for the public good.” vol. 4, p. 52!. Richmond. Old Greene is Coming. At a large meeting of the citizens of Greene county, held at the Court House in Greensboro, on Thursday, 23d inst., Col. Y. P. Kiso was called to the Chair, aud James B. Nickelson appointed Secretary, When the object of the meeting was explained by the Chairman, Col. James M. Porter offered the following preamble and resolution: Whereas the Anti-Van Buren Convention held at Milledgeville in June last, adjourned to meet again at Macon on the second Thursday in Au gust next, therefore. Resolved, That the county of Greene be rep resented in said Convention, and that the Chair appoint a Committee of Ten, to nominate to this meeting the names of one hundred and twenty suitable persons to represent us in said Conven tion. The following gentlemen composed that Com mittee : James M. Porter. Wm. L. Alfriend, John Coleby, Albert Jernighan, John A. Baugh, Robert Newson, sen. Seaborn McMichacl, John Wilson, •Alexander Walker, George W. Slaughter, Who having retired for a few minutes, through their Chairman’ Col. James M. Portkr, report ed the following names as delegates to said Con vention : John Shaw, a Revolutionary soldier. Henry English, sen. do. do. Thomas Stocks, Win Daniel, William C. Dawson, J W Battle, H H Watts, O S Furlow, W W D Weaver, John Copelarnd, Jas. B Nickelson, James Jackson, Robt. Newsom, sen. D Jones, Jas. M Porter, E P Jarrell, James T Johnson, A Simonton, Albert Jernigham, Wm Lucky, A Hutchinson, E Bruce, John Wilson, Wm Greer, John Colchy, R Carlton, Samuel Wright, J J Kelly, Augustus Pitcher, Burnet Moore, jr. James H Willy, Jefferson Mapp, J R B Cox, John Dorsey, Edward D Alfriend, Stephen Kimbrough, Thomas H Moseley, John Kimbrough, sen. S McMichacl, Daniel Perdue, Robert Rea, H H Lawrence, P C Johnson, B L Kimbrough, A Carlton, N Armour, A Perkins, C J Burke, Wm Rowland, sen. Nowell Crawford, J Q Bolton, B E Spencer, II Sanford, Edwin Willis, John E King, Albert Hutchinson, Win F Welloorn, George Martin, R J Dawson, Samuel Akers, Y P King, Stewart Anderson, Henry Love, P W T Stovall, Thomas Baldwin, A L Walker, E S Hunter, A H Randle, Thomas G Banks, Augustus Greene, D C Watson, Absalom*Janes, Francis Hester, C S Credell, Moses Foster, Lemuel Greene, F C McKinley, E H Macon, John H Broughton, James Moore, John Branch, Edward Alfriend, Greene Moore, S Gentry, E H Metcalf, A King, J W Godkin, James Carlton, Henry Walker, G W Slaughter, D S Terrell, J G Holtzclaw, Thomas Cunningham, Harda Bridges, J R Hall, Thomas H Smith, Jasper Copeland, Wm Bryan, James M Houghton, Wm T Gaston, George Hall, W K Walker, Wm Tuggle, jr. Matthew Winfield, T C W r inn, John H Ray, Loudon Willis, James Burke, J K Sanford, Jesse Champion, J Cutright, J J Spencer, Wm Porter, Albert Jackson, A M Wright, B F Greene, W C Dawson, jr. L Philips, Wm L Alfriend. James Anderson, On motion of Henry Sanford, Esq.— Resolved , That the citizens of Gieene county, friendly (and who of them are not?) to the elec tion of William Henry Harrison for President, and John Tyler for Vice President of the United States, are cordially invited to attend said Con vention, and they will be considered as delegates in connection with those nominated by the Com mittee. On motion of J. T. Johnson, Esq.— Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting be signed by the Chairman, and countersigned by the Secretary, and sent to the Chronicle & Sentinel and Reformer, for publication, with the request that the Georgia Journal and Southern Recorder, will also publish the same, i he meeting then adjourned. P. KING, Chairman. James B. Nickelson, Secretary. Harrison Meeting in Abbeville Histrict. According to previous arrangement, a meeting of the citizens of Abbeville, friendly to the election of Wm. H. Harrison, to the Presidency of the United States, was held at Abbeville on the 11th of July, 1840. Col. Larkin Griffin, was elected Chairman, and Wm. S. Burch, was appoited Secretary. On motion of Dr. Paul Conner, it was Resolved, That a committee, of five or more, be appointed, for each of the four battalions, and an additional committee of five, be appointed for the Court House, whose duty it shall be to nominate candidates for the State Legislature ; each commit tee now appointed having the privilege of filling vacancies or increasing their number. Resolved, That the members composing thi s meeting, are fully convinced that the present Ad ministration is corrupt, and that its measures, if canied out, will result in ruin to our “common country;” that, therefore, “ we pledge our sacred honor” to use every honorable effort to effect its final overthrow. On motion of Dr. Franklin Branch, Res'. Ived, That we do highly approve the manly and independent ciurse pursued by the Hon. Wra. C. Preston, Senator from South Carol'm, and the Hon. Waidy Thompson, Representative from our adjoining districts, in the Congress of the United States, especially upon the currency of cur govern ment and the Presidential election. On motion of Dr. W. C. Norwood, Resolved, That a committee bo appointed toad dress letters o f invitatfbn to the Hon. William C. Preston, Hon, Waddy Thompson, James L, Petti grew, Esq., Hugh S. Legare, Esq., Maj, W. W Starke, Dr. F. M. Robertson, and Ex Governor P. M. Butler, to address the general meeting oLthe Harrison on Saturday" the third day of Au gust, or at sucli subsequent period as shall suit their convenience. On motion of W. C, Norwood, Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting be ’published in the National Intelligencer, tiie Southern Chronicle, the Charleston Courier, the Reformer, and the Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel. On motion, the meeting was adjourned. LARKIN GRIFFIN, Chairman. Wji. S. Burch, Secretary. Messrs. Editors: —Will you be so kind as to publish in the Reformer, and in the Chronicle & Sentinel, the following communications from the Rev. Wm. Moseley, of Henry county. Mr. Mose ley is a man of sound sense, ardent patriotism, irre proachable character and deep piety, and formerly a citizen of Putnam county. He is a Minister of the Gospel, of the Baptist denomination, useful and influential in the sphere of his labours, and he is a hard working, industrious farmer, who sup ports himself and family by the sweat of his brow. Thus, by his works, he proves himself to be a real Democrat, and a genuine Republican. —He has heretofore proved his patriotism by shouldering his musket, and marching forth under the command of Gen. Floyd, to fight the enemies of his country' and he then proved his bravery by receiving a bul let from the enemy in his face. Such a man wilj be heard and respected even in the whirlwind of party' strife. AN OLD CITIZEN of Putnam County', Now of the Cherokee Country. Henry County, Ga., June 2. 1840. Fellow-Citizens of the State Rights Party, and all others who feel your distress arising from the derangement of the currency, and the consequent embarrassed state of commerce and agriculture— and especially you, who cat your bread by the sweat of your sac who have no motive to influence you to suppon an Administration, which is aristocratic in its tendency ; the rolling of a mighty current, is bearing you and your chil dren to the gulf of vassalage, wretchedness and misery'—l entreat you to suffer an humble plough man to place a few reflections before you. viz:— The time is rapidly approaching when we shall be called upon to exercise the small remains of Sovereignty which the encroachments of the Fed eral Government have left in our hands —in cast ing our vote for President and Vice President of the United States —which should be a matter of the greatest importance with us, and above every other temporal consideration in this world; for our peace and happiness, as well as that of our children and children’s children, depend much upon our conduct in casting our votes at this time, and therefore we should retrospect past events, and if w’e And any thing disastrous growing out of the conduct of the present and past Administration, we should judge of the future by the past, and act upon principles, and not for the sake of party, in casting our votes with an e.ve to thegoodof the country. It is a point now well settled that one of the two men, either Martin Van fiuren or Wm. Henry Har lison will be our next President—and notwith standing many contend that we should out of two eviis take the least, yet I think differently. I ad mit, if we were left to voluntary choice 'whether we should take one of two eviis, or let both alone, and not partake of evil at all, neither directly nor indirectly, I would say, stand aloof. But if it is a matter of necessity, and we must have one or the other, 1 say—reason, good sense, and wisdom and prudence all say—take the least; which will be exemplified in the following statement, viz :—if you were starving, and the chance was a half loaf or no bread,'would you say, No Bread. I think not. If you must have one eye put out, or both, either of which would be evil, w r ould you not say r , one ? If you must lose one horse or all, wou'd you not say, one ? lam bound to believe all would say, one, every time. Believing, then, that we are des tined to have but of the men to rule over us, we should determine whether the choice of either would be an evil to the country; and, of course, if either, or both, would be an evil, choose the one, that would afford a half loaf to a famishing Repub lic. It therefore becomes a duty we owe to our selves, to our children, and to our fore fathers, who purchased our liberty by their blood and lives, to determine whether the choice of Mr. Van Buren would be an evil, or whether the choice of Harri son would be an evil; and if both are evils, of the two choose the least. 1 shall first examine the ad ministration of Mr. Van Buren, and then deter mine the future by the past, which is the only cor rect way I know of determining things in futurity, and which is done according to the rule,same cause, same effect. I now proceed to examine the first case by saying— -Ist. Is there distress in the land such as never has been witnessed, since the Revolutionary War? Your answer must be yea. 2d. What has produced it ? Has famine? no. Has the sword ? no. What, then, say you ? over trading, and the fall of produce ? Granted. But all this is an effect produced by some cause —and what is the cause ? 1 answer overtrading and the rise of property arose from the country’s being flooded with paper money, and that arose from the check’s being removed that operated upon our local banks, viz: —the United States Bank. And this together with the highhanded and unconstitutional interfer ence with the Treasury in the removal of the De posites, deranged the monetary affairs of the coun try, affected commerce, reduced the price of pro duce, and left the whole country in debt. And ho sooner did the Banks discover this, than they, with a few exceptions, changed theii operations from that for which they were chartered, to that of brokers, and thus united with the aristocracy of the coun try, for the purpose of crushing the poor and labor ing part of the community, which is the back bone and sinew ol the country, and make them hewers of wood and drawers of water to a proud and profligate aristocracy, which always has and always will support a monarchical head. And yet they raise a mighty shout—“Huzza for Martin Van Buren and the Independent Treasury and hard mo ney cuirency ” and I believe this is the reason some of the State Rights party have gone over to \an s support; and in evidence of this, show me one leading man that has gone, that is not wielding a money capital, either directly or indirectly, pri vately or in bank, if you can (I am sure it will not be Cooper.) They know, fellow citizens, if there is a change in the Administration, there will be a change in the policy, and the hope of their gain is gone. But you will say, Mr. Van Buren did not do this. Granted. But his predecessor did, and he stands pledged to follow in his steps ; and in evi dence of the fulliling of the pledge, see him pur suing the course, and instead of giving a hard mo ney currency he is converting the Treasury into a bank, and issuing thousands and millions of Treas ury notes, (and, God bless you, a Treasury note is not made of gold and silver) and thus, while he promises gold and silver, you get paper ! While he proposes to divo.ee the banks from the Govern ment, he is converting the whole Treasury into a bank, over which he, if successful, will exercise an entire control, and thus at one snatch, grasp sword and purse, and with his standing army which he is trying to obtain, with the stfCord in one hand and ike purse in the other, he will carry his point, and compel me and you to do his bidding But you still say his course is calculated to put down the banks. Well if it is, why has it not done it We have bad three years experience, and I ask .you candidly, are there fewer banks now than there were then ? or are there more ? H there are more, then the argument is, it is n0 r t r f a l C i!j 4t i7 to h ut down, but to increase banks. nf ia L Mr ' Van ® ui ; en . did give his vote in favor of the Missouri restriction, cannot be denied. That le did vote to allow tree negroes to vote, provided .ie\ were worth a certain amount of property, thus placing the negro upon an eoinl r tac white man, and at the same tune I tocracy, cannot be denied. That ho j° rin ?»iI the constitutional right of Congress with the subject of slavery, but says a lnlf h „ I impolitic, will not be denied. Thatihc Wo,l 'U, a greater waste of the public m on . v Za ministration, than under that of any H dent of the United States, will nonius think. Ihat he has been for and a?ai everyone, and eccry thing, except S!IS in the expenses of the Govermn nt lc Sr has always been against, I think cannot? ttlJt - That the distress of the country has worse than under any other Admini t,?" a ‘ !( l« not be denied. And that these things dil 1 under any other Administration, <■ t,: ' only with the present policy of the Exorm 'N his predecessor, i think will be admitted Now, if cause produce effect, and th f visible, we must trace it to the conduct nr ?* ct « 1 ecutive of the United States. Then if i tle^- ‘ pledged to pursue that course, and that * \ • bringing, and has brought ruin upon you r J Urs h ■ is a plain one, that he stands pledged to ’ ; s ' k. and has ruined many’, and intends balance, and one more term will effect i?" you, then, will you suffer him to du i!; forbid! • Goj I now enter upon the examination by v , shall determine whether Gen, Harrison f, ble, like the half loaf; and in doing this**?’’ - first notice the objectionable acts of Gen ij and compare them with Mr. Van Bme n ’ the reports in circulation against him • an’l ■ i the evidence in his favor. ’ ' %l! Ist. Did General Harrison vote for the T He did ; and did not Mr. Van Buren ? R ut i vote for it in 1828, or was it at a previous nt If at a previous period, did not Mr. CrawWy other republicans do the same, for the 3 rea^j!s the Government was in debt and required iG 3 Was he friendly to tho Force Bill ? jj e And was not Mr. Van Buren and Judge W r as he a member of a ColonizatiolfSocier He was ; but was that an Abolition Society’ 1 i What then ? It was for the purpose of settlin®. free negroes in Africa, in order to destroy the* influence which their presence had upon the« 4 and to prevent their being a pest to the wy and to belter their condition, with a hope iti : be the means of carrying the word of the U and the gospel of the Son of God, to those bene cd negroes. Is he called a Federalist ? He is by some. \ 5 that make or prove him to be one ? No. l s v. Van Buren called by the same name ? He some. It Harrison’s being called a Fcdeib proves him to be one, then Mr. Forsyth isjf,. eralist—for lam told that Mr. Schley beat> once for Major, because Forsyth was a worse f. eralist than Schley ; and has not Gov. Schley called a Federalist again and again ? Yes. jj r not Mr. Randolph call Harrison a Fedeialy his face f He did ; but did Harrison own thecha to be true, any farther than Adams’ Adminiq tion related to the French Government ? No i pray what was Mr. Randolph called ? Let k speak. What was the reason that the . of the county of Jasper was altered from Rani*' to Jasper ? Answer, good fellows ! R ut good-hearted laboring young men know but lir. about those by-gone days, and make up tnem«. diet from evidence afforded from garbled extrir* and false statements, made by designing which they should not do. Then hear an old jw | headed ploughman, and askyour unassumimj.' .- farming fathers, is it true ? But did not the eli ' Adams appoint him to that office ? He did. V.J 1 does not that prove him a Federalist? NV 1 Washirglon did it first, and Madison and orb followed suit. 1 I now' come to the 2d proposition. Did Harr* 1 serve his country from the age of eighteen yej |to the close of the War ? He did. Did he & 1 more victories according to the number of barjl 1 I he fought, than any ether commander in theUnafel ; States ? I think he did. Did he enjoy the cos* 1 dcncc of the army, officers and men ? I think t tH I did —for 1 took the newspapers then, 1 lect about it—and those chaps that had on tie j hippins then, and are now spouting about.tain 11 1 fool the old ploughman, if they were born toafc| | tune. Has he proved himself to be a man of hr a ent and experience ? He has. Has he proved bl i self honest ? He has. Has he proved hiir,«: | disinterested and a friend to the South i 1 tins'll he has, or he would not have voted to recoi j Missouri without restriction, when he knewii foretold that it would be the cause of his politki 1 death. Is he yet poor—the result of sacrifice,ha- * esty and disinterestedness ? lam told that ties, c Has he told the abolitionist that none but m> ( r carnate devil couid view without honor these® | their course was calculated to produce ? I thinks || I has, or words to that amount. Has he givens j dence that he is a friend to his country and fell)’ . beings ? I say unhesitatingly, he has. , j And now', fellow-citizens, let me ask youn \ is the most likely to sympathise with you in pc ■ sufferings, and if placed in power, to afford ns I —the rich or the poor —the disinterested or des; 1 ing ? Hearken, doth the rich oppress you,fcc. 1 State Rights men! Union men! of Georgia-* | poor laboring men all over the United States. | which class I am,) I think you cannot hesitate- We have a chance for a half loaf —yea I this! I whole one. The pow'er is now in your own . I call upon you, therefore, to come to the • and in the power of your might, rally around V I Henry Harrison and John Tyler, and proclaim \ the world that you intend to remain free. v j have not had a real good President since web g Virginian. We have not had a good one since’ c had a poor man, and I fear we will not haw* j we get another. Then I call upon you (off , strength, and let the aristocracy know that; ® arc not prepared to be tenants,and hewers of* 1* and drawers of water to a proud and 1 set. Adieu lor the present. t • WILLIAM MOSELEI e 1 William Henry Harrison, 1, The brave and skilful general, the wise and i‘ a politician, the prudent farmer, the poom- c friend, and the people's can didate for Fres& of the United States. Messrs. Editors:—Since my last I have!* g ploughing, and thinking about the striking simu ity between our condition as a government.* that of ancient Rome in the days of Cinch®-’ and the striking resemblance between the * ter and conduct of old Cincinnatusandthatof 1 - Jj H. Harrison. Ancient Rome was a republic— | through the wisdom, patriotism, and eloquent* J Cincinnati, was prosperous. He, thinking f course of affairs being well directed, and ref- g upon the wisdom and patriotism of his felio* -0 zens, and desiring repose, retired to hish®;, doubt hoping all would go well. But a course of bad policy, the peace of thegovc j was disturbed, and its prosperity blighted. U state of affairs, the repose of the old man turbed by a committee from the people, who*' ed upon him, and finding him at his pl° u |r' their petition before him, who, though to l '-* ’ < tirement and repose, with a deep sigh, in" 0 by love of country and regard for his fell o *’, r zens, left his plough and domestic enjoying . n paired to the post assigned him, and throu;; | wisdom, firmness, and patriotism, peace perity w r ere again restored. 80 Wm. H. h* . X when 18 years old, left the delightful home,;, patriotic fathei, took upon himself and braved the dangers of the tented hew, '• ping-knife and tomahawk of the norlhc' 11 t until they were humbled, and P cace * 1 * our north w'estern frontier. He enjoy ed th xi dence of Washington, Adams, Jefferson anJ -,, p son, in evidence of which,see the appom |n received, and which he honored by a di>i” , ? 3 and faithful discharge of duty',until the 0 ®- Q late war with Great Britain, when, in e yl ' -:3 the people’s knowledge of his firmness an |B he is placed by them in the national counc m republic. There he commanded disinterested and patriotic vote upon 1 J question, which he fearlessly gavc,imp e j.m love of country and equal rights, and ; V f # c knowledge as expresstd by himself G* a result in his political death. P<- pI jit- p Ploughmen ! think, O think ! not 0 I , your battles, but he laid down h,s P° , oU *nl J defending your interest. Do you, can } ; greater evidence of his regard for y oU net. Meihinks I hear a general ploughmen of Georgia, “No—it is e n ° u ? j j (? & ft How-citizens, did he begin now’ to a<- I tious and aspiring politicians do, and change his coat ? No. But dclig* l ■ | prospect of peace and prosperity attt ' n f r loved country', he breathes his bentuH 1 future welfare, and retires to his pl° u £ ’ » But, fellow-citizens, when garrison L field fighting your battles, where ren? By hi- side 3 No —not he. *