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CHRONIOLE AND SENTINEL. AUGUSTA. MONDAY MORNING, AUGUST 10. FOR PRESIDENT, WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON, Os Ohio ; The invincible Hero of Tippecanoe the incor ruptible Statesman —the inflexible Republican—— the patriotic Farmer of Ohio. fob vice-president, JOHN TYLER, Os Virginia; A State Rights Republican of the school of ’9B— —of Virginia’s noblest sons, and emphatically one of America’s most sagacious, virtuous and patriot statesmen. FOR ELECTORS OF PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT, GEORGE R. GILMER, of Oglethorpe. DUNCAN L. CLINCH, of Camden. JOHN W. CAMPBELL, of Muscogee. JOEL CRAWFORD, of Hancock. CHARLES DOUGHERTY, of Clark. SEATON GRANTLAND, of Baldwin. ANDREW MILLER, cf Cass. WILLIAM EZZARD, of DeKalb. C. B. STRONG, of Bibb. JOHN WHITEHEAD, of Burke. E. WIMBERLY, of Twiggs. FOB CONGRESS, WILLIAM C. DAWSON, of Greene, R. W. HABERSHAM, of Habersham. JULIUS C. ALFORD, es Troup. EUGENIUS A. NISBET, of Bibb. LOTT WARREN, of Sumter. , THOMAS BUTLER KING, of Glynn. ROGER L. GAMBLE, of Jefferson. JAMES A. MERIWETHER, of Putnam. tHOMAS F. FOSTER, of Muscogee. (Tjr* No mail North of Richmond last night. The National Intelligencer of the sth says: We are happy that we have it in our power to relieve the anxiety of the distant friends of Mr. Habersham, by stating that he is now so much better as to be considered out of danger. Extract of a letter to the editor, dated Mobile, August 4, 1840. The Whigs have succeeded in this county and Baldwin, (on the east side of the bay,) most trium phantly, beating our opponents throughout —Re- presentatives, Sheriffs, all all. The vote was strictly a party vote, and I have strong hopes that even Alabama will be found in support of Harrison, Tyler and Reform. From the Mobile Advertiser of the 4th. Great triumph of the People ! ! ! THIRD HARRISON GUN FROM MOBILE CITY. IT WILL NOT BE THE LAST ! ! One of the most peaceable elections ever held in the city of Mobile came off' yesterday, and it affords us infinite pleasure to inform our readers that the PEOPLE have triumphed over the of fice-holders by a signal and decisive majority. We will not speak of the tremendous exertions made to defeat us; suffice it to say THE PEO PLE HAVE TRIUMPHED, and that the friends of “HARRISON, TYLER AND RE FORM” have elected their four candidates to the Legislature, and their Sheriff. Our official ma jority will be at least 100 votes. The returns ate not official, hut we presume they are in the main, correct, and will not vary either way 10 votes. From the Log Cabin Extra, of the oth. LOWNDES COUNTY. Hunter, 852 ■Campbell, 893 Hunley, 566 Robinson, 576 Autauga—Davis and Doseter, Representa tives. Coosa—Morris, Representative. Butler— Crenshaw and Romfw/Representa & tives, and Womack's majority for the Senate over 500. Macon— Fitzpatrick, Representative. Russel —One Whig Representative. g Montgomery —Hutchison and Ashurst, Rep resentatives : Barbour and Russell— Buford, elected to the Senate, which is a whig gam. The Senatorial District of Pike and Butler was last year represented by a Democrat. It is probable Womack is elected, which will be a whig gain. Whig gain in the House 1 in Lowndes, 1 in Autauga and 1 in Butler. Bibb and Shelby Whig Senator—gain. Two gained in Bibb for the House. Those in Italics are whigs. Extract of a letter to the editor, dated Baltimore, August 5, 1840. News has just reached us that in a duel between Hon. F. Thomas and W. Price of Hagarstown, Mr. Thomas was killed, and Mr. Price badly if not mortally wounded. Yours, &c. Missouri. —Two large Whig meetings were held in the city of St. Louis recently.—The edi tor of the Bulletin says : “ When we look around us, and see whole States renouncing V. Buren isna, and enrolling themselves under the Whig banner, a hope arises in our bosom that Missouri may awaken from her lethargy, and assist in res cuing the country.” Frontier Convention. —The friends of Harrison and Tyler have resolved on a Frontier Contention, to be held at Erie, Pennsylvania, on the 10th September next, to embrace delegates from the Slates of Michigan, Ohio, New York, and Pennsylvania. The Loco Focos have at last ceased to count ths seceders from their party. They now find it much shorter work to count what they have got left. — Prentice. Mr. Van Buren loves the people. — Globe. But the people don’t return his passion. Th« man is in iiOvis! From the Fayetteville Observer of the sth. North Carolina Flection. We h ave returns from live counties, among them some of the strongest Federal Torv coun ties in the State; and the result is, that we have GAINED A MEMBER OF THE LEGISLA TURE, and lost 268 votes tor Governor, as com pared with the vote for Governor in 1836, the only test vote in all the counties. The loss, it will be seen, is in Granville 473, and in Warren 36; whilst we have gained in three counties, Pitt 137, Edgecombe 101, and Franklin 3. These five counties embrace one twelfth of the entire vote of the State. As the majority of Dudley in 1836 was 4,868, we could afford to lose throughout the whole State in the same proportion, and yet elect Morehcad by a majority of 1,642 votes. But instead of losing we shall gain. The great West is Morehead’s stronghold, and not a county in the West votes until the 13th. We have not the slightest fear that More heads majority will be less than 5,000. In the last Legislature, we had a majority of 12 on joint ballot. The gain in Granville makes that majority 14, which the Federal Tories must overcome before they can re-elect Brown and Strange. FOR GOVERNOR. Morehead. Saunders. Dudley. Spaight. Granville,... 873 760.... * 977. 391 Warren, 88 705 92. 673 Pitt, (maj’y.) 109 483 518 FranKlin, 383 636 408 564 Edgecombe,. 111..... 1130 71 1191 1564 3231 1931 3330 FOR THE GENERAL ASSEMBIY. Granville County. —Senate, Johnson, Whig, by 5 maj. over Wyche, Van. Commons, R. B. Gilliam, Dr. Russel, and Maj. Roberts, all Whigs. Poll: for Senate, Johnson, 365, Wyche, 360. For Commons, Gilliam 906, Roberts 874, Rus sel 869, Hester, Van, 796, Beasley do, 698, Young do 777: 1 Whig gain. For Sheriff, Leslie Gilliam by a majority of 317 over Cook. Warren. —Weldon N. Edwards, S.; Eaton and Hawkins, C. All Vans. No change. Franklin. —John D. Hawkins, S.; Young Patteison and Thos. Howerton C. All Vans. No change. Poll: Senate, Hawkins 299, Levin Perry 108. For Commons, Patterson 689, Howerton 636, John E. Thomas, Whig, 426, George Davis, do. 154. Edgecombe. —3 Van elected. No change. Beaufort. —Win. Selby, S.; J. O'K. Williams and S. P. Allen, C. All Whigs. No change. Pitt. —Alfred Move, S.; John L. Foreman and Isaac Joiner, C. All Whigs. No change. RECAPITULATION. 10 Whigs and 9 Vans elected. Last year 9 Whigs and 10 Van. 151 to be heard from. Augusta, August 7,1840. At a meeting of the Clinch Riflemen, upon their parade ground, this day, the following preamble and resolutions were adopted: Whereas, it has pleased Almighty God to take from our midst, in the full vigor of health and use fulness, our young friend and fellow soldier, Thos. Silcox, one of the most prompt, efficient, and hon orable members of our corps, and whose loss we shall ever regret. As a citizen me equally bear testi m ony that he was social, benevolent, kind and exemplary: Be it therefore resolved, That we deeply sympa thise with the bereaved relatives and friends of the deceased, and that we wear the usual badge of mourning for the three next regular parades. Be it further resolved, That a copy of this pre no ble and resolutions be sent to the family of-the deceased, and that the same be signed by the Chairman and Secretary, and published in the ga zettes of the city. WM. M. FRAZER, Chairman. Robt. F. Hyde, Sec’y. pro. tern. Trouble Thickening. —On ooard the brig Russel, arrived on the 2d at Philadelphia, are those two lions from Morocco which the Empe ror insisted on sending to the President of the United States, and about which the consul at Tangier had such a contest with one of the Em peror’s three-tailed bashaws. Their reception is provided for, we believe, in the bill passed by Congress, else they might furnish material for another week or two of debate while the business of the people is neglected. From the Georgia Journal. Chief Justice Taney and 3lr, Tan Buren. At the April Teim, 1840, of the Circuit court of the United States, for the District of Maryland, atrial took place of an individual from the Island of Manilla, who was called Lorenzo Dow, and who had been seat by an American consul to Baltimore, charged with the crime of murdering on the high seas, Capt. W. C. Langsdin. a citi zen of Boston. No white person was on board , the vessel when the captain was murdered, but , there were three negroes whom the district attor- ' ney proposed sending to the Grand Jury as wit nesses against the prisoner. Upon the admission j of such testimony, very interesting and learned , arguments took place, both in favor of,by the pro- ; secuting attorney, and against, the admission, by *! the counsel for the prisoner. Mr. Chief Jus- ' tick Taney, an Administration man, and a . warm friend of Mr. Van Buren, delivered the opinion of the Court, which was in substance this: that had the prisoner been a white man, the testimony of the negroes was inadmissible; but inasmuch “as the person did not stand in the condition ol a Christian white person of the European race, the evidence offered by the U. States was admissible against him.” Now this is the decision of Mr. Chief Justice Taney. He, in the decision of tnis most important legal ques tion, involving in it the same principles conten ded for by Lieut. Hooe, is decidedly with that gentleman, and in opposition to Mr. Van Buren. He, Mr. Chief Justice Taney, could see some thing to condemn in the introduction of negro testimony against a white man, and that too, in a legal point of view ; but Mr. Van Buren, neith er legal y, nor morally, could see anything which required his interference. A Southern man, a Virginian by birth, must have his feelings insul ted, and his rights trampled upon, and when the President is appealed to, to do him justice, he is told by that high functionary, with a coolness displaying to the world how heartless is the man, rtrat he sees nothing in the proceedings that re quires his interference; and yet this man is said to be a friend of the South and of Southern insti tutions ! What presumption! and how insult ing to the common sense understanding of every Georgian, is such a remark when addresred to them ! A friend of {the South, indeed ! Why, his every act, involving our interests, either di rectly or indirectly, proves him to be the very reverse of such an assumption; and what is more so far from being duped by such a cry on tbe part of his partizans, the people of our State view the effort to palm him upon them as a friend to their institutions, with the most sovereign con tempt, which has been before exhibited at the polls, and which will be there again displayed. Fire of the Flint. —The following letter has been forwarded to us for publication by th: writer. It would seem that Honest Amos meets with rubs from every quarter. We comply with the request to publish, but shall soon expect to hear of Mr. Gray’s having “leave to quit.” If Amos can stand all the thrusts that are made at him, he must have a hide as thick as that of the Hippopotamus. —Columbus ( 0.) Journal. y Fair Pleasant, (Ohio,) July 15, 1840. \ To Amos Kenuau, Sir .--I re e ceivcd your address and prospectus, together with your letter and promise of reward, with such feelings as you will find described in this scrap g beneath. Think not that your promise of reward will 1 bribe me to assist you in trying to blast the fair fame of General Harrison, «<r aid you in keep ing in office that old Federalist. Martin Van 3 Buren, who once, through the “Peace Party,” at p tempted to sell us to the British, and who is now j surrounded by and keeps in office,noted Federal . ists who once said ‘that if they thought they had a r drop of Democratic blood in their veins,they would 1 open them and let it out”—and such advisers, too, as wish to reduce the poor man’s labor to a , sheep’s head and pluck a day. For such a pur . pose, you invoke Democrats to your aid !—Such are the men you wish me to assist you in keeping f in office, at $25,000 a year, $8 a day, &c. Was ; it not that you hope to be sent on a Foreign Mis sion, at SIB,OOO k a year, with outfit, you would never have resigned the Post Office Department, —and for a like reward from another quarter, you would curse the Administration which you now are supporting with such loud praise, bringing disgrace on yourself, (if that be possible,) and ruin on your country. As your Address was designed to promote pri vate interests, I therefore send it back to you, agreeably to the rules devised by yourself for the regulation of the post, offices and mails, and by the use of the franking privilege which you saught to violate for your benefit and by which you desired me to forward subscriptions to you. Yours, with due respect, GEORGE GRAY, Jr., P. M. From the Troy Daily Whig. More Changes.- —ln addition to the gallant Capt. Stockton of the U. S. Navy, and Hon Levi Beardsley of this State, we learn from tho Philadelphia Standard that, Major Eaton, Secre tary of War under General Jackson, and late American Minister at the Court of Spain; Wil liam J. Duane, son of the veteran editor of the Aurora and Secretary of the Treasury, under General Jackson ; Commodore Stewart, the con queror of the Cyane and Levant, the gallant com mander of the Constitution during the last war, and the candidate for President in 1838, of the friends of Governor Porter ; Reuben M. Whitney the able political economist and confidental friend and adviser of General Jackson; Henry Tolaud of Philadelphia, the distinguished Democrat and ardent personal and political friend of General Jackson, together with a host of others, who, though of less note, have been firm and uniform adherents of the Van Buren party, have determin ed to give their votes for General Harrison aud Reform. Shall we be told by the Federal Loco Focos, that there are no changes in favor of Har rison 1 Rather will they not soon be tempted to inquire—shall we, in a month from the present time, have a single well known Democrat among us 1 Avoid the conclusion as they may, the HAND-WRITING IS ON k THE WALL. THEIR DAY HAS COME ! From the New York Star of the -4 th. The Thunder Showers, yesterday —Tho sharp thunder storm, which suddenly gathered broke over the city yesterday morning, at half past eleven, in terrific peals and flashes, with tor rents of rain, was followed by an interregnum of some hours, when it recommenced with less fury but more copious and prolonged showers, which continued till ne..r nine in the etening. The electric fluid, which in some instances appeared to dart down into our streets in a broad living glare, and almost without any report than a sharp cracking noise, in others was accompanied with deafening thunder. The storm of the morning was severest and shortest. Some six or seven places were struck, hut, strange to say, though the progress was from the battery lengthwise through the island, inclining to the East river side there was no one killed with the exception of a child, who being struck with three others while under a tree in Love Lane, died from the effects of it. The sloop Jas. Lawrence of Sag Harbor, L. I, had her mast broken. The Boston packet Fairfield, as we noticed yesterday, had her mast badly shivered and several onboard stunned—the captain, it is said, seriously. 'The ship Elisha Dennison, foot of Clinton street, E. R. had the maintoprnast and raainmsl slightly injured. The steeple and iron fence in front of St. Paul’s are said to have been struck, the fluid passing into and ploughing up the green sward within. 'The house of Mr. Lambertson of Brooklyn, opposite, was struck. A flag staff in York, near Sands street, also in that city, was shivered to pieces. The Sun says, We learn also that a dwelling house in Brook lyn occupied by Mr. Devanport, bookkeeper for Bowen & McNarnee, corner of Beaver and Wil liam sts, was struck by lightning. The house but little injured. A black woman, who was engaged at washing, was severely shocked, but recovered without serious injury. The Express says: a Liberty pole, at Brooklyn, 220 feet high, the largest in the city, erected a shoit lime since at an expei se of S6OO, in the second ward, on the corner of York and Pearl streets, was struck by the lightning, and so badly shivered as to compel the authorities of the city to order it cut down. The lightning then pass ed into the cellar of the building at the cornei ad joining the Liberty pole, and escaped through the yard, destroying every thing in its course. A man was in the act of hitching a horses to the pole when it was struck. Tne horse was thrown dawn but not killed, the man escaped uninjured. The Canada Convicts.— The following ex tract from a letter in the Montreal Herald gives the first information we have had of the arrival of the political convicts, from Upper and Lower Canada, at their destined place of punnishraent. The Quebec Gazette, in copying the letter, inti mates the probability that the convicts would be pardoned soon after their arrival. We observe that the Lieutenant Governor of Upper Canada has mitigated the sentence of Liv ingston Palmer, lately convicted of high treason in that province. Instead of suffering death he is to be transported for life. “H. M. S. Buffalo, Hobart town, Feb. 14. We left Quebec on the 25th Sept. 1839, with 141 political prisoners, 85 from U. Canada chiefly A mericans, for Van Dieraan’s land, an J 63 from Montreal fer Sidney. Saw nothing remarkable on our passage to Rio Janeiro, where we arrived on the 30th November. After completing our water and refreshing the crew and convicts with fresh beef, sailed on the sth, and arrived here the 11th February. 1840. We have had one of the most delightful passages that could be made, as to weather—a fair wind all the way, and with the exception of a few squalls, with rain near the line, not more than a strong breeze. —The pri soners, on the whole, behaved remarkably well; owing in all probability, to the very strict guard kept on them, for the Americans came on board with a most infamous character, as a most daring and villainous set, ready to sacrifice their lives rather than be transported. We fortunately de tected a conspiracy among them in time to pre vent an unpleasant affair, they having had in agitation to rise against us. They have since been very quiet. It was reported before we left that some Americans, sympathizing with their countrymen to be sent by the Buffalo, intended fitting out two Baltimore clippers to intercept us, but we did not meet or see any thing supicious. We shall land eighly-two on Saturday morning, who will be placed in the gangs to break stones, &c., for repairing roads. The others, (French men,) we carry to Sydney ; they are all respect- ably connected, and have not given the slightest trouble. We sail, I think, about Wednesday, and hope to be clear of them all by the end of the month, and start for our ultimate destination, New Zealand, which is now more interesting than ever.” It is expected that the Nashville Convention will be attended by from 30,000 to 40,000 per sons. Thf. Truth is told sometimes through mistake. —A distinguished member of the Van Buren party, who attended the celebration of the 4th inst. was asked how he liked the oration, re plied, “that Carnan made a very good speech, but he did’nt like Ellis’s speech at all, it bore too hard on the present administration.” Mr. Car nan delivered the oration, and Mr. Ellis read the Declaration of Independence.— Vincennes, la Guz. _ Speech of Hon. Henry Clay of Kentucky, Delivered June 27, IS4O. On the occasion of a Public Dinner, given in com pliment to him, at Taylorsville, in his native county of Hanover, in the State of Virginia. The sentiment in compliment to Mr. Clay was received with long continued applause. Tha‘ gen tleman rose and addressed the company substan tially as follows : I think, friends, and fellow-citizens, that, avail ing myself of the privilege of my long service in the public councils, just adverted to, the resolution which I have adopted, is not unreasonable of leav ing to younger men, generally, the performance of the duty, and the enjoyment of the pleasure, of addressing the People in their primary assemblies. After the event which occurred last winter at the Capitol of Pennsylvania, I believed it due to my self, to the Whig cause, and to the country, to an nounce to the public, with perfect truth and sin cerity, and without any reserve, my fixed deter mination heartily to support the nomination of William Henri Harrison there made. To put down all misrepresentations, I have, on suitable occca sions, repeated this annunciation ; and now declare my solemn conviction that the purity and security of our free institutions and the prosperity of the country, imperatively demand the election of that citizen to the office of Chief Magistrate of the U. States. But this occasion forms an exception from the rule which 1 have prescribed to myself. I have come here to the county of my nativity in the spi rit of a pilgrim, to meet, perhaps for the last time, the companions and the descendants of the com panions of my youth. Wherever we roam, in whatever climate or land we are cast by the acci dents of human life, beyond the mountains or be yond the ocean, in the legislative halls of the Capi tol, or in the retreats and shades of private life,oui hearts turn with an irresistible instinct to the cher ished spot which ushered us into existence. And we dwell with delightful associations on the recol lection of the streams in which, during our boyish days, we bathed, the fountains at which we drank, the piney fields, the hills and the valley's where we sported, and the friends who shared these en joy'ments with us. Alas ! too many of these friends of mine have gone whither we must all shortly go, and the presence here of the small rem nant left behind attests both our loss and our early attachment. I would greatly prefer, my friends, to employ the time which this visit affords in friend ly and familiar conversation on the virtues of our departed companions, and on the scenes and ad venture of our younger days ; but the expectation which prevails, the awful state of our beloved country, and the opportunities which I have en joyed in its public councils, impose on me the ob ligation of touching on topics less congenial with the feelings of my heart, but possessing higher pub lic interest. I assure you, fellow-citizens, how ever, that I present myself before you for no pur pose of exciting prejudices, or inflaming passions, but to speak to you in all soberness and truth, and to testify to the things which 1 know, or the con victions which I entertain, as an ancient friend, who has lived long, and whose career is rapidly drawing to a close. Throughout an' arduous life, I have endeavored 10 make truth and the good of our country the guides of my public conduct; but in Hanover county, ior which I cherish sentiments of respect, gratitude, and veneration, above all other places, would I avoid saying any thing that I did not sincerely and truly believe. Why is the plough deserted, the tools of the me chanic laid aside, and all are s en rushing to gath erings of the people ? What occasions those vast and unusual assemblages which we behold in every State, and in almost every neighborhood I* Why those conventions of the pceple, at a common cen tre, from all the extremities of this vast Union, to consult together upon the su rerings of the commu nity, and to deliberate on the means of deliverance? Why this rabid appetite for public discussions f What is the solution of that phenomenon, which we ooserve, of a great nation agitated upon its whole surface, and at its lowest uepths, like the ocean when convulsed by some terrible storm ? There must be a cause, and no ordinary cause. It has been truly said, in the most memoralde document that ever issued from the pen of man, that “all experience hath shown that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sulier able, than to right themselves by' abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed.” The recent history of our people furnishes confirmation of that truth. They are active, enterprising, and intelli gent ; but are aot prone to make groundless com plaints against public servants. If we now every where behold them in motion, it is because they feel that the grievances under which they are writhing can be no longer tolerated. They feel the absolute necessity of a change, that no change can render their condition worse, and that any change must better it. This is the judgement to which they have come; this the brief and com pendious logic which w r e daily' hear. They know that, in all the dispensations of Providence, they have reason to be thankful ; and if they had not, they' would be borne with fortitude and resignation. But there is a pervading conviction and persuasion that, in the administration of Government, there has been something wrong, radically wrong, and that the vessel of State has been in the bauds of selfish, faithless, and unskilful pilots, who have conducted it amidst the breakers. In my deliberate opinion, the present distressed and distracted state of the country may be traced to the single cause of the action, the encroach ments and the usurpations of the Executive branch of the Government. I have not time here to ex hibit and to dwell upon all the instances of these, as they have occurred in succession, during the last twelve y'ears. They have been again and again exposed on other more fit occasions. But I have thought this a proper opportunity to point out the enormity' of the pretensions, principles, and practices of that Department, as they have been, from time to time, disclosed, in these late years, and to show the rapid progress which has Leen made in the fulfilment ol the remarkable language of our illustrious countryman, that the Federal Executive had an awful squinting towards monarchy. Here, in the county of his birth, surrounded by sons, some of whose sires with him were the first to raise their arms in defence of American liberty against a foreign monarch. And may 1 not with out presumption, indulge the hope that the warn ing voice of another, although far humbler, son of Hanover may not pass unheeded ? The late President of the United States advan ced certain new and alarming pretensions for the Executive Department of the Government, the effect of which, if established and recognized by' the People,must inevitably convert it into a mon archy. The first of these, and it was a favorite principle with him, was, that the Executive De partment should be regarded as a unit. By this principle of unity, he meant and intended that all the Executive officers of Government should be hound to obey' the commands and execute the or ders of the President of the United States, and that they should be amenable to him and he be responsible for them. Prior to his Administra tion, it had been considered that they were bound to k observe and obey the Constitution and laws, sub ject only to the general superintendence of the President, and responsible uy impeachment and to the tribunals of justice for injuries inflicted on pri vate citizens. But the annunciation of this new and extraor dinary principle was not of itself sufficient for the purpose of President Jackson ; it was essential that the subjection to his will which was its ob ject, should be secured by some adequate sanc tion. That he sought to effect by an extension of another principle, that of dismission from affice, beyond all precedent and to cases and under cir cumstances which would have furnished just grounds of his impeachment, according to the so letnn opinion of Mr. Madison and other members of the iirst Congress order the present Constitu- Now if the whole official corps, subordinate to ’ the President of the United States, are made to > know and to feel that they hold their rcspecti v c offi ces by the tenure of conformity andobedience to his will, it is manifest that they must look to that will i and not to the Consitution and laws, as the guide of their official conduct. The weakness ot hu man nature, the love and emoluments ol office, per haps the bread necessary to the support of their families, would make this result absolutely cer i lain, i The development of this new character to the 3 power of dismission would have fallen short ot the I aims in view, without the exercise of it weic held to be a prerogative, lor which the President was ’ to be wholly responsible. If he were compelled ■* to expose the grounds and reasons upon which he " acted, in dismissals from office; the apprehensions B of public censure would temper the arbitrary na ! ture of the power and throw some power and pro tection around the subordinate officer. Hence the new and monstrous pretension has been advanced , thai although the concurrency of the Senate is ne cessarry by the Constitution to the confirmation of an appointment, the President may subsequent ly dismiss the person appointed not only without e communicating the grounds on which he has acted to the Senate, but without any such coramunica s tion to the People themselves, for whose benefit - all offices are created! And so bold and daring - has the Executive branch of the Government be come, that one of its Cabinet Ministers, himself a - subordinate officer, lias contemptuously refused to i members ol the House of Representatives to dis i close the grounds on which he has undertaken to • dismiss from office persons acting as deputy post s masters in his Department. f As to the gratuitous assumption, by President . Jackson, of responsibility for all the subordinate ' Executive officers; it is the merest mockery that • was ever put forth. They will escape punishment • by pleading his orders, and he by alledging the ’ hardship of being punished, not for his own acts, ; but for theirs. We have a practical exposition of his principle in the case of the 200,0W0 militia. 1 The Secretary of War comes out to screen the Pres ident, by testifying that he never saw what he re -1 commended ; and tiie President reciprocates that r favor by retaining the Secreatry in place, notwith standing he has proposed a plan for organizing the militia which is acknowledged to be unconsti ■ tutional. If the President is not to be held re sponsible for a cabinet minister, in daily inter : course with him, how is he to be rendered so foi a receiver at Wisconsin or Iowa? To concentrate all responsibiliy in the President, is to annihilate all responsibility. For who ever expects to see the day arrive when a President of the United States will be impeached ; or, if impeached, when he cannot command more than one third of the Senate to defeat the impeachment ? Rut to construct the scheme of practical despo tism, whilst all the forms of Iree Government re mained, it was necessary to take one further step. By the Constitution, the President is enjoined to take care that the laws be executed. This injunc tion was merely intended to impose on him the du ty of a general superintendence ; to see that offi ces were filled,officers at their respective posts in the discharge of their official functions, and all obstructions to the enforcement of the laws were removed, and, when necessary for that purpose, to call out the militia. No one every imagined, prior to the Administration of President Jackson, that a President of the United States was to occu py himself with supervising and attending to the execution of all the minute details of every one of the host of offices in the U. Mates. Under the constitutional injunction just mention ed, the late President put forward the most extra ordinary pretension that the Cons’.itution and laws of the United States were to be executed, as he understood them; and this pretension was attempt ed to be sustained by an argument equally extra ordinary, that the President, being a sworn officer, must carry them into effect according to his sense ;of their meaning. The Constitution and laws were to be executed, not according to their import as handed down to us by our ancestors,as interpreted by contemporaneous expositions, expounded by concurrent judicial decisions, as fixed by an unin terrupted course of Congressional legislation, but in that sense which a President of the U. States happened to understand them ! To complete this Executive usurpation, one fur ther object remained. By the Constitution, the command of the Army and Navy is conferred on the President. If he could unite the purse to the sword, nothing would be left to gratify the insa tiable thirst for power. In 1533 the President seized the Treasury of the United States, and from that dty to this it has continued substantially un der his control. The seizure was effected by the removal of one Secretary of the Treasury, under stood to he opposed to the measure, and by the dimissal of another, who refused to violate the law of the land upon the orders of the President. It is, indeed, said that not a dollar in the Treas ury can nc touched without a previous appropria tion by law, nor drawn out of the Treasury with out the concurrence and signatures of the Secreta ry and Treasurer, the Register and the Comptroll er. But are not all these pretended securities idle and unavailing forms? We have seen that, by the operation of the irresponsible power of dis mission, all those officers are reduced to mere au tomata, absolutely subjected to the will of the President. What resistance would any of them make, with the penalty of dismission suspended over their heads, to any orders of the President to pour out the treasure of the United States, wheth er an act of appropnaton existed or not ? Do not mock us with the vain assurance of the honor and probity of a President, nor remind us of the confi dence which we ought to repose in his imagined virtues. The pervading principle of our system of government —of all free governments —is not mere ly the possibility, but the absolute certainty of infidelity and treachery, with even the highest functionary of the state; and hence all the res trictions, securities and guaranties, which the wis dom of our ancestors, or the sad experience of history had inculcated, have been devised and thrown around the Chief Magistrate. Here, friends and fellow-citizens, let us pause and contemplate this stupendous structure of Ex ecutive machinery and despotism, which has been reared in our young Republic. The Executive branch of the Government is a unit; throughout all its arteries and veins, there is to be but one heart, one head, one will. The number of the subordinate Executive officers and dependents in the United States has been estimated in an official report, founded on public documents, made by a Senator from South Carolina, (Mr. Calhoun,) at one hundred thousand. Whatever it may be, all of them, wherever they are situated, are bound implicitly to obey the orders of the President. And absolute obedience to his will is secured and enforced by the power of dismissing them at bis pleasure, from their respective places. To make this terrible power of dismission more certain and efficacious, its exercise is covered up in mysterious secrecy, without exposure, without the smallest responsibility. The Constitution and laws of the United States are to be executed in the sense in which the President understands them, although that sense may be at variance with the under standing of every other man in the United States. It follows, as a necessary consequence from the principle deduced by the President, from the con stitutional injunction, as to the execution of the laws, that, if an act of Congress, be passed, in his opinion, contrary to the Constitution, or if a de cision be pronounced by the courts, in his opinion, contrary to the Constitution or the laws, that act, or that decision, the President is not obliged to cn lorce, and he could not it to be enfored, with out a violation, as is pretended, of his official oath. Candor, requires the admission, that the principle has not yet been pushed in practice to these cases, but it manifestly comprehends them; and who doubts, that, if tne spirit of usurpation is not ar rested and rebuked, they will be finally reached ? The march of power is ever onward. As times and seasons admonish, it openly and boldly, in broad day, makes its progress ; or, if alarm be ex cited by the enormity of its pretensions, it silentlv, in the dark of the night, steals its devious way. It now storms and mounts the ramparts of the fort ress of liberty; it now saps and undermines its foundations. Finally, the command of the army and navy being already in the President, and hav ing acquired a perfect control over the Treasury of the United Stated, he has consummated that fright ful union of purse and sword, so long, so much, so earnestly deprecated by all true lovers of civil lib erty. And our present Chief Magistrate stands solemnly and voluntarily pledged, in the face of the whole world, to follow in the footsteps, and carry out the measures and the principles of his illustrious predecessor. The sura of the whole is, that there is but one power, one control, one will in the concentrated in the President, lie ffiior-1* Ali « and commands the whole machinery o/ti r<ler h Through the official agencies, out the land, and absolutely subjected t ■ rou gh he executes, according to his pleasure ' Vlll > the whole power of the Commonwealth been absorbed and engrossed by hirn > W sole will predominates in, and animates .a ori « of this vast community. If this be not 16 despotism, I am incapable of conceiving practi ' al it. Names are nothing. The existence istence of arbitrary government does n°t DUn * tx ' upon the title or denomination bestow a chief of the State, hut upon the quantr ° n power which he possesses and wields 'p l °f the sultan, emperor, dictator, king, doge ' are all mere names, in which the pow P res ively possessed by them is not to be W to be looked for in the Constitution, or tv !Ut lished usages and practices of the sever i which they govern and control. If p.* 1 s te s of Russ.a were called President of ali the the actual power remaining unchanged Vi, ity under his new denomination, would JI ! IOr * undiminished; and if the President of th States were to receive the title of Autocm r United Stales, the amount of his authorit ■ ° not be increased without an alteration of stituiion. l,lt Ccn- ® Gen. Jackson was ahold and fearless rea rying a wide row, but he did not gather harvest; he left some gleanings to his fait] f cessor, and he resolved to sweep clean the* fi > power The duty of inculcating on the corps the active exertion of their personal rial influence was left by him to be enfw u Mr. Van Buren, in all popular elections * p y not sufficient that this obedience was coerew the tremendous power of dismission. j t so ° d V came apparent that the official corps was bo m plicitly to obey the will of the President, if * not sufficient that this corps might be benelruf employed to promote, in other matters tim? business of theirotlices; the views and inters - the President and his party. They are l' r efficient than any standing army of equal numb!* A standing army would be separated, and standS from the people ; and being always in corps or ' detachments, could exert no influence in Don> ,m elections. But the official corps is dispel throughout the country, in every town, village ant city, mixing with the people, attending their vm ings and conventions, becoming chairmen a t members of committees, and urging and stimuh ting purtizans to active and vigorous exertion" Acting in concert, and throughout the whole b' n " ion, obeying orders issued from the centre th ■ influence aided by Executive patronage, by V* Post Office Department, and ali the vast othf means of the Executive, is almost irresistible * r To correct this procedure, and to restrain th subordinates of the Executive from ali interir. ence with popular elections, my colleague M* r " Crittenden,) now present, introduced a bill in\he Senate. He had the weight of Mr. Jeflersoirs opinion, who issued a circular to restrain federal officers from intermeddling in popular elections j He had before him the British example, according to which place men and pensioners were not only forbidden to interfere, but were not, some of them. ! even allowed to vote at popular elections. Ba; 1 his bill left them free to exercise the elective franchise, prohibiting only the use of their official influence. And how was this bill received in tie Senate? Passed by those who profess to admire the character and to pursue the principles ofl Jefferson ? No such thing, it was denounced as a sedition hill; and the just odium of that sedition bil , which was intended to protect office-holders 1 against the people, was successfully used to defeat a measure of protection of the people asramst • the office-holders ! Not only were they left an- ! restrained, but they were urged and stimulated by ■ an offi ial report to employ their influence in be half of the administration at the elections of the I heople. Hitherto, the Army and the Navy have remained ' unaffected by the power of dismission, and they have not been called into the political service of the Execu ivc. But no attentive observer of the prin ciples and proceedings of the men in power could fail to see that the day was not distant when they, too, would be required to perform the partisan offi ces of the President. Accordingly, the pieces-of converting them in*o Executive’instruments.has commenced in a Court Martial assembled at Balti- ( more. Two officers of the Army of the U. States have been there putj[ upon their solemn trial m the charge of prejudicing the Democratic party.hy making purchases for the supply of the Army from members of the Whig party! It is not pretendd , that the United Mates were prejudiced by those [ purchases; on the contrary, it was, I believe, e>- I tablished that they were cheaper than could have been made from the supporters of the administra- ; tion. But the charge was, that to purchase at a!! | from the opponents, ins’ead of the friends of the I administration, wa< an injury to the Democratic | party, which required that the ufler.ders should he I put upon their trial before a court martial! And \ this trial was commenced at the instance of acom mittec of a Democratic Convention, and conducted I and prosecuted by them! The scandalous specta cle is presented to an enlightened world, of the Chief Magistrate of a great people executing the orders of a self-created power, organized within I the bosom of the State, and, uponsu<ban accasa- 5 lion, arraigning, before a military tribunal,gallant j men, who are charged with the defence of the hon or and the interest of their country, and withbear ing its eagles in the presence of an enemy! But the Army and Navy are too small, and in I composition are too patriotic to subserve all the purposes of this administration. Hence the recent proposition of the Secretary of War, strongly re- ’ commended hy the President, under color of anew organization of the militia, to create a standing . force of 200,000 men, an amount which no con- t ccivable foreign exigency can ever make necessary. I It is not my purpose now to enter upon an exami- I nation of that alarming and most dangerous plan I of the Executive Department of the General Go- j vernment. It has justly excited a burst of general I indignation; and no where has the disapprobation of it been more emphatically expressed than in this ancient and venerable Commonwealth. The monstrous project may be described in a few words. It proposes to create the force bybreaking down Mason and Dixoirs line, expunging the boundaries of States, meltingthem up into a efflu ent mass, to be subsequently cut up in’o ten milita ry-parts, alienates the militia from its natural as sociation, withdraws it from the authority command and sympathy of its constitutional off ccrs, appointed hy the States, puts it under tie command of the President, authorizes him to cause it to be trained, in palpable violation of the Con stitution, and subjects it to be called out from re mote and distant places, at his pleasure.and on oc casions not warranted by the Constitution! . Indefensible as this project is, fellaw citizens,® not be deceived by supposing that it has been ® will be abandoned. It is a principle of those w ■ are now in power that an election or a. re-election of the President implies the sanction ot the peo? to all the measures which he had proposes 0 public affairs, prior to that event. We have sew this principle applied on various occasion?. e Mr. Van Buren be re-elected in November W*. and it will be claimed that the people have the by approved of this plan of the Secretary oi « * All entertain the opinion that it is important: train the militia and render it effective; aadri' be insisted, in the contingency mentioned, th* people have demonstrated that they appr°' e f that specific plan. There is more reason to bend such a consequence from the fact that a c mittceof the Senate, to which this subject vas * ferred, instead of denouncing the scheme as urm ‘ stitutional, and dangerous to liberty, Pf eS , ioD labored apologetic report, and the AdmimstD majority in that body ordered twenty tbemsam 1 pies of the apology to be printed for ci rc f a among the people. I take pleasure in testuj that one Administration Senator had the man ; ; eC t dependence to denounce, in hie place, the P r 1 as unconstitutional. That Senator was from) own State. [concluded tq-morrow.]^^^^ JOHN R. STANFORD, ATTORNEY AT LAW, jy 17] CiarkesvffiD^-- B. H. OVERBY, ATTORNEY AT LAW, feb 25 Jefferson, Jackson county^f^ OCT Dr - J - J • WILSON has removed for tjj Summer to the house of James Gardner, door below the Academy. <XTW. G. NIMMO, General Commission * jjj chant, office on Mclntosh street, next dooi Constitutionalist. 11