Daily chronicle & sentinel. (Augusta, Ga.) 1837-1876, August 21, 1840, Image 2

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    CHRONICLE AM) SKVn.NEL
aT:g us ta •
FRIDAY MORNING, AUGUST 21.
FOP- PRESIDENT,
WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON,
Os Oh io ;
The invincible Hero of Tippecanoe—the incor
ruptible Statesman —the inflexible Republican
the patriotic Farmer of (>llio
for vice-president,
JOHN T V L E R ,
Os Virginia;
A State Rights Republican of the school of ’9S—
one of Virginia’s noblest sons, and emphatically
one of America’s most sagacious, virtuous and
patriot statesmen.
FOR ELECTORS OP PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT,
GEORGE R. GILMER, of Oglethorpe.
DUNCAN L. CLINCH, of Camden.
JOHN W. CAMPBELL, of Muscogee.;
JOEL CRAWFORD, of Hancock.
CHARLES DOUGHERTY, of Clark.
SEATON GRANTLAND, of Baldwin.
ANDREW MILLER, of Cass.
WILLIAM EZZARD, es DcK'alb.
C. B. STRONG, of Bibb.
JOHN WHITEHEAD, of Burke.
E. WIMBERLY, cf Twiggs.
FOR CONGRESS,
WILLIAM C. DAWSON, of Greene.
R. W. HABERSHAM, of Habersham.
JULIUS C. ALFORD, of Troup.
EUGENI US A. NISBET, of Bibb.
LOTT WARREN, of Sumter.
THOMAS BUTLER KING, of Glynn.
ROGER L. GAMBLE, of Jefferson.
JAMES A. MERIWETHER, of Putnam.
THOMAS F. FOSTER, of Muscogee.
North Carolina Elections.
We are in possession of returns from 4/ coun
ties, which give Mcrehead (Whig) a majority of
3,180, which will be largely increased from the re
maining counties. The Whig majority in the Le
gislature, says a slip fiom the Wilmington Adver
tiser, will be 29 on joint ballot; last year we had
10. This secures two Whig Senators from the
state in Congress.
The Hon. J. A. Bynum, mem cr of Congress
from North Carolina, passed through this city yes
terday, and expressed to us the opinion that North
Carolina would go for Harrison.
The Elections.
Our relurns from the states of Kentucky, Indi
ana and Illinois are no later mam we nan yester
day. The returns from the latter are very contra
dictory, and we content ourself with copying the
remarks of the National Intelligencer,
Illinois.
About half the counties in this slate have been
heard from; but we canrut make cut what the ex
tent of the Whig gain is. It is uot so great as in
Kentucky and Indiana, but may be sufficient to
change the political character of the State Legis
lature.
Missouri.
From the indications afforded by the St. Louis
papers of the 7th instant, we have reason to be
lieve that the Socofocos have succeeded in electing
their Governor an I a majority in both branches of
the Legislature.
We do not know that any body expected a dif
ferent result in this State.
Practice vs. Profession.
Corporal Mum entertained his readers in yester- i
day’s Constitutionalist, witu a long article upon
the character of the canvass now waging for the j
Presidency. The Corporal on this occasion seems jj
to have plumed himself upon the laurels he has |
won in many a hard fought battle, and held forth ?
after the following manner : ,
“ The manner that the present political contest
has been so far carried on, is unexampled in the
annals of this-country. It has been marked by |
every thing that is reprehensible, and even dishon
orable. The people of this country have beheidjin
the canvass, of the claims of the two candidates for )
the Presidency, a total abandonment of truth and
well ostahlisl ed facts, and a resort to the most
shameful and scandalous prevarication and misre
presentations.”
Imagine, gentle reader, the Corporal, after hav
ing written this sentence, reclining in his arm
chair and thinking to himself, verily this thing
may be applied to myself, but never mind, I’ll jus
tify my course by saying ihe Whigs do the same
thing, therefore 1 must, and we opine you will
have a very just conception of a scene which actu
ally occurred in the Corporal’s sanctum. We
once heard of an editer, who, on being called on
by* a subsciibor to know why he had published an
article which inferred a falsehood, and having no
other justification for Jus course, for he kad always
set up considerable claims to the dignity and man
ly bearing of his sheet, he exclaimed, in a furious
tone, “by gar, sir, the opposition papers do publish
lies, and I will publish lies toe,” and we sometimes
think, from the Corporal’s professions and practice,
he may have fallen on a similar resolve. For he
certainly talked very handsomely, aye, discoursed
“ elegantly ,” yesterday, about “ dignity ,” “reputa
tion,” &c.; so much so, that one unaccustomed to
the Corporal’s professions and practices, would sup
pose him Truth personified. But, unfortunately
for this handsome talk, and these extraordinary
rofessions of a high regard for truth and decency,
of which the Corporal boasts so much and exhi
bits so little, he had the unblushing effrontery to
copy an article from the New York Sun, and say
that it was from a “moderate whig” paper, in
which an attempt is made to bolster up the politi
cal reputation oi that federalist and abolitionist,
Wil iam C. Bryant, who edits the New York Eve
ning Post. “A moderate whig paper!” Verily
this wiR-astonish the natives of New York to hear
the Sun called a moderate whig paper, when it is
# notorious that while it assume, the false garb of
neutrality, it has cunningly and disingenuously
aided the locofoco party, in such manner as to call
forth the denunciations of the whig press
General Howard re-igned his scat in Congress
to serve Van Buren as Governor of Indiana. He
is defeated by Bigger. Hannegan was a Receiv
er of Public monies, and resigned to succeed
* Howard m Congress. He is defeated by Lane,
8o we fcave two office holders now in the walks
of private life.
The Sedition Law.
The Locofoco organs and partizans have rung so
many changes upon f dera i m and th' a '.ministra
tion of the elder John Adams, that the unsuspect
ing might probably be induced to believe that they
held no principles in common with that adminis
tration and its adherents. We readily admit that
the locofoco party are always ready at professions
of principles, and if they could prevent the curtain
from being withdrawn from before their acts, wg
might be induced to believe they were what they
profess to be. This, however, fortunately for our
insti utions, they cannot accomplish, and their acts
are frequently unveiled, which exhibits them to
an indignant peoph , steeped in federalism, whi.e
they are uttering anathemas against federalists and
federal doctiines. 1 his is not mere assertion, it is
sustained by unquestionable evidence. They ad
mit and charge the elder Adams and his adminis
tration as being federal —this no man controverts.
One of the acts of that administration was the Se
dition Law, which was then regarded as a most
dangerous infraction of the princip'es of our go
vernment, and for the avowal of these principles,
that administration was condemned by r the Ameri -
can people. Mr. Van Guren, while professing the
purest principles of democracy, has so far trampled
upon those piinciples, as to recommend the organi
zation of a standing army to the last Congress. —
By this plan, which was submitted by Mr. Poin
sett, and endorsed by Mr. Van Buren in the strong
est terms, 100,000 ot the freemen of this country
were to be subjects! to the rules and regulations
of the regular soldiers of this country. What, ask
the indignant free born son of an American sire,
are these rules and regulations! We will show
you. We give you below several sections of tiie
articles of war, that you may’ see to what ignominy
Mr. Van Buren was disposed to subject the free
men of this country; and, side by r side, we publish
also the second section of the sedition law, that
you may read the provisions of that law, which
was the test question of the federalism of the el
der Adams, and compare its provisions with the
articles of war. to which Mr. Van Buren recom
mended you should be subjected.
Georgians, read these things, and ask yourselves
which savors strongest of federalism. Say which
seems most like a disposition to concentrate all
power in the President of the United States —the
sedition law of John Adams, or Martin Van Bti
ren’s army bill. Here arc, side by' side, the very
quintescence of federalism, and we leave it to
every reflecting man to say r which is the most
odious.
John Adams was honest—he shunned not the
name of federalist; but Martin Van Buren, while
he professes to be a republican, and would thereby
lull you into a false and dangerous security, is en
deavoring to fasten upon the country' a bill more
odious than did ever John Adams. And yet there
are those who have the hardihood to assert that
Martin Van Buren is a republican.
We give below, in parallel columns, quotations
from the rules and articles of Avar, to which it is
proposed to subject 200,000 militia men according
to Mr. Poinsett’s plan, which President Van Buren
told Congress he‘could not too highly recommend,’
and also the 2d section of the Sedition law.—
Which is the worst?
Extract from the articles )
of war which are to go- Extract from the Sedi
vern the militia under tion Law, approved by :
President Van Suren's President John Adams,
new plan for orgaaiz- July 14 th, 1798.
ing them. Sec. 2. And be it fur
“ Art. 5. Any officer or ther enacted , That if any
soldier who shr 11 use con- person shall write, print,
temptuous or disrespect- utter or publish, or shall
ful words against the Pre- cause or procure to be
sident of the U. States, written, printed, uttered,
against the Vice President or published, or shall
thereof, against the Con- knowingly and willingly
gross, or any of the U. assist or aid in writing,
States in which they may printing, uttering orpub
be quartered, if a commis- lishing any false, scandal
sioned officer, shall be ous and malicious writing
cashiered or punished, as or writings against the 1
a court martial shall di- Government of the Uni- I
root, if a non-commis-cd States, or either House =
sioned officer or soldier, of Congress of the U. i
he shall suffer such pun- States, or the President of <
ishment as shall be in- the United States, with
Aided on him by the sen-the intent to defame the ,
tence of a court martial, said Government,or either ,
“Art. 6. Any officer or House of tne said Con- j
j soldier who shall behave gress. President, or bring
I himself with contempt or them into contempt or
j disrespect towards lus disrepute, or to excite a
commanding officer, shall gainst them the hatred of .
be uunished according to the good people of the U.
j the nature of his offence States, or to stir up sedi-
I by the judgment of a tioa within the U. States,
‘court martial. or to excite any unlawful
| “Art. 7. Any officer or combinations therein, for
; soldier who shall begin, opposing or resisting any'
* excite, cause, or join in law cf the United States,
, any mutiny or sedition, or any act of the Prcsi
in any troop or company dent of the United States ,
in the service of the U. done in pursuance of any
States, or in any party, such law, or of the power
post,detachment or guard, in him vested by the
shall suffer death, or such Constitution of the United
other punishment as by a States,or to resist,oppose
court martial shall be in- or defeat any such law or *
flicted. act, or to aid, encourage. <
“Art. 8. Any officer, or abet any’hostile designs ;
non-commissioned officei of any foreign nation a- ]
or soldier, who,beingprc-igaiEst the U. States.their |
sent at any mutiny or se-people, cr Government,
. dition, does not use t his then such person, being *
utmost endeavors to sup- thereof convicted before ;
press the same,or coming any court of the United
to the knowledge of any "Rates having jurisdiction 1
intended mutiny,does not thereof, shall De punished <
without delay, give in- iy line not exceeding >
formation thereof to hi" -5210, and of imprison- |
commanding officers,shall mont not exceeding two
be punished by the sen-years.”
tence of a court martial)
with death or otherwise, 1
according to the nature 1
of the oifence. (
“Art. 9. Any officer or
soldier who shall strike ,
his superior officer, or
draw or lift up any’ wea-i
pon, or offer any violence
against him. being in the 1
execution of Ins office, on 1
any pretence whatever,
or shall disobey any law
ful command of his supe- ,
rior officer, shall suffer
death or such punishment
is shall, according to the
nature of his offence, be
inflicted upon him by the
sentence of a court mar
tial.”
New York State Convention,
Correspondence of the Albany Evening Journal-
Utica, August 12, 1840.
This has been the proudest—brightest day of my
life ? Never —no never, have I before seen the
People in their majesty 1 Never were the founda
tions of popular sentiment so broken up ! The
scene, from early dawn to sunset has been one of
ucontinued, nceasing bewildering enthusiasm. The
hearts of twenty-five thousand freemen have been
overflowing with gratitude, and gladness, and joy.
It ha" been s day r ot Jubilee—-an era of deliverance
for Central New York. The People in waves, have
poured in from the valleys, and rushed in torrents
down from the mountains. The city has been
vocal with eloquence, with music, and wit accla
mation". Demonstrations of strength, and em
blems of victory, and harbingers of prosperity are
all around us, cheering and animating, a*.d assurin ’
a Peopie who arc finally and effectually aiousea. 3
cotnow attempt to describe the procession
of tnc 1 tuple. Suffice it to say, that t. cue was an
ocean of them. The procession was move thnn/uc
miles I eng ! Speeches were made by t’;e Uoa.
N T . P. Talmadge,the Hon. Mr. Stanley,of N. Caro
lina, Hiram Ketchiim, E c q of New York, Nlfred
Kelly, Esq., of Ohio, a son of Daniel Webster,
of Illinois, and the Hon. Mr. Southard, of New Jer
sey. Tippecanoe Songs were sung by Mr. lloxie,
of New York, and Mr. Covert, of Albany.
The State Convention assembled at S o’clock
this morning. I h ive only time to give yon result.'.
Peter R. Livingston presided. Gov. Srward, and
Lt. Gov. Bradish were unanimously nominated by
resolution, for re-election. This result was com
municated, by the President of the Convention,
prefjeedby a few tnrilling remarks, to the People
assembled in mass in Chancery Square, whose
response to the nomination was spontaneous, loud,
deep and resounding.
The Hon. James Burt , of Orange, a venerable
Soldier, Statesman and Patriot, who was a Jeffer
sonian Elector of President in 1800, anil General
Peter B. Porter , of Erie, who fought with a Lion s
heart and courage a: Chippewa and Fort Erie,
were nominated by acclamation for Senatorial Elec
tors.
From the Charleston Courier of Yesterday.
Dreadful News from Florida.
Indian Key Destroyed, and the inhabitants
Butchered by the Indians ! !
The intelligence of this most disastrous occur
rence was brought to this port, by Capt. Kenyon,
of the schr. Victoria , arrived at Quarantine
yesterday, from Key West. He states that a
wrecking vessel arrived at Key West, from In
dian Key, 7lh hist, with a few of the survivors,
who stated that a number of Indians in their
canoes, attacked Indian Key, on the night ol the
sth inst. and after murdering part of the inhabi
tants, and filling their canoes with plunder,
burnt the whole settlement, consisting ot about
30 houses, dwellings and stores. The Indians
remained until noon on the following day, when
they left for the main. The survivors were con
cealed during this time under a wharf, and left
immediately after the Indians departed for Key
West. Our informant not having conversed with
any of the survivors, is unable to give us a more
detailed account. It was stated at Key West,
that some two or three of the inhabitants of In
dian Key had made their escape in one of the
Indian canoes, and arrived at Tea Table Key, in
the immediate vicinity.
The following letter from our attentive corres
pondent at Key West, gives some additional par
ticulars of this horrible massacre :
Key West, August, 1840.
Dear Sirs—We were alarmed on the morning
of the Bth inst.. by the arrival here of a great,
part of the inhabitants of Key Vacas. They had
left their homes in consequence of the arrival of
a small boat, with some negroes from Indian
Key, on the morning of the 7th, who reported
that a number of Indians had landed on Indian
Key, immediately after the moon had gone down;
they think from 100 to 150 in number, that
morning, and had murdered all of its inhabitants,
and burnt their houses. A party from this, im
mediately went on board of the wrecking sloop
Yevilia, and started. They had not proceeded
many miles, when they encountered the wreck
ing schooner Gen, Washington, direct from In
dian Key, whose captain informed them that it
was unnecessary for them to proceed further, as
all the houses, except one, owned and occupied
by Mr. Charles Havre, Inspector of Customs,
wore destroyed—and that the Indians had left
the Island about 10 o’clock, A. M., of the 7th,
taking away all that they wanted, in the boats
belonging to the Key.
It appears, so soon as the alarm was given by
the yells of the Indians, Mr. Houseman and wife,
and Mr. Howe, wife, and live children, were
successful in making their escape, and went to
Tea-Table Key, which is about one mile and a
half. Dr. Petrine, and wife, u.id three children,
remained in their house for a short time, when
the Doctor went to the Cuoalo and spoke to the
Indians in Spanish—but it is supposed they then
shot him, for he was not again seen. His lady,
with her two daughters and son, retreated to the
Turtle Crawl, near the house, watched th'ir op
portunity, and while the Indians were plunder
ing, started in a boat for an old hulk, lying about
two hundred yards from the Key, where they re
mained until day light, when they were taken a
way by a boat from Tea Tabic Key. Mr. John
Motte, master of the wrecking sloop Key West,
with his wife, two children, and his mother, rc-*
tired, for tne purpose of secreting them ii. the
privy ; but poor unfortunate people, they were
soon dragged out, and Mr. Motte and wife were
shot—the mother escaping to the water, by which
site was saved—they then dashed out the brains
.of the two infants against the rocks, and left
them with the corpses of the j arents. As the
house of Dr. P. was burnt, his body must have
been consumed in it. A lad, aged about 12
years, brother of Mrs. E. Smith, hid himself in
the cistern of Mr. Houseman’s house—with a
carpenter named Blocks—the latter was saved,
but much burnt; the lad perished in the flames.
The only other person on the Key, at the time of
the attack, hurt, was Mr. Otis, a carpenter—he
was wounded by a rifle ball, which has been ex
tracted, and he is doing well. At Tea Table
Key, a U. S, post, about one mile and a half from
Indian Key, there were about 12 invalids, in
charge of a Doctor of the U. S. A. The rest of
the detachment of Marines, under command of
Lieut. Sloane, had left about 48 hours before, in
the U. S. schr. Wave, fur Cape Romano, to join
the expedition of boats in the everglades, under
command of Lieut. Com’g M’Laughlin. Nev
ertheless, the Doctor, so soon as he heard of the
attack, with five of his invalids, and Mr. House
man, pushed towards the scene of action, with a
barge, in which was mounted a gun, which they
discharged on approaching the place—it recoiled
and went overboard.
The Indians left their plunder, and walked as
far as they could in the water towards the boats,
distributing themselves and fireing, by which they
wounded one of the Doctor’s men, and obliged
him to haul off. Ihe following persons were on
the Key at the attack—Mr. Houseman and wife,
Mr. Chas. Howe, wife and 5 childern, Dr. Per
rine, wife and 3children, Mrs. Elliot Smith,child
brother and m«her, Jno. Motte, wife and 2 chil
dren, Messrs. Otis, Blocks and Glass, carpenters,
Mr. Goodhue, clerk of Mr. Houseman, 8 men of
wrecking sloop Key West, and some it) or 12
negroes, the latter all saved. Out of this num
ber Mi. Mo'te, wife and 2 cnikiren, arc destroy
ed, and Dr. Pcrrinc and the brother of Mrs.
Smith, with all of the houses,except one of Mr.
Howe’s. A boat in charge of Charles Stuart,
was immediately sent from this place with the
news to Cape Florida, and one from this to Cape
Romano, with the hopes that some of the Indians
might be intcrcepied on their return. Charles
Stewait and one man had been a hunting, and
were in the act of landing on Indian Key, when
they were warned by the yells of the savages in
lime to make their escape.
Mr. Howe’s family, and the rest of the unfor
tunate suffers, are on board of the wrecking schr.
Sy.'ph, at Indian Key, awaiting clothes, provis
ions, occ. trom this, all of which have been sent
them by the sloop Vevilia, Capt. Wood. This
ts rather an imperfect account, but all ot the facts
are strictly stated.
From the Xeic York Times.
A Back Handed Blow at Mr. Van Bureu
from his own Organ
It is matter ot history that during the war of
IS 12 Mr. Van Buren joined the federalists for
the purpose of defeating the re-election of Mr,
Madison to the Presidency. At that period.
Presidential Electors were chosen by the Legis
lature. and Mr. Van Bun n voted tor Electors" in
favor ot De Witt Clinton and opposed to Madi
son. Ihe V\ ashinn’on Globe ol the Blh instant,
for some reason which we shall not attempt to
fathom, thus satirizes and cen c urcs Mr. Van
Boren and the party with which he acted on that
occasion: . ,
“In 1812, these federalists had an another re
markable vision. It was revealed to them in a
dream, that James Mabisox had involved the
country in a -wicked and ruinous war; ’ that the
Democrats who supported him were all “war
hawks,” and that none were true patriots and
friends of their country, but those who took sides
against it, and favored Great Britain, the “bul
wark of our region.” They also dreamed that
Madison -deserved a halter,” and ought to be
-sent to the Isle of Elba,” and that De \\ itt
Gustos, who had previously compared them to
the “fallen angels, who had rather rule in hell
than serve in heaven,” was destined to take his
place. From this dream they were awakened on
the ides of November, and, to their great aston
ishment, found that only eighty-nine to one hun
dred and twenty-seven of the people had been
dreamin g.”
From the Charleston Courier.
Meorite M’Duffie.
<• J consider this a gross and contemptuous in
sult, to the people of the United States, and if a
weak superannuated old man, utterly destitute of
qualifications to sustain the dignity or perform
the duties of the office, could be elected 1 resi
dent under such auspices, I should consider it a
reproach ro our common country. But as a
Southern man, I have much graver objections to
him. He is a National Republican, holding all
the doctrines and principles of that party ; he was
nominated by that party and will sustain every
measure which may be preposed by its great lea
ders. Mr. Webster never uttered & constitution
al doctrine, and Mr. C’lay never proposed a meas
ure, that Gen. Harrison has not supported or ap
proved- In fact he will be a tool in the hands ol
these gentlemen and to elect him would be to adopt
their principles and measures. It Southern States
men are prepared for this I cannot believe the
people are. Having withdrawn entirely from the
field of politics, disgusted with the everlasting
scramble for office, which gives a party coloring
to every public measure, I beg it to be understood,
that while I am utterly opposed to the election of
Gen. Harrison, I am not the partizan of Mr. ,\ an
Burcn, though I would greatly prefer him to his
opponent. The principles he has not only avow
ed, but maintained openly and firmly are dear to
the South, and what is equally important, they
are the principles of his party.”
To the Hon. George JV Duffle:
Sin—Having disposed of the fancy of Gen
Harrison’s silence, and the annoyance ot log-ca
hin processions, I proceed to consider the remain
der of your letter, quoted in full, as above.
It has (recurred to me when reading your very
contemptuous estimate of Gen. Harrison, and the
bold manner in which if is announced, that it is
curious that your very unfortunate and disastrous
experience in the only President you have as yet
helped to make, had not taught you a degree of
diffidence in the surencss of your judgment. If
any man in the nation has had reason to doubt
his infallibility, certainly you have. When we
recall all that you have said of Gen. Jackson—as
his early advocate and recent enemy, we need
not multiply \\ords to convince even yourself,
how utterly valueless is the opinion ot any one
man, however great, and how utterly the wisest
mav be deceived in their estimate of others. In
Gen. Jackson you beheld, in rapt vision, a politi
cal saviour, “born to rule,” and to bless, and the
whole land listened, with entranced ear, to the
inspired prophecies which foretold his coming,
and the beneficent glories of his reign. He came
—and lo ! the voice which hailed his advent
with hozannas. now denounces him as a minister
of wrath, sent to scourge and destroy ! We may
be permitted to hope, then, that notwithstanding
you may be perfectly satisfied that Gen. Harrison
is a “weak, superannuated old man, utterly des
titute of qualifications to sustain the dignity, or
perform the duties of the office,” that in this
case, as in that of Gen. Jackson, you may be en
tirely mistaken. As your proof consists in as
sertion, we are not at liberty to conjecture upon
u hat your opinion is based. The last evidence
we have met of his being superannuated, was the
fact of his speaking to fifteen thousand of his
fellow-countrymen, so as to be distinctly heard
by the entire multitude—and the most recent
proof of his “ weakness,” a letter, written in an
swer to an invitation to a dinner, given in honor
of Gen. Van Kenssacllcr, his bosom friend and
early companion in arms. Let any one, how
ever picjudtced, read that letter, and say that the
fire, which sent its writer, when a youth, into
the wilderness to contend with the savaae, does
not still burn brightly, and that its noble and
eloquent sentiments, its powerful and vivid ex
pression, tell of a waning mind and decayed
spirit— “a weak and superannuated old man ! !”
Wo will rest the vindication of the freshness and
vigor of Gen. Harrison’s mind and character up
on that single production. Let it be read, and
he will not need a friend to vindicate him—he
will stand self-vindicated. As to his capacity to
govern, the country will take the opinion of no
individual. His life must vouch for him, or he
can have no voucher. It is the only certificate
and security that a sober people can depend upon.
It has been his singular good fortune at least,
entrusted with high and varied civil and military
commands, to have signally succeeded in all he
undertook, and to have won the confidence and
approbation of government, and the love of the
people. One fact, which cannot be disputed,
speaks very strongly for him. He commands
the respect of the people of the entire west.
They “believe” in him. You will admit, sir,
that the men of that region are no small breed,
and own no stunted forms or spirits, and that he
who has been ever held in respect and admira
tion by them, must possess strong qualities, and
can be no feeble spirit. He has commanded
them in ivar, and served them in peace; and in
a mass, and with one voice, now call on
him lo rule over them.
It was the saying of Talleyrand, that the people
are miser in judging of the talent for govern
ment, than any one man, however wise. You
v\i!l admit, sir, the sagacity of the most sagacious
I renchrnan, and if he were right, that you have
great reason to distrust the soundness of your
opinion as to General Harrison’s fitness for com
mand, and that Iris (riends prossess strong
grounds of assurance when they hope much from
his administration. It is palpable, sir, that the
people differ with you, and that entire division of
the people who know him best, differ most widely
trom you. I would point you to the evidences
of his capacity in a written torm, but I cannot hope
for a perusal and a cairn judgement. It is but too
evident that you ha% e taken sides. There is, how
ever, one quality which Gen. H. possesses, which
all admit, that at this lime, and for the fulfilment
of his destined mission, is the priceless quality
which the country needs and the people seek a
t>POl LESS HONESTY. His name is un
sullied by an act, which casts a doubt upon his
purity as a man, or patriotism as a citizen. The
people, sir, have lost confidence in the honesty of
their rulers; they believe that they have not
administered the government with a single min
«ed spirit; they have had too much reason to
ttai tiiat if the present heads of the government
are not themselves corrupt, that they have treated
too gently and kindly those who have been
notoriously so. You yourself, sir, Lave taught
them that the chiefs of the present'administra
tion arc u'ter.y corrupt, and altogether wicked.
An honest people cannot confide in dishonest
and corrupt men. ana tney have turned instinc
tively to toe unblemished character of William
Henry Harrison, as a certain remedy for the loose
ness of principle w hich has brought the adminis
tration into contempt and the country to ruin.
But, sir, Gen. Harrison is a “ national repub
|ic,„!-> and nominated hy the national republi
cs" r? ! ,S
lun£r lime It is about as pertinent as to say of
man Tn’the present division of parlies, that ho
is" nuWJicr, » lha. he U a nat.ona repuhhean..
Both these parties have long gone
Why did you not say that Gen. H “ r " s °" W j f .
Jeffersonian republican—he supported Mr. Je
felon’s administration, and was honored
hisconfidence-or a Madisonian republican—he
supported Mr. Madison’s administration too, and
received from him the highest distinctions. -Nom
inated by the national republican party ! . A na
tional republican party !!—represented by i aU
madge, in N. Y., Rives, Tyler, Gilmer, Leigh,
Garland, Wise, in Virginia; Dawson, Gilmc ,
Habersham, Berrien, Crawford, Floyd, Dough
erty, Toombs, Smythe, in Georgia; and Legare,
Thompson, Preston, Petigru, Jn S. C. A nation
al republican parly, which now embraces two
thirds of all the nullifies in the United States,
and has nominated John Tyler, the only south
ern man out of South Carolina, who voted a
gainst the Force Bill, for the Vice Presidency I
Were you and Mr. Calhoun, who acted hut yes
terday'with the same parly, “ National Republi
cans!” Is it just to the eminent men whom I
have named, to suppose that they have surrender
ed, at discretion, to any other set of men, and
that they would concede any thing vvilhout cor
responding concession ? That they would con
sent to be swallowed up—“ merged” and annhi
lated ! It is not the jester opinion—and is it
not the truth , in point of fact, that they' na\e
tempered the opinions and modified the measures
of the common paily, with which they now act!
Take an illustration. The National Republican
portion of the present opposition party, like the
greater proportion ot the old Northern Jackson
party, was friendly to a high tariff. A new par
ty has arisen in the place of the National Repub
lican party, composed ot Northern and Southern
men. How can they act in harmony and recon
cile their conflicting principles! —by mutual
concession, —ncittier surrenders at discretion,
and Mr. Clay’s compromise is the common
ground upon which they can meet and agree,
with perfect sel!-respect and with entire fidelity
to their different sections. They have selected,
as a candidate for the Presidency, one who is
pledged to the Compromise. Is this carrying out
the principles of the National Republican party ?
And is it either true or just to say, that tiie par
ti</ nominating, the man nominated, or the
measure agreed upon —is “National Republi
can !” If so, then are Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Mc-
Duffie pledged supporters of a National Repub
lican measure! I think, sir, upon regarding the
present relations and principles of existing par
ties mure attentively, you will admit that when
you wrote the sentences upon which I have been
commenting, your mind was engrossed too en
tirely with the past.
But, sir, he is not only a National Republican
nominated by the National Republican parly. —
but he is to be the “foo/” of Clay and Webster
—he will reflect Mr. Webster’s constitutional
doctrines, any carry out Mr. Clay’s measures.
One word in passing over the harsh cpit.ict—
“tool”—which you have felt yourself aulhoris- C
ed to use towards Gen. Harrison, because of a
general coincidence of opinion, between himself
and Mr. Webster and Mr. Clay. I would ven
ture to suggest with groat diffidence that this is
hardly courteous, ant! not, altogether in the tone
of our State. It suggets the question, when did
you ever differ from Air. Calhoun ! Either as
to men or measures! What measure has he
proposed that you have notsupported ! what prin
ciple abandoned that you have not repudiated 1
to whom has he been enemy, to whom you have
not been enemy, and to whom been friend, to
whom you have not been friend ! It is alone
in your military career, that you have acted a
part separate from Mr. Calhoun—and you will
admit, that as a soldier, Gen. Harrison has equal
claims to be considered independent of Mr. Clay
and Mr. Webster. Thus far the parralcl holds.
But when, sir, did you oppose Mr. Calhoun !
When have you stood up, in your own strength,
and in friendly rivalry and ask from your rotate
and the nation to decide between yourself and
Mr. Calhoun ! Can we suppose that Gen. Hav
rison, wdio has had sufficient self-respect and in
dependence, to compete with Mr. Clay and Mr.
Webster, for the highest office in the gift of the
nation, possesses the spirit of a subordinate, and
that he will sink into a tool as soon as he is
elected. Sir,it is an unphilosopnical, as well as
an ungenerous imputation.
Now. sir, as to Mr. Webster’s “ Constitution
al doctrines!” as you have distinguished be
tween Mr. Clays measures, and Mr. Webster’s
doctrines, wc are left to infer that hy this, vou
mean his principle', as to the general character
ol the Government in connecti*n with the nul
lification controversy. We will reaoily admit,
they are not those of South Carolina, though
they are those of the present administration.
We would respectfully submit, that as long as
Mr- Poinsett is in the cabinet, and the Force Bill
on the Statue Book, put there and retained there,
by the party in power, that it is at least idle to
talk of what any one man of ihe other party may
believe or teach. Especially too when the par
ty, to which Mr. Webster is attached, has proved
their respect for conscientious opinion, by sup
porting for the Vice Presidency a Nullifycr and
and an Anti-Force Bill man. When Mr. Van
Burcn, denounces the Prolamation and recom
mends tlie repeal of the Force Bill, we will re
gard professions, on this topic, worthy of reply
and entitled to respect.
Mr. Clay’s measures—though we would re
sent as an imputation the term tool, a- applied to
General Harrison, in connection with Mr. Clay,
it is but reasonable to suppose, that he would pos
sess great weight, in determining the policy of
the Government. If he did not exercise his in
fluence, in the counsels of the nation, under
Gen. Harrison, it would bo less than lie has done
under the administration of Mr. Madison, Mr.
Monroe, and Mr. Adams, and we might justly add
Gen. Jackson, and Mr. Van Burcn. Gen. Har
lison, if he possesses the spirit of Gen. Wash
ington, will rejoice to share the momenluous re
sponsibilities of Government, ams will gladly a
vail himself of the profound wisdom, and varied
experience of the great Statesman and Patriot.
He wojpld naturally seek the advisement of one
who possesses so deeply the confidence of tho
country. He would safely lean upon him, to
w hom the country has always turned in her hours
of greatest trouble and greatest alarm. The coun
try reposes with pleasure in this expectation
and has the South just cause for regret in it ! I
believe, sir, the South does share and has reason
to share the cheerful hope of the country as to
any influence Mi. Clay will possess, in the spirit
or controlling the policy of the coming adminis
tration. If you have read his masterly speech,
recently delivered at Hanover, you will Lave seen
that on the most exciting question that, ever plan
ted anger between the north and the south, the
Tariff—he abides hy the compromise. That
measure and the spirit of that measure, saved the
country in its greatest peril—and the peril from
which it rescued us, can alone enforce and propc'
ly illustrate the expediency of adhering to it. Let
the seal be taken from this covenant of peace
ami wc are again adrift on a wide sea of anarch v
and discord. W e see reason to believe, in the
events ofthe time and the changed relations, that
the South is holding to Ihe world, tl at it will rot
only co„,em to, but cheerfully adopt the
of the compromise, as the basis of a Nniom!
accommodation. The wild agitation and Itccn
t.ous incendiarism of England is daily tcachn
our numerate fellow-countrymen, the policy of |
ni lft rC r a home market ’ and ° lf render- I
ble F n . ark , c i as «ureand extensive as possi
• England has given us plainly to understand {
that she will lake our collton not a ( 1,„ i
than she can help it. J '""S' l
We think we cannot err in .supposinrr .t ,
• i .i* • • c , 11 til a t if
is the present disposition ot the South to v ~j,j
steady, moderate, and permanent protection 1 IE
American manufactures, such as the comm- 10 '
act atlorus. On the other hand, W e can ~s c 1^ 0 I
doubt, that the North must be profound! • * I
vinced, that the attempt to impose an ext i v * ' '
tariff on tho South, must end in failure
feat. That no tariff, however hhh r-L \
• t i i , f ’ *an be nl
any avail to them, that docs not satisfy flip 8
That they cannot flourish amidst adgiiaii,,,, ‘
sudden change. That their true interest
a tariff that shall he permanent, certain and
crate. However, then, individuals and Indivji i
interests, may raise opp sition to ihe coim, r( ,. ■
as affording inadequate, insufficient protect™^
yet we cannot suppose that the great in as , of '?’
people, will not see that it will b e to ih ( .j r * r
and permanent advantage to j dopt it. \y e f Ol d
seen that Gen. Harrison already stands pVffr' i
to the compromise, and il Mr. Clay shall hav^
j sufficient influence, with his assistance aa’^
j co-operation of his friends, to make this act'"''i
1 its spirit, the permanent policy of the co U;it^
i we are convinced, that in this respect, that tl '
•South will not regret his connection with Gc °
Harrison’s administration.
There is another and a greater question, n n
which there can he no doubt, that the South
1 be satisfied with any influence, which Mr.Clav’-
1 counsel and temper may upon the comm!
j administration —the Abolition question, The
I service which he has already rendered— I w ji[
j not say to the South—but to tiie country,on this
j momentous issue, cannot be calculated. }p s
great speech carried demonstration and con vie
tion to the mind* of the North, that however
much they might be opposed to slavery, y e t that
they had no jurisdiction over our institutions -
| no responsibility for them—and that both as a
| matter of conscience and patriotic duty, it Was
! incumbent upon them to observe the compromi
| ses of the Constitution, and to leave us to work
i out, undisturbed and unmolested, our own des
, tiny. The results of that wise and patriotic es-
I fort must have been noticed, in South, in its
j effects upon the great religious bodies of the
i North. They have all, with one accord, come
j to the conclusion, that it is not their duty to en
tertain jurisdiction of the question of slavery,
and that il belongs entirely to Southern Chris
| tians, to determine for themselves their dutv,
under the circumstances, in which they are
placed. Tho dissolution of abolition societies
tell of its effects also. The denunciation of the
entire Whig party, hy the irreclaimable fanatics,
because of it, and their sanction of it, bears wit
ness to its power. The furious denunciation of I
O’Connell, speaks the praises of its author. This 1
is his language:
“ Let the n declare that no slave holder can he
admitted into European society, and then Cal
houn and Clay, and men like them, who stand
up putting forth their claims to he President of
j the great Republic, must yield to public universal
I opinion. He had made mention of two men--
j he would only say that Calhoun should be brand- \
I ed with the blood issuing from the stripes ofthe \
slave, and Clay drowned in the tears of the mo
uthers and their children.”
The South, then, whilst it reposes implicit
confidence in the firmness of Gen. Harrison, to
carry out his patriotic pledge to maintain tho
compromises of the Constitution, cannot but con
gratulate itself on the fact that his hands will be
strengthened for his work by the aid of so pow
j erful an ally as Mr. Clay,
i Upon the question of internal improvement,
too, the South will have reason to he satisfied
i with any influence which Mr. Clay’s views may
oxeit over Gen. Harrison’s administration. His
vole in contrast with all the leading Senatorial
the administration, against the appropriation of
three hundred thousand dollars for the repair of
the Cumberland road, may possibly have arrested
your attention. Whilst these gentlemen talked,
Mr. Clay acted. 1 hope, sir, it did not escape
; the notice of the South, that whilst ihe mouths
j of Mr. Benton, Mr. Grundy, Mr. Buchanan, Mr.
! Wright, and Mr. Allen, were filled with profit
i sions of economy, and ceaseless declamation up
! on strict construction and State rights, they voted
j away, at a time when the Government was com*
1 polled to resort to the issue of treasury notes, lo
! meet its engagements, three hundred thousand
I dollars for inleinal improvements, and that in an
| administration Senate, the appropriation was
only defeated by the vote of Mr. Clay, and fcis
friend, Mr. Southard. I remark upon this point
i of Mr. Clay’s conduct, as an earnest ot bis future
j action, and as an evidence (hat his decimation of
j principle in his recent Hanover speech, is notan
I empty profession, but, like all his declarations,
i entitled to perfect confidence,
j Upon all these great questions, the South has
I reason to be satisfied with Mr. Clay, and Gen
i Harrison, alike—and has il not reason to he sal
j isfied ?
In conclusion, I would offer a few brief re
marks upon the principles and policy of the ad
ministration. I shall say nothing of the dreary
past, with ali its sins, shame am! disaster, i
have told us that the principles of tho President
are the principles of his parly. Let us see what
is certain. He approved the Proclamation, and
supported the Force Bill. This is true ol his
P ar, y-
Ho and his party support the Sub-Treasury,
j This is true of both alike. But what is the poll
j cy of the i resident and his partv, as to the »u»-
| rency, beyond the Sub-Treasury—(he mere col
s' lection ot lire dues of the Go\ernimnt in gold
j and silver. Can any one tell! Mr. Benton goes
| against all Banks and rejects all paper. Mr.
| Calhoun goes against, all Batiks—for gold and
\ silver, coupled with Government paper. Mr.
j Buchanan differs from both and wishes to retain
I the Banking system, in a modified shape te
! strained and controlled by a constitutional enact
! ment. What does tho President intend—and
I what his parly !
j As to the Tariff. f
j W hat arc the opinions nt the President an 1
i the intentions of his party. The party inanity®
put forth at Baltimore, whilst it discusses tiicaiie* 1
and sedition law, the last war, &r., is profoundly
silent on this great issue of the present
But how is it with the leaders of the parly’ V r -
Bcuton recommends a system of retaliatory du~
! tics in reference to commerce, Mr. W right
j recently advocated in ihe Senate, a bill " hu l l
j Mr. Rliett pronounced in the House a new tarn!,
a confiscation bill, and a violation ol the libcna s
ot the citizen. Mr. Calhoun, i believe, still in
heres to the compromise, &c. Mr. Khctt ad'l3-
cates direct taxation, and no protection— l^
: writes a note treeing his Northern tarill frictios
from any share in this sin. Who is to give the !-|W
and what is to become of the South an t !‘ |C
country, amidst this chaos of opinions and mea
sures !
As to Internal Improvements—
The vote on the Cumberland Road.
The Bankrupt Law. .
The President and Mr. Benton wish to e* tc n
j ihe compulsory principles over the Backs ot 1 u ’
| South. Mr. Calhoun against it. V bat. iiti'-
j where are the principles ofthe President, (!' ' !r f t
the >’outh, which arc “principles of his pari Il
ia taking leave of your letter, permit nu 0
express the hope, that you will live, to rejoice a*
the defeat of your present wishes, andtoeijo'
in the retirement vou love, the common
perity which will* bless the country, under B- '
wise and peaceful administration ol Gen. * 8 ‘
rison. Respectfully.
Your obedient servant,
CRAWFORD
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I Arrivals Extraordinary.—The .
brig Helme, from Alexandria. Egypt arrived a
evening with four beautiful Giraffes, allia ex Ctr