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CHRONICLE AND SENTINEL. A U G USTA. FRIDAY MORNING, AUGUST 28. FOR PRESIDENT, WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON, Os Ohio; The invincible Hero of Tippecanoe—the incor ruptible Statesman —the inflexible Republican— the patriotic Farmer of Ohio. FOR VICE-PRESIDENT, J OHN TYLER, Os Virginia ; A State Rights Republican of the school of *99— one ol Virginia’s noblest sons, and emphatically 0 one of America’s most sagacious, virtuous and patriot statesmen. FOR ELECTORS OF PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT, GEORGE R. GILMER, of Oglethorpe. DUNCAN L. CLINCH, of Camden. JOHN W. CAMPBELL, of Muscogee* JOEL CRAWFORD, of Hancock. CHARLES DOUGHERTY, of Clark. SEATON GRANTLAND, of Baldwin. ANDREW MILLER, of Cass. WILLIAM EZZARD, of DeKalb. C. B. STRONG, of Bibb. JOHN WHITEHEAD, of Burke. E. WIMBERLY, of Twiggs. FOR CONGRESS, WILLIAM C. DAWSON, of Greene. R. W. HABERSHAM, of Habersham. JULIUS C. ALFORD, of Troup. EUGENIUS A. NISBET, of Bibb. LOTT WARREN, of Sumter. THOMAS BUTLER KING, of Glynn. ROGER L. GAMBLE, of Jefferson. JAMES A. MERIWETHER, of Putnam. THOMAS F. FOSTER, of Muscogee. Lost. The file of the “State Rights Sentinel” for 1536 has been borrowed from our office by some person who has omitted to return it. W e would therefore thank the individual who has it in pos session to send it home. In the event that we are unable to obtain our own, we should be glad to purchase or borrow a file for that year, and also o the one of the Augusta Chronicle. Life of Martin Van Buren. We observe by yesterday’s Constitutionalist - that the u ( orporal ” is engaged in writing a bio graphical sketch of Mr. Van Buren, and has par* tiaily completed his work, up to the close of the ] war in IS 15. In the next chapter he intends to exp am Mr. Van Buren’s vote for De Witt Clinton in opposition to Mr. Madison. What he means by explanation, we suppose is to show that Mr. Clin ton contemplated the prosecution of the war in a more efficient manner than Mr. Madison had done. This is really an important discovery for the future historian of the country, and it is rather matter of astonishment to us, that the supporters of Mr. Clinton, who were universally known as the peace party, and who regarded him as the peace candi date, shou d never have discovered during the can vass, that he intended to carry on the war more efficiently. We repeat, tnis is an important dis covery, and the country will certainly be gieatly indebted to the present loco foco party for the fact, that Mr. Clint m was the high-toned war candidate, and that Mr. Van Buren in suporting him manifest ed his zeal is support of the war. Wonders, it is said, will never cease, and we arc somewhat disposed to yield our assent, par ticuUily in relation to the political history of Mar ti.i Van Furen, for his recent I iogiapher, “ Corpo ra/ Mum,” asserts that he was a zealous advocate of the war, and certainly no man dounts the Cor poral’s knowledge on the subject. But, yet it is passing strange that Mr. Clinton and his suppoiters should have been such gre.it advocates of the war, and in Mr. Van Buren’s own county, Mr. Van Bu ren’s intimate friends and Mr. Clinton’s supporters, should have in a public meeting, soon af.er the declaration of war, passed the following resolution, which was introduced by James A. Hamilton, a personal friend and partizan of Martin Van Buren: “ Resolved, That the war is impolitic, unnsces• tary and disastrov t; and that to employ the mili tia in an offensive war, (that is, to enter Canada,) is unconstitutional.” This resolution, the circumstances under which It was passed, in Mr. Van Buren’s own county, and by his friends and partizans, appears somewhat strange to us ; hut the Corporal says he was in fa vor of the war, and he is Mr. Van Bureu’s Bi®- grapher. What we more particularly designed in this arti- ■■ cle.wasto call the attention of the Corporal, as he is rapidly approaching tnat eventful era in Mr, Van Buren’s life, to his vote in favor of negro suf frage in New York,his opposition to the admission of Missouri and Aikansas, and also to his desired instruction* on the Tariff'in 1828. We would not, by any means, insinuate that the Corporal would intentionally as a faithful Biographer, pass unno ticed these veiy important acts of Mr. Van Buren, but as he may in the pile of documents which he assures his readers he is collecting from, overlook those these votes, we were desirous to remind him, that something would be expected on these subjects. As these will no doubt, consti tute one chapter of his valuable work, we shall deter our suggestions at present. In the “ Courrier des Elats Unis” the French piper published in New York, we find the follow ng important statement; “ A postscript from our own correspondent informs us, by a new arrival, the evening of the Ist of August at Paris, that the Prussian and Austrian Governments , more wise than then Ambassadors at London, declined ratify ing, without certain reservation, the treaty of the new alliance .” More Changes. A Harrison and Tyler meeting was recently held in Wheeling, at which an address was read, which bore the signatures of forty-seven former supporters of the present Administration. These honesrt citizens ofMie Old Dominion have become convinced that “something is wrong,” and that a change in men and measures is necessary for the public good. For the Chronicle and Sentinel. Free Discussion! The following is taken fra in an account of the Scriven meeting, published in the Constitutionalist of yesterday; — “After Captain Black had concluded his speech, the presiding officer extended te the opposition an opportunity of addressing the meeting, when a Mr. Young, whose name is a fair index to his character and standing in this community, had the presump tion to rise and address the assembly in opposition to what had been said. 2 -ere was an instant rne ous movement of the people towards the dinner ta ble, as soon as Mr. Young commenced spewing, &c. The chairmen, however, kept their seats un til he closed.” The reader can judge whether there was pre sumption after the invitation given; and he will doubtless recognise in the instantaneous movement, a species of tactics often practiced by the \ an Bu ren men, when an opponent rises to address an as sembly convened for the purpose of bearing both sides. A ' z * “ Stripes upon the bare back ” —lndiana. We give it up. Harrison must have signed a bill directing culprits to be whipped. The ret^L r ° s from Indiana is proof conclusive of the fact, ine people have given Locofocoism at least I WLLVh THOUSAND “ stripes upon the bare back. De troit Daily Adv. For the Chronicle and Sentinel. A Sober Appeal to the People ol Georgia. Fellow Citizens: —The object of this paper is to inquire, concisely and dispassionately, into the cau ses of the present embarrassment and depression of business. All parties agree to the two following propositions, and we will not stop to discuss them: Proposition Is/. That the embarrassment and depression of business has resulted ding and over-speculation. Proposition 2d. That over-trading and over-spe culation have been occasioned by over-banking. But what was the cause of the over-banking ■ The establishment of three propositions will clear ly answer this question. In our argument we have then to consider Proposition 3d. That the over-banking was pro duced by the destruction of the United States Bank, the removal of the deposites, and the distribution of the surplus revenue. A few historical and statistical facts will prove, beyond a doubt, this proposition. Hostilities began between the Bank and the Federal Executive in 1829. The bill for rechartering il was vetoed in 1832. In 1533 the deposites were removed and placed in the State Banks. The charter of die Bank expired in 1836, Such is' the history of this institution. Let us look at the State Banks during the same period. The following table, compiled accurately from the reports of the Secretary, will give their history; Years. | | Capital. | Loa»a. 1830 320 145,000,000 zuu.ouo,ouo 1834 506 200,000,000 324,000,000 1835 558 231,000,000 365,000,000 1836 567 252,000,000 458,000,000 1837 677 324,000,000 591,000,000 We are compelled to infer from this table, Ist., that the States doubled the number of their banks in seven years, commencing with the war on the X'nited States Bank. 2d. That they more than doubled their capital, and trebled their loans within the same period. In the mean time the millions of deposits had been placed with the State Banks, and of surplus revenue with the States; and thus loans were increased and new banks established. The signal in every State for creating banks, was the destruction of the United States Bank; and the federal government furnished the means for new bank capital, in the deposits of public money and surplus revenue. Proposition 4th. That the surplus revenue was occasioned by the forced and unnecessary sale of the public lands. As proof of this, take the following table, com piled from the reports of tho Secretary of the Treasury: -r Receipts Receipts „ ~ Ycars - from Linds. Cm Customs. K *P enJ res 1833 3,976,682 29,032,508 24,257,298 1834 4,857,600 16,214,957 24.601,982 1835 14,757,600 14,391,310 17,673,141 1836 24,877,179 23,409,940 30,868,164 1837 6,776,236 11,169,290 37,265,037 This table shows that the surplus revenue in 1835, ’36 and ’37, resulted from tho extravagant and useless sale of the public lands. In 1836, the receipts from lands were six times as great as they had ever been before the lands were pushed into market. Proposition slh. That the federal executive and his friends, by their measures and policy furnished the means, and excited the desire, for over-bank ing, and are, therefore, responsible for all the evil resul's. Who vetoed the charter? The federal executive and his friends. Who removed thedej osites? The same. Who placed the deposites with the banks? The same. Who forced the public lands into mar ket? The same. Who stimulated the banks to increase their loans? The same. Read the following extracts from circulars sent out to the deposite banks by the Secretary of the Treasury. On the 9th of October, 1833, Mr. Ta ney wrote as follows, to the Presidents of the Banks: —“The deposites of the public money will enable you to afford increased facilities to the commercial and other classes of the community > and this department anticipates from you the adop tion of such a course, respecting your accommoda- will prove acceptable to the people and safe to the government .” On the 29th of January, 1837, Mr. Woodbury wrote as follows to the Banks:— “The deposites of the public money will enable you to afford increased facilities to the commercial and other classes of the community; and this de partment anticipates from you the adoption of such a course, respecting your accommodations as will prove acceptable to the people and safe to the go vernment.” Thus it appears that this department, for mo-e than three years, had a standing circular, with which it stimulated the banks to loan their funds and expand their circulation. Who stimulated the States to charter new banks? The federal exe utive and his friends. The fol lowing extract from the official oigan of December 1833, speaks for itself:—“The new coalition,” (Clay, Webster and Calhoun,) “has labored in vain; every Western State is about to establish a State bank institution. Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Missouri and Kentucky, are resolved to take care of them selves, and no longer depend on the kind guardian ship of Biddle, Clay & Co.” And who did estab lish State banks and increase the paper circulation? The federal executive and his friends. The fol lowing facts are compiled trom the official reports of the Secretary. Those State Legislatures which were governed by the administration party, in creased their bank capital more than $61,000,000. while those Legislatures where the opposition had a majority, increased their bank capital only $27,000,000, during the two years, 1836 and ’36. j The above facts and conclusions | mbmit to the I candor and deliberation of the people of Cedigta* If there is any flaw in the argument,! am not able to perceive it I hope that it will be seen by every eye, and felt by every heart in my native State. A NATIVE GEORGIAN. Meeting of the Central Tippecanoe Club- Pursuant to previous notice, on Tuesday eve ning last, a number of the friends of Harrison, Ty ler and Reform, assembled at the City Hall, to re ceive the Report of the Committee appointed by a former meeting, to nominate suitable candidates to represent them in the ensuing Legislature. The Committee, through their Chairman, made the fol lowing Report: The Committee appointed to nominate suitable persons to represent the county of Richmond in the next General Assembly of Georgia, respectfully REPORT, That they have agreed, without a dissenting voice, to nominate the following gentlemen for the honorable offices opposite their names, viz : For Senator, A. J. MILLER, Esq. For Representatives, CHAS. J. JENKINS, Esq. GEO. W. CRAWFORD, “ WM. J. RHODES, « The confirmation of which nomination they res pectfully recommend. They trust it will be ac cepted by the gentlemen whose services are desir ed by the Committee and those whom they repre sent ; and they have the fullest confidence that it will be triumphantly sustained by the friends of Harrison, Tyler and Reform, on the first Monday in October next. By order of the Committee, JAMES HARPER, Chairman. August 26, IS4O. On motion of Mr. Harper* the Report wasjman iraously agreed to. Mr. Miller, in a brief and forcible manner, re turned his acknowledgements to the meeting, and cheerfully accepted his nomination. Mr. Jenkins, in his usual happy manner, briefly addressed the meeting, accepting his nomination. Mr. A. G. Bull then moved that a Committee of three be appointed to apprize George W. Craw ford and William J. Rhodes, Esqrs., of their nomi nation, which was carried. The Committee ap pointed, were Messrs. A. G. Bull, James Harper, and John Riley. B. H. Warren, Esq., moved the following Reso lution : Resolved, That a Committee of ten be appointed to make arrangements and fix the time and places, for one or more Public Barbecues, in such parts of the county as they may design ate—which was adopted. The Committee appointed were Messrjj. B», H. Warren, M. M. Dye, A. G. Bull, I. A. Hibler, P. Boisclair, R. P. Allen, John Samuel Tarver, C. B. Hitt, Jas. Harper. gjames Gardner, jr. introduced the following res olution : Resolved, That said Committee be authorized to invite specially, residents of other counties to at tend the Barbecues when given, and to extend general invitations to our fellow of our own and adjoining counties, without distinction of party, to attend, and enter into a free discussion of the great political questions now agitating the pub lic: which was adopted. On motion of B. H. Warren, Esq. Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting be published. MOn motion, the meeting then adjourned. THOMAS DAWSON, President. Robert T. Harris, Sec’ry, pro tern. From the United States Gazette. Which is Right. It seems now that men of all parties (not all men of both parties,) are satisfied that Mr. Poinsett’s plan of a standing arm}', was one of the worst measures ever proposed by an administration that has proposed the worst measures ever condemned ; and such has been the denunciatory tone of the Whig press, and the craven cry of the Locofocos, touching this measure, that Mr. Van Buren has, in a letter to certain citizens of Elizabeth City, Vir ginia, disavowed any approval of the plan, and pronounced it unconstitutional as well as impoli tic; nay, he went further, and declared that he never did approve of the plan, having never seen it until it had appeared three months after the opening of Congress. We subjoin, for the benefit of our readers, two passages, one from Mr. Van Buren’s annual message of December last, and the other from his letter to the men of Elizabeth City: Text. Comment. Extract of a letter from Extract from the message Mr. Van Buren, tocer- of President Van Buren tain citizens of Eliza- to botn House 3of Con beth City county, Vir- gress, on the 2d De ginia, dated Washing- ceraoer, 1539 “ ton, July, 1840: “The present condi “We have been com- tion of the defences' of pelled to see, not, I should our principal sea-ports think, without snarac and and navy yards, as repre mortification on the part sen ted by the Secretary of every ingenuous mind, of War, calls for the ear whatever may be his po- ly and serious attention litical preferences, the of Congress ; and as con names of respectable citi- necting itself intimately zens subscribed to state- with the subject, I can ments, that I had in my not recommend too strong annual message expressed ly to your consideration, my approbation of apian the plan submitted by which not only never had that officer for the organi been submitted to me, bu: zation of the militia of the was not even matured un- United States .” til more than three months M. Van Buren. after the message was See President’s mes sent to Congress” sage—public doc. M. Van Buren. The alternative is, that Mr. Van Buren did not see, read, and understand, the plan of Mr. Poinsett, of which he said : “ I cannot recommend too strong ly to your consideration the plan, etc.,” and thus the President or the United States most earnestly recommended a plan of which he was ignorant; or, that he had seen the plan, approved re commended it, and then said that he had not seen it, and thus the Piesident of the United States " We leave the alternative to the arrangement of • his friends ; but “ Either way he’s sped.” Confidence in Means. We are struck with a question in the Rich mond Enquirer, and which we have put by Van Buren men very frequently when the Whigs ex press confidence of saving the nation. It is as follows: “ The Whigs affect to be sanguine of success. Are they 1 If they be so, why their sleepless exertions 1 Why that ridiculous log cabin, those Hotspur orators who are pouring over the land 1” The question seems to be pertinent; for while the Whigs are crowing louder than ever Chap man was asked to do, it is evident that they are laboring with as much earnestness and industry as it they had not a majority in a single ward or district in the Union. Whence, then, this con fidence 1 We have a story to tell: Ihe passengers in one of the steamboats, a few days since, asked the captain whether he could reach the capes by four o’clock. A restless hi tie gentleman was disposed to bet in favor of time, and he busied himself in attempting to prove that it would be six o’clock at least before the ooat arrived, and, what was more, he did not be lieve that the captain thought she would be there at that time. “But I do,” said the captain. Ii you do,” said our busy fellow-traveller, “if you real.y think we shall get. there by four o clock, why do you keep thrusting wood into J the furnace, and why do you keep the steam so | I reckoo, captain thlt you are-not quite jo confident as you seem to be.” “The current and wind being favorable gave me hopes,” said the captain, “ but my confidence is founded on the very circumstance which you notice as proof of want of confidence. We shalf get there in season, because we use the means.” —United States Gazette . From the Cincinnati Gazette. A Speech of Gen. Harrison. Some days since we noticed the Celebration at Fort Greenville, and mentioned that Gen. Harri son addressed the crowd. We now cut from the Eaton Register Mr. Bell’s address to the General, aad the General’s speech to the people; they are too good to be passed over. After the meeting was organized, H. Bell, Esq. rose anil introduced Gen. Harrison, and address ed him as follows: Gen. Harrison: Having been commissioned by a large and respectable portion of my fellow citizens of Dark County to tender unto you up on this occasion their hospitality and good wish es, in their name and stead I welcome you to « Old Fort Greenville.” The citizens of Dark, like those of the West generally, are agene reus people. Need I assure you, then, that they will hail with gladness the return of their ancient and well-beloved friend ? Need I declare to you on this occasion that the invaluable services which you have rendered not only them but your coun try also—your whole country —are not, yet, no and never will be forgotten I—Sir, some among us have witnessed your achievements —most of us have read your history—and all have learned the pleasing tale of your high renown—and we regard you, therefore, more than any other man, our benefactor. And hence it affords us the high est pleasure to greet you here to-day. Twenty-seven years have now elapsed since the auspicious period we are this day met to com memorate. Twenty-seven years ago, how dif ferent, how unlike to what it now is, was this re gion of country. And now how changed the scene! Little, indeed, at this time remains to re mind you and your comrades of other days of your past deeds ! Nay, few even ot those com rades survive to meet and shake hands with their old acquaintance on the theatre of their former action! Alas! the greater part are gone—the silver thread is cut!—the golden bowl is broken. A few, a precious few of them yet live—scatter ed, as the fallen leaves of the forest, over the contiguous plain. Here is a little remnant of them gathered around you. They are come to bid you perchance a last farewell. The winter of Time has frozen their locks to whiteness. They have almost paid the debt of Nature! These are the men whom erst you led to victory. They battled with you in their infancy, and restored peace to the frontiers. When danger threatened they flew to the standard of their country. With you that country’s foes they braved ! with you they fought—with you they suffered—and with you they h iumphed ! Yes, and with you they will triumph again ! They were faithful to you in youth, and they will prove constant in age. A nation cries unto you to become its deliverer; the People echo the cry—Gen. Harrison will obey ! Again I bid you welcome—thrice wel come to your Old Treaty Ground ! Mr. Bell having closed, Gen. Harrison bowed to the congregated thousands—and after a mo ment’s survey of the immense auditory, he ad dressed the throng to the following effect: Friends and Fellow-citizens: It is with no slight emotion that I undertake to address you on this occasion. Nor am I a little embarrased for woids wherewith to express my deep sense of your kindness towards me, manifested by the friendliness and magnanimity of your greeting. I must receive a different nature, become some thing more or less than what I am, than what any man, while living, can be, before I can cease to remember and appreciate the too favorable regard and kind demonstration of respect for me of my fellow-citizens here present. My heart yelds up to you the homage of its deepest grati tude, though my tongue expresses it not. Fellow-citizens, you are all aware of the po sition that I occupy before the American People —being a candidate of a portion of them for the Presidency of the United States. It will doubt less be said by some that I am here for the pur pose of electioneering for myself, that I have come to solicit your votes, but, believe me, gentle men this is not ihe case. lam present on this occasion but as an invited guest of the citizens of Dark. It is my deliberale opinion and sincere desire that the bestow ment of office should be the free act of the People; and I have no wish to bias their judgement unjustly in my favor. But, notwithstanding my wish and determina tion not to engage as a politician in the pending canvass for officers to administer the General Gov ernment, although I would have preferred to re main with my family in the peace and quiet of cabin at the Bend, ralher t than become en gaged in political or other disputes as the advo cate of my own rectitude of conduct, yet from the continued torrent of calumny that has been poured upon me, from the slanders, abuses, and obloquy which have been promulgated and cir culated to my discredit, designed to asperse and blacken my character, and from the villanous and false charges urged against me by the pensioned presses of this Administration my attendance at this celebration appeared to have been an act of necessity, a step which I was compelled to take for self-defence. Chiefly for this purpose have I come among you, and trusting you will all per ceive the propriety of this course, it seems super fluous to add any further reasons for its adoption. Years ago, fellow-citizens, when I left this spot —for aught I knew, for the last time—l had lit tle idea of the surprising change which would be wrought in its appearance during the time which has supervened. Never did I expect to stand here ana behold such a scene as this. It resem bles somewhat the recent siege of “ Old Fort Meigs!” lam now sixty-seven years of age. I have therefore lived to behold much of the glo ry of my country; I have seen the palmy days of this Republic; and especially have I witness ed many of the brilliant events which have char acterized the growing greatness of the lovely West; but this very day and its incidents mark an epoch in my own history, tne like of which I have seldom experienced. It isnow twenty-five years since last 1 was at Fort Greenville—then surrounded by a dense forest, dark and drear. At that period there was scarce a Log Cabin be tween Greenville and Cincinnati—all between was one entire, unbroken wilderness. How wonderfully and how speedily have the giant woods bowed their stately tops to the industry and enterprise of Western pioneers, as if some magic power had cleaved them fiom the earth I And now in their stead what do we behold l Broad cultivated fields, flowery gardens, and happy homes. Delightful picture— gratifying change! Proud reflection ! that th:s transition of things is the result of the handiwork of West ern People—of American freemen. Fellow-citizens, you have undoubtedly seen it oftentimes stated in a certain els is of newspapers that I am a very decrepit old man, obliged to hobble about on crutches; that I was caged up, and that I could not speak loud enough to be heard more than four or five feet distant, in con sequence of which last misfortune I am stigma tized with the cognomen of “ General Mum.” ou now perceive, however, that these stories a se. m there are some other more serious “ J 6” « har ged against me. which I shall take the liberty to prove untrue. You know it has y s°me, that I have no principles; r IVOWl VOW principles; and that I aTi k fhil U . nd 7, tbe surv iU ™<* of a “committee.” false Th* t SC uncondit ionally, notoriously f> J**- Th «..<*»qe of my being i„ the taping iof a committee u the only one that seems to i merit a me®ant*e consideration, and that barely i to indicate fe» origin. A few month* past almost i every mail that has come to the post office at i which I receive my letters and papers, has i brought me a greater or less number of letters— r all of which I have opened and examined, borne ’ of them have proved abusive and contemptible, designed especially to taunt and insult; and such were, of course, consigned to the flames. But, on the other hand, letters decorously written, for the purpose of eliciting information, have been uniformly replied to, either by myself personally, 1 or by some one acting under my authority and ' obeying my instructions— communicating my 1 opinions, and not his own. Is there any thing • criminal or improper in this mode of doing busi • ness 1 Surely, my friends, I trow not. New, with regard to the political condition of • our common country, I trust there is no impro ' priety in my addressing you upon subjects con cerning the public weal. What means this I “ great commotion ” among the people of this ’ great nation ? What are the insufferable gr.ev • ances which have so many thousands, 1 nay, millions, of the American people into conn > cil for the purpose of devi ■: g measures so” t’ Zlt f mutual relief? Wherefore do they cry aloud, ■ as with one voice, Reform ! Reform! Reform ! r Our country is in peril! The public morals 1 are corrupted. How has it been done ? “To 1 the victors belong the spoils,” say your rulers. 1 What are the consequences ? Ask the hundred ' public defaulters throughout the land ! Ask the • hirelings of corruption who are proffering “pow > er and place ” as bribes to procure votes ! Ask • the subsidized press what governs its opeiations, I and it will open its iron jaws and answer you in 1 a voice loud enough to shake the pyramids— » Monet ! Monet ! I speak not at random —facts ’ bear me testimony. The principle is boldly a vowed, as well as put in practice by men in high 5 places, that falsehood is justifiable in order to accomplish their purposes. Why this laxity in the morals of our rulers and of their followers ? Did they inherit depravity from their ancestors ? 5 How does it come that such recklessness of | truth and justice is manifested of late by some individuals among us ? Why, some of the ’ causes which produce these evils I have already r intimated. There are others. Intense party spirit destroys patriotism. A celebrated Grecian 1 commander one said, and said truly—“ Where virtue is best rewarded, there will virtue most prevail.” It is even so—a wise and true saying. ! But how has the practice of your Government of 1 late accorded with this maxim ? It is proverbial 1 with the advocates of monarchy in the Old World ! that Republics are ungrateful. How does your experience for the last few years give the lie to ! this proposition ? Nay, fellow-citizens, I fear that this Government affords many examples which tend but too strongly to verify the proverb. Among other instances of its manifest ingrati tude, to one only will I here recur. I mean the removal from office, without cause or provoca tion save a difference of opinion with the Presi dent, ofjGen. Solomon Van Rensselaer, of New York. He was a noble friend of ours in the “winter of our discontent.” I became acquaint ed with him when, like myself, he was a young officer in Gen. Wayne’s army. I found him an agreeable, sociable companion, as well as a brave and magnanimous soldier. He assisted in fight ing the battles of his country; ay, fpr-your *l* > hoof, my countrymen, his blood has been poured out upon the soil of Ohio. The bullets of your enemies have pierced his body while fighting in defence of your firesides. And not only on the plains of Ohio has he stood between danger and his country, but in other places likewise. In the sanguinary battle of Queenstown he received six wounds from his country’s foes. Well, what is his rew.ird ? After having spent the flower of his youth and the vigor of his manly prime in the service of his country as a soldier, he was called by the American people to serve them in a civil capacity. He obeyed the call with thank fulness of heart. But he has been cruelly driven out of the service by the Administration, and why i Bacause, fellow-citizens, he was the friend of the companion of his youth; because he would not forsake a fellow-soldier; because he was my incorruptible friend ; and because the emoluments of his office were wanted to reward the partizan services of a supporter of my political competitor. “ Ah, there’s the rub!” But you, my friends, I am confident, will not long permit such wrongs to the men who “ righted your wrongs” in olden times. Fellow-citizens, you know that my opponents call me a Federalist. But I deny the charge : I am not—l never was a Federalist. Federalists are in favor of concentrating power in the hands of the Executive, Democrats are in favor of the retention of power by the People. I am, and ever have been, a democratic republican. My former practices, will bear me out in what I say. When I was Governor of Indiana Territory, I was vested with despotic power, and had I cho sen to exercise it, I might have governed that people with a rod of iron. But being a child of the Revolution, and bred to its principles, I be lieved in the right and the ability of the people io govern themselves; and they were always permitted to enjoy that high privilege. I had the power to prorogue, adjourn, and dissolve the Legislature; to Jay off new counties and estab lish seats of justice; tc appoint sheriffs and other - officers. But never did I interpose my preroga tive to defeat the wishes of a majority of the peo ple. The people chose their own officers, and I invariably confirmed their choice; where they preferred to have their county seats, there I loca ted them; they made their own laws, and I rati fied them. I never vetoed a bill in my life. But I have been denounced as a bank man. Well, let it go. I ana so far a bank man as I be lieve every rational republican ought to be, and i no farther. The Constitution of the United States makes it the duty of the Government to provide ; ways and means for the collection and disburse , men! of the public revenue. If the people deem , it necessary to the proper discharge of the func i tions of their Government to create a National Bank, properly guarded and regulated, I shall be the last man, it elected President, to set up my authority against that of these millions of Ameri can freemen. It is needful to have a larger mo ney circulation in a land of liberty than in an i empire of despotism. Destroy the poor man’s credit, and you destroy his capital. The peasant who toils incessantly to maintain his famishing hourehold. in the hard money countries of Eu rope, rarely, if ever, becomes the noble lord who pastures his “ flocks upon a thousand hills.” ; There are, necessarily, difficulties connected with every foim and system of government; but it . should be the aim and object of the statesman to form the best institutions within his power to make, for the good of his country. 1 Fellow-citizens, I cannot forbear to invite > y°ur attention to the concerns of your Govern i ment, in the welfare of which all good citizens • feel a deep interest. I warn you to watch your rulers. Remember—“ Eternal vigilance is the t price of liberty.” When Hook around upon the i dangers which seem to be suspended as by a hair > over this People, I tremble for the safety of this • re Pubhc. In an evil hour has the Chief Magis i trate of this nation been transformed into a mon • arch and a despot at pleasure ! To show .hat ; thls ‘ S ca 1 se ’ 1 " eed but refer you to the philo sophicaJ and profound historian, Gibbon, who 5 !n«m» obvious definition of monarchy i seems to bo that of a state in which a single per ' B ° n, . by whatsoever name he may be distinguish. . ed, is entrusted with the execution of the laws, f the ™ n *g eme nt of the revenue, and the com^ 1 »° f i h ® t rm ?‘ Is not Martin Van Buren entrusted wuh these functions? Most assured y e is. Call him by whatsoever name or title I f™?« C n° OSe TS reSid l nt ’ Exec utive Chief Magis • trate, Consul, King, Stadtholder—it doea not al- ter the nature of hie power ; he remains tU same, unchanged; and the President therefor# possesses oil the functions necessary to constitute a monarch. Y on hare often hesrd the “moneyed influence of the country” denounced, while it yet remained in the hands of the people, as dan gerous to publkj liberty. Have yau, then, no apprehension, no fear o f a moneyed influence, equal te that of half tb nation, concentrated in the hands of a single i * dividual, at the same time possessing two oth * •f the meet potent powers that belong te Government ? The great Julius C®sar—the co** quering Julius—has said, “Give me soldiers, and I will get money; give me money, and l’ w n| set soldiers.” The public purse is already con. ded to the hands of the President; a respect ble army is also under his control, and ith‘ contemplation by the Administration to add to the present military force of the Unitrd States n° army 0f200,000 men. American Ireemen, paus J and reflect. Meditate before you set. Matters of the highest moment depend upon action a I await your decision. There may be no ambitj. ous Caesar amon£ us who will dare to vj se t [j* ample means ntfw combined in the hands of the President, for the subversion of our liberties, but the exceptions to ambitious men so inclined ar so few that they but fortify the rule. Look around you, fellow-citizens. Are you girt with your armor, or have you surrendered it toanotherl The “ sentinels upon the watch-tower of f ree ’ dom”—have they been true to their trusts or have they slept ? I warn you, my countrymen against the danger of neglecting your duty-J Power is always stealing from the many to the few. Beware how you entrust your rights to the keeping of any man. They are never so - secureas when protected by your own shield, and defended by yourselves with your own weapons. General Harrison adverted to the interference of the officers of Government with elections, and pointed out its impropriety in a clear manner. “ If (said he, in conclusion upon that subject,) I 0 should be so fortunate as to be elected President I would deem it my duty to prevent, as far as possible, the practice of Government officers using their official influence and patronage for electioneering purposes; but, at the same time, those officers should be allowed the freest exer cise of the elective franchise—-at perfect liberty to vote for and against whomsoever they pleased, without the fear of being proscribed or removed* from office on account of their political prefer ence.” In conclusion, fellow-citizens, indulge me in a few remarks in regard to my old fellow-soldiers. A small number of them are here by my side. They stood by me in battle, firm and invincible, in by-gone days. Some of them are remnants of the Revolution—soldiers with whom I served under the gallant Wayne. Where, my brethren, are our companions in danger on the -field of strife? Alas! many of them are taking their final repose in the calm and peace of Death! “Let them sleep on, sleep on, In the grave to which kindred have borne them, And blest be the Braves who are gone. And the friends who survive but to mourn them!” The old soldiers, one by one, are dwindling away—gliding as it were down the river of Time into the haven of a long-sought rest. But a few of them even now are remaining to sorrow in gladness for the ingratitude of their country. When this country was a dismal howling wilder ness, those warriors were exposing themselves to danger and disease in the unwholesome swamps and morasses of the West, by guarding and defending ous frontiers. Many of them became present victims to ihe malaria of the marshes and the insalubrity of the climate ; others returned to their houses with disease engendered in their systems, but to linger for a time, and perhaps wasie away with consumption; while a yet smaller portion still remain among us, though generally shattered in constitution and feeble in health. Why is it, fellow-citizens, that these old soldiers of Gen. \Vayne’s army have never been repaid for their services or been allowed pensions by our Government? The nation is much indebted to them, and justice requires that the debt should be paid, and I could never die in peace, and feel no sting of remorse, if I were to permit their claims to pass unnoticed and without making an effort, when opportunity offered to have them satisfied. Fellow-citizens, my character has been most grossly and wantonly assailed by the demagogues < of the Administration party. They have falsely charged me with the commission of almost every crime, which is denominated such, that man could be guilty of. My character, which I had fondly hoped to preserve uhsullied as a boon and an example for my family, has been much tra duced and belied within a few months past, and, for this reason, I have sometimes regretted .hat your predilection had made me a candidate for office; hut, nevertheless, I claim no sympathy of the Public on this score. I only desire you to examine my past conduct, to read the history of your country, and ascertain my political course heretofore, and the principles on which I have ever acted, and if you find that my doctrines are unsound and unworthy of your support, it is your sacred duty to reject them. I ask not your sympathy or favur. I want but common justice. Let me have a fair trial, and, whatever may be your verdict, I shall be satisfied. Investigate mat ters fairly and honestly, compare the doctrines and practices of my adversaries with mine, and then decide as you shall th nk right and proper. Cast aside your'prejudices and predilections, and vote only from principle. It is your duty to do so. Heed not the censure of knavish politicians who reproach you with the name of “turn coat,” &c. It is not opprobrious to turn from a party to your country. We should despise the odium sought to be heaped upon us by designing men, from their selfish motives, as they despise truth and honesty. Hoping that the right may prevail and make our country prosperous, I will only add the wish that you may long enjoy its blessings, maintain its free institutions, and rejoice in the indepen dence of happy freemen. An Apt Illustration.—A western farmer has just related to us the following facts: Four years ago, he borrowed of a friend in the eastern part of this state, one thusand dollars to improve a new and and large wheat farm in « Michigan.—His farm, before clear from allincujr brance, was mortgaged to secure the payment of the money borrowed to make it productive, and after the expenditure of the SIOOO and a good deal of hard labor, Jn making the needful improv ments, it was thought to be worth S4OOO. For the first two years 35 busheles of wheat annually paid the interest.—Then it took 70 bushels, and this year it cost him 160 bushels to pay £7O » n ' terest, and the principal has become due. At the present prices of agricultural products in tb® interior of Michigan, the cultivators of the *oil cannot realise enough from their crops to cover the first cost of production consequently they#®* no profit on their laborious business. Hence no monied man wishes to invest his capital in i m ' proved farms: The person who loaned the SIQOO wants it for other purposes, and the unfortunate borrower is in a fairway lose the savings of a whole life of honest industry. It will he recollected that four years ago the country rejoiced under the glorious success ot Gen. Jackson’s “belter currency,” when the banks had just been urged to “discount liberally,” triumphant Jacksonism was every where creating scores and hundreds of “bank rag factories, t° supply the pretended “ vacuum ” occasioned by the sudden annihilation of the “Monster.” Now, nothing but gold and silver will answer to pay the enormous expenses oFtbe Federal Govern ment, and the Dictator at the Hermitage has issued his ukase, to the effect that ail bank notes