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AND SCTNKL. A 1J GI'ST A . J ~ FOR PRESIDENT, WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON, Os Ohio ; The invincible Hero of Tippecanoe—the incor ruptible statesman—the inflexible Republican— the patriotic Fanner of Ohio. , for vice-president, JOHN T V L ER , Os Virginia; A State Rights Republican of the school of >9B— —of Virginia’s noblest sons, and emphatically one of America’s most sagacious, virtuous and patriot statesmen. for erectors of president and vice-president, GEORGE R. GILMER, of Oglethorpe. DUNCAN L. CLINCH, of Camden. JOHN W. CAMPBELL, of Muscogee.] JOEL CRAWFORD, of Hancock. CHARLES DOUGHERTY, of Clark. SE ATON GRANT LAND, of Baldwin. ANDREW MILLER, of Cass. WILLIAM EZZARD, of DeKifb. C. B. STRONG, of Bibb. JOHN WHITEHEAD, of Burke. E. WIMBERLY, of Twiggs. FOR CONGRESS, WILLIAM C. DAWSON, of Greene. R. W. HABERSHAM, of Habersham. JULIUS C. ALFORD, of Troup. EUGENICS A. NISBET, of Bibb. LOTT WARREN, of Sumter. THOMAS BUTLER KING, of Glynn. ROGER L. GAMBLE, of Jefferson. JAMES A. MERIWETHER, of Putnam. THOMAS F. FOSTER, of Muscogee. The Crisis of the Country. In this day’s paper we complete the publication of this valuable article, which wt commend to the careful attention of every man of whatever class in the country. Its length should not deter any from a close and scrupulous investigation of its wholesome truths, it addresses itself to all classes of society, and presents in a brief and comprehen sive manner, the effects of maladministration upon the interests of the country, in such a style as to render its maxims intelligible to the humblest com prehension. Mr. Forsyth in Georgia. We are warranted in stating, on respectable au thority, for it comes fiom a good, or seemingly good Administration man, and one who, from his posi tion, knows, that the leading Vanites in Georgia have recently sent for and pressed Mr. Forsyth, since the news of the great attempt of the people at Macon, to come immediately toGeorgia, and use all his political and personal influence to bolster up the sinking prospects of ‘‘the destructives;” and that Mr. Forsyth has consented to be used, and will soon be among us for the puipcse. Let him ucrae. The work is done —the Magician’s wand is broken. It never has waved in triumph over Georgia. Such a political move will only serve to betray still further Van Buren’s weakness in Geor gia. We had hoped, we had almost said we still hope better things of Mr. Forsyth ; but if he will remain “ joined to his idols,” the people of Georgia will just as surely “ let him alone. ’ A little time will show whether Mr. Forsyth has been persuad ed on to lend himself to the importunities of the Georgia destructives. From the United States Gazette. Definition and Illustration ofFederalism. The Loco-foco papers think that the great mass of the people are so ignorant that they can play upon their prejudices hy calling the members of the Whig pany “Federalists;” and after creating a belief that the party of which Washington was the head was made up of lories, monarchists, etc., they proceed to class all the opponents of Mr. Van Buren with such politicians. A Whig paper at the South enquires what is the meaning of the word “Federalist.” as thus applied ; whereupon the Savannah Georgian, a Loco-foco paper, says: •* We will answer the question, put as our cap tion. A Federali-t, now, is one who advocates any measure tending to concentrate and consolidate power in the General Government. He therefore is a Federalist who advocates a National Bank, a High Protective Tariff, creating a surplus in the Treasury to be loaned to the favorites of the Bank— Assumption of State Debts — lnfernal Improvements by the General Government, and all such measures savoring of a “strong concen tration ol power” in the General Government, at the expense of the Stales.” We take the definition as it is given by one who is violently active for Mr. Van Buren, and is anxious to free his ow n party from the imputa tion of Federalism. The advocacy of consolidated power, we sup pose, is not quite so bad as its exercise. Gener al Jackson removed the deposites from the Uni ted Slates Bank without a single particle of law to sustain him ; nay, in order to arrive at such an act of consolidated power, he was compelled to remove an able secretary of the Treasury, and to place in his stead a gentlemen who, whatever may have been his attainments, never male | re tensions to. nor was credited for, the kind of tal ents and attainments suited to such a piece. He took the office, removed the deposites, ar.d was appointed Chief Justice ; and this, too, shorty after the House of Representatives ot Congress had, by a vote of mure than three to one, passed a resolution against the act by declaring that the deposites were safe in the United Elates Bank. It that is not tne exercise of consolidated power, w e do not know w hat may be thus denominated. W e might instance, also the appointment to office of men after confirmation had been refused by the Senate. A National Bank Bill was signed bv Wash ington and Madison, and advocated by Dallas, Rush, and a host of Democrats. But a Fedeialist, says the Georgian, is one who advocates a high protective tariff. We copy from the proceedings of the Senate of the United States, Tuesday, May 1?, 1828, the following record of proceedings; The Tariff Bill was read the third time, w hen Mr. Hayne made a long and argumentative speech in opposition to the bill, and concluded by moving US indefinite postponement. Motion 20, navs 27. Mr. Webster replied to Mr. Hayne and after so re remarks from Mr. Benton, the bill, as amended, was passed by the following vote : y EAS . Messrs. Barnard, Barton, Batemen, BENTON, Bouligny, (’base, DICKERSON, Eaton, Foote, Harrison, Hendricks, JOHNSON of Kv., Kane, Knight, McLane. Marks, Noble, Ridgely, Rouen. Ruggles, Sanford. Seymore, Thomas, (r>VAN BUREN,ZT) Webster, and Willy—2s. Nats. —Berrien, Branch, Chambers, Chandler Cobb, Ellis, Havne Johnston, ofLou.. King, Me- Kimlv, Macon, Parris, Robbins, Sijsbee. Smith. of Md„ Smith, ofS C. Tazewell,TY LER, M hue Williams, Woodbury—2l. So then, according to the definition of a highly respectablc Van Buren paper, the Savannah Georgian, Messrs. Van Burf.n and Johnson, the Locofoco President and Vice President, and the candidates of that party for re-election to the same offices, are Federalists, and so also are Messrs. Dickerson, Eaton, and Kane. While on the contrary, by the same unexcep tionable rule, the Hon. John Tyler, of I irginia, the Whig candidate for the Vice Presidency, is a Dkmocaiit. Will our brother of the Georgian, whose definition of Federalist we have copied, he kind enough to give to his readers the benefit of our illustration 1 It will go far to enforce his views of the subject. But if the Georgian declines, and the Savannah Republican has not had lime to prepare something belter, perhaps its editor would favor the people there with the “illustration. Crisis ol the Country—Cont/nried. How the credit system affected the attainment of our independence. The quarrel of the Revolution was in effect, and in substance a quarrel about credit, commercial credit, and the claims of royal prerogative. The right of absolute sovereignty was asserted as a credit account. This right, as to the manner in which it operated, was denied and resisted. Hence the war, and hence the result. The latter we re gard as a blessing, and owe it to this quarrel about credit. But how could we have maintained that struggle, or gone a single step in it, without a national cred it ? A few feeble settlements, having always been in a state of dependence, without money and great ly in debt, without arms, and without troops, with out ships of war, with no government even,except a hasty provisional one set up for the exigency; such a people pitted in conflict of arms against one of the oldest, best provided, and most powerful empires in the world ! But credit, that spring of enterprise in peace, that soul and sinew ot war, came to our aid. Funds, ships, armies, flew to our relief. We issued bills of credit of our own ; and a baseless paper currency for our domestic uses, which answered all the purpose at the time, though it proved to be good nothing afterwards. Per haps it would be true to say, that we owe our In dependence to the credit of that baseless Continen tal paper. What could we have done witnout it at such an hour ? It is true, it was never redeem ed, but the people were redeemed, and bore with patience this tax to their country’s deliverance. They who paid a hundred dollars for a breakfast, poor as they were, could point to a nation’s inde pendence purchased by the sacrifice. In the en joyment of the blessings of freedom, they soon for got their losses. Credit was the charm, the potent agency that carried them through. What could have been done without it ? Dismay would have covered every countenance in the outset, and the world would have pronounced our fathers mad men. But it was the generous faith of mankind, credit, that saved us. How the credit system enabled us to carry on the last war with Great Britain. We may, perhaps, say in gross, that that war cost the nation $2U0,00U,000, if we include all sac rifices, public and private, and left us i volved to the amount of some $ 120,0 0,000, rnoi eor less. We had nothing but debt to begin with; we sustained the burden ; acquitted ourselves with honor ; and in about twenty years after the peace, cancelled the debt; all on the basis of credit. Without this we could have done nothing; without this, a na tion might now insult us with impunity. How the credit system still affects the Government of the United States, It can obtain money whenever it wants, and to any ameunt. How the no credit system would affect the Govern ment of the Untied Slates. Itcoula not have issued its $5,000,000 of Treas ury Notes, in the spring of this year, (IS-10) nor its $10,000,000 of 1839. The wheels of government would have been slopped. There would have been a revolution succeeded by anarchy or seme new state of things we know not what. A Govern ment without credit, is no Government at all. It is dissolved in the event. The event itself is the instrument of i*s dissolution, and no other could be formed, ex ept on the basis cf credit. Can it indeed, be true, that a government seek ing to abolish the credit system, is itself at the same time asking and realizing all its advantages,by the issue of its own paper, without a dollar of specie to base it upon ? That it is issuing this piper by millions, one year after another ? We know it is good, but we ask for consistency, for the proofs of sincerity. Or is this Government prepared to say to the pe< pie, “ You shall not have credit, but we will 5 ” Will they say it is good for public , na tional purposes, but bad for private use ? But the Government is compelled to use credit —bey ? And may it not also be convenient to us, the peo ple ? How the credit system affects the British Empire. For a quarter of a century, that Government was able, by the mere force of her credit, to stand against the most powerful combination for the de struction of her manufactures, her trade, and the throne it-elf, which was ever formed against any nation, and was victor in the end. Still she holds on her way,dotlin£ the face of the globe with her colonies, absorbing old empires, and erecting new ones, covering all seas with her navy and her commerce, creating new worlds in this little world of ours ; all on the basis of her credit. The sun never sets upon her dominions, and her morning drum keeps pace with each of the twenty-four hour-. How the no credit system would affect the British Empire. It could not exist a day, but would fall to disso lution in ten thousand fragments, presenting a scone of social devastation, such as the world nev er saw. How the attempt to introduce the new credit sys tem has forced the Government to resort to credit. Nothing but kad government can keep the Amer ican people down. If they are not up soon after the revulsion ol over-action, ii is only because the government will not let them get up ; if they are not going ahead, it is only because the government has knocked them on the head. Tne no credit system will not only destroy a government, but it will destroy a people. Carried out, it is the’ disso lution of society. This is its true definition, as well as its effect. An attempt to introduce’ it therefore, irotn the highest department of society’ from the government, is just knocking the people on the head. They can’t stand it. It is govern ing t o much. It is destroying faith, moralitv, the bond of the social stale. Just let the people know that this is what the government are about, and that is enough. Thev feel the blow, and reel under it. The body politic shakes, trembles, and quivers through all its parts to its extremities. Men are frightened; confi dence takes flight; rumor with her thousand tongues stalks abroad; and society presents a scene of confusion, with disaster following quick upon the heel of disaster. When a government, instead of endeavoring to repair and reinvigoratc a shaken credit, strikes an other and more tremendous blow, by telling the people,Since you will abuse credit, you shan’t have it,” it is like a bolt from Heaven that shivers the oak. It is punishing the whole nation for the sins of a few. It is like the quack, who, lighting upon a community visited by an epidemic disease, not only kills the sick by his want of skill, but forc es down the throat of every well man, woman and child, a drug which kills them all, under pre tence that it is to save themfiom the contagion. No wondei such a inode of treatment reacts up on the government, and they find themselves in a lew short months, fallen liom a surplus to a defi c iont and rapidly tailing revenue. No wonderthey are compelled to resort to credit to save themselves, I as they have destroyed credit in the ranks of the people by tbc threat of doing it. A country thus injured, is so far impoverished. H< tr the State debts are affected bp this alarm occa sioned by the action of the government. Take for example the debt of the State of Penn sylvania, which is $36,000,000. Before the shock occasioned by the government attempt to abolish credit was felt, the bonds of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania were worth in the market ol the world* $ 113 on every SIOO. The last sales were c jlb on the par value of SIOO, since which there has been no demand. Suppose, however, that the bonds of Pennsylvania are now [June 1, 1540,J worth $75 on SIOO. They cannoi<be,iVvoifUM noie than this. It wM f Alow, that the entire depreca tion from 113 per cent to 7-3 per cent, oq a debt of $36,000,000, is $13,680,000! Is not this a truly amazing effect! 5 Is it not a mortifying position to a sovereign Commonwealth, to be obliged to ob serve such a falling off in her own f air fame? Mow the Independent Treasury is a Government Bank, atid how a Government Bank differs from a National Bank. The Independent Treasury is a bank of deposite for the revenue of the country —that is certain. — No one will deny this. If i be called a place of deposit, the change of name does not alter the thing. The only question is. whether it is a bank in the proper sense of the term. \\ hat, then, is a bank? Is the privilege and office of discount es sential to a bank? No one will pretend it is. What, then, remains as essential to the proper char acter of such an institution? Simply and manifest ly, the two faculties of deposite and issue, both of which belong to the Independent Treasury, and are essential elements of the bill ot organization. The Treasurer of the United States is empowered by this bill to issue drafts on the several branches or places of deposite, at his discretion, without any restriction as to amount or form. Here, then, is a bank —a bank of deposite, and a bank of issue— all that is essential to a bank. Moreover, these drafts will be an actual currency, so long as they are out; a currency that will be preferred to all others, and pass at a premium. It remains to observe how this Independent Treasury is aGovernment Bank in distinction from a National Bank. It is under the control of a di rectorship responsible to the legislative branch of the Government; whereas, in the case of the In dependent Treasuiy, it is to be under the sovereign control and directorship of the President of the U. States, in which capacity he is virtually invested, by the bill of organization, with the three several powers of President, sole Director and Cashier of the institution, all which he can use at pleasure by proxy, or otherwise! Is not this a Government Bank with a witness? Mow the Constitutional prerogative of the respec tive States to control their own monetary capital may be, and is likely to be, usurped by this Go vernment Ban!:. It is true, that the right of the States to chartci barks, if they choose so to do, will remain. But of what use is the right, so long as this govern ment Bank has control over the specie of the coun try, and is able to draw all great monetary transac tions within the circle of its influence? Whenever this institution shall choose to exert its powers, in these particulars, to the full extent of its possible sway, the constitutional control of the States over their own monetary capital will exist only in name. All that power will he wrested from their hands. We need not say that the sovreignty of a State will not be worth a penny, when ihis vital clement of her political existence is taken away. What is a political body without the control of a monetary capita 1 ? A mere cypher. How the operation of this Government Bank wil work a revolution in a ruinous depreciation of the prices of property and labor. It is an uncontroverted maxim, that the prices of property and labor are graduated by the amount of the circulating medium. It is also obvious that the scheme of the Independent Treasury is to re duce and confine the currency of the country to hard money; and this is likely to be the effect of its full operation. “Study,” says Mr. Benton, of the United States Senate, “the financial history of Holland, Prance, Cuba. Follow their example.— Imitate them,” This is known to be the doelri e of our National Administration. The average prices of labor in some few hard money countries arc as follows:^In France, 5 shillings and S pence sterling per week. Hours of labor 12 in the day, or 72 for the week. In Switz erland, 4 shillings and 5 pence per week. Time of work 82 hours. In Austria, 4 shillings per week. Hours 76. In Tyrol, 3 shillings and 9 pence per week. Hours 88. In Saxony, 3 shillings and 6 pence per week. Hours 72. In Boon, on the Rhine, 2 shillings and 6 pence per week. Hours 84. In Egypt, 3to 34 pence per day. The ave rage price for the above named European coun tries is 3 shillings and 11 pence and 3 farthings per week; ami the average number of hours 79. This average price of labor per week, amounts tt about 97 cen'sof our currency. In England the prices of labor per week, range from 15 shillings sterling, (or $3 63,) to 30 shil lings, (or $7 26 cents.) Average, $5 43 cents. In the United States the juices of labor have here tofore ranged from $3 to $6 jx>r week. Aveiage, $4 50 cents. This comparison will show the difference be tween the prices of labor in hard money countries and mixed currency countries. Great Britain and the United States arc known to have been the most prosperous countries in the world. Tue cause is to be found in the high prices of property and la bor. It may be laid down as a maxim of universal truth, that the highest state of prosperity in any country, is that condition of things which main tains as a pe> inanency the highest prices of proper ty and labor; more especially of labor; and that the stale most remote from prosperity, is that which reduces the prices of propertv and labor to the lowest point. In all the world and in all ages this will be found true, other things being equal. The lowest prices of property and labor "will be found under absolute and dcpotic governments.and in a slate of barbarism, where also will be found the greatest poverty, and most miserv. It is not sufficient to say, that the depression of these nominal prices does not depress prospciitv, when other things are equal, because other things are never equal, as we shall see in what follow’s’!’ Let u-i, then, proceed to consider how the opera tion of this Government Bank scheme will affect the property and labor of the country. The amount of n sound mixed currency of a country is at least three dohais to one ol a hard money currency. This is the smallest difference, w’hich wc are en titled to assume as giving the greatest advantage to our opponents. By this rule the following cal culali ns aie made for the purposes of illustration the print iple of which be accommodated to ?ny supposable or actual state of things. It will be seen that the standard we assume is perfectly immaterial to the argument. In the a-sumption of any other, to suit parties-or persons, thegrand result would be the same for all our jiurposes. Consequently, by the principle laid down which will not be controverted, viz; that the amount of currency graduates the prices of property and la bor, it will follow, that the introduction and full operation of the governmenment bank system will reduce the prices of property and tabbr at least two-thirds. How much the reduction will exceed this fraction may be guessed at by a review of the compaiative prices of labor in different countries given above. 5 Let us, then, estimate the amazingchano-e. The working man who, under the od system, received his dollar a day for wages, would find them redu ced to 33 cents under the new. The dollar and a hall per day of the journeyman carpenter, mason tailor jew’eller, cabinetmaker, printer, bookbinder.’ and of numerous other irades which it would fill a page to mention, would be reduced to fifty cents. 10 lx P ence °f the milkman who makes his daily round through the streets of our cities, would be irn U m d M to lWo ‘P cnce - In the same proportion would the market people suffer who supply the i^countrv Ul ‘ bT dticS from lh « su“cfund won! n tx Kee ’ instea( l of nine cents a pound would be three; potatoes would fall from thirty twentV five a b i :,Si * eii COin from to tion ‘n i ’ w i an< l dour in the same j*ropor bread s mrf °d “!, kinds of ">••!«. kind* of dcC s?f' a i al k,Dd a S ,° f v n*UW«. The sad r"c6 "dr°TL d r" - $6, and the old system couli lat up Ism" " h ° t !‘ e new could lay up onl, If™ under .he or $25 *ISOO under ,he o]d. wou’S, rwrthll 'sMU under the new. In the simp 011,1 on v same proportion will every F T l !* e indeed, except the salary of the President of the United States,pnd those of the officers and agents j of Government, amounting perhaps to fifteen thou- 1 sand ; all of which would be raised in value In proportion to the increased value of money, be it t more or less. They say two-thirds. Gs course, « the President’s salary would be worth $75,000, and 1 those of othci officers and agents of the govern- 1 ment iu proportion to their nominal amount. | But debtors, who probably constituted nine- i tenths of the population, would be the greatest sufferers of a!i, inasmuch as they would not only equally suffer is the depression of their property, .if they have any, but in the same proportion for •all that they owe. In many cases a debtor who was actually rich under the old system, may be reduced to nothing by the substitution of the new. 1 Nay, lie w.'ll be as much, worse than nothing, as his debts exceed one-third of his property. For 1 example: —if a man's property was worth $60,( 00 1 and his debts were $30,000, he will be SIO,OOO 1 worse than nothing by the change. A farmer pos sessed of an estate worth $',500, and being in debt $750, would find himself $250 worse than nothing ly the change. A farmer who could pay a debt of S3OO with three hundred bushels of wheat under the old system, must part with 900 bushels to pay it under the new, besides sacrificing two- Ihirds of the former value of his farm, if he is ob liged or wishes to sell it. In the same two-fold proportion would all debtors, having property, suf fer by the change. It has been said bj’ high authority—with how much truth we know not —that the aggregate of private debts in every commercial country like ours, is ordinalily equal to all the property of that country ; in which case as will be seen, such a re volution as will necessary be brought about by reducing the circulating medium of this country to a hard money level, would increase this indebted ness of individuals to three times the value of all the property to be found in the whole country ! Taking the assessment list of the state of New- York as a standard of the valuation of its property —which, as is well known in all such cases, is much below the true value—and adding to that her public works and other species of projierty not tax ed, all of which must suffer alike in the general wreck of this revolution—and it would probably be a moderate estimate to rate her losses in passing from the old to the hard money system, on the principle established, at $500,000,000. For our present purpose it may be sufficiently accurate to assume that all our States and Territories would suff-r in the same proportion to New York, as is the proportion of their respective representations in the House of Representatives in Congress —which would sho w an aggregate loss to the whole United States of $i ; 500,000,000! Besides all this, by withdrawing the circulating medium, we withdraw two thirds of the active cap ital of thecountiy, or which is the same thing, two-thirds of the means of public prosperity. The productiveness of this capital by the application of skill and labor would be twice as much to the nation as the prosperity based up m the one-third retained. Yes, much more than that, on the prin ciple, that every increase of capital augments the powerol acquiiing wealth in a manifold propor tion. We might probably say with truth, that the failure of fifty banks a year in the United States, of a half million of capital each, all falling on the jicople, would not be so great a loss to the nation. It is to be observed, that a dollar under a sound mixed currency, is as good as a dollar under an ex clusive metallic currency, so far as it respects pub lic faith, because it will always procure hard mo ney. A dollar is a dollar in America, in Europe, in Africa, in Asia, every where, at all limes. Tho’ it may not procure as much of the necessaries of ife under a mixed as under a hard money curren cy, it counts as much as an acquisition or invest ment; and a dollar under the former system is worth just as much in our relations to all the world as a dollar under the laitcr. Consequently, in our social, commercial, and political standing with ail the world, we should be worth three times, as much, ahd have three times the strength under the former system, which we should have under the latter. Besides wc should be able, and on that system, alone able, to maintain our rivalship with Great Britain, and ourrclative standing with other nations. There, too. is our foreign debt of some $200,- 000,000,standing against some of our States and against individuals, and in that way against the country, which by the principle already recogni zed, would rise to $500,000,000, under the new system, not nominally, indeed, but really, without a fraction of that abatement which is ascribed to ( our domestic condition under such a change. The | true reckoning would be on the other side. For it must all be paid in specie. It would even be more i difficult to pay $200,000,000 after this change, than $600,000,000 before it had begun. All the gain ofsuch a new state of things would be to the rich, and all the loss to poor. The latter ; would still have to pay the same for their tea, cof fee, sugar, clothes, and all foreign productions,//" they could ever get money enough to have either. But this if makes a very doubtful case. It is the doom of the poor in all hard money couutiies to remain forever poor, with scarcely the means of subsisti nee. So would it be with us. They would be ground to the dust. “ America,” said a distinguished foreign states man, “ is {was, we must say now,) the heavenof the poor man.” An 1 why ? Because,first, of the exceeding facility of getting enough to live on ; next, because of the numerous and great facilities I for getting rich. But introduce this new state of ( things, and it will be comparatively a hell to him. We are not aware, that there is any ground for the charge of fallacy, or of error, in the calcula tions we have made, or in the results to which they have conducted us. Is it not, then high time for tae people of this country to look this tremendous reckoning in the lace ? How this experiment will affect our relations to Great Britain and other nations. First, our political power will be diminished in the same proportion with our wealth and prosperi ty. Either one of these is ordinarily a fair meas ure for the other. Great Britain would go on with her giant strides on the credit system, augmenting her relative power and ascendency over us, just as the man of great capital can outstip in business and overshadow in greatness his poorer neighbour just as Stephen Girard, of Philadelphia, was more poweiful as a merchant and banker, than anv other single man of the same city. Cn the credit sys tem, we have proved a match for Great Britain ; without it, all our competition in commerce and political importance, hitherto so well sustained, would dwindle into insignificance. We should first bo despised for our folly, and next, peradventure insulted, with all the disadvantage of such a con dition to cope with. The great bulk of the com merce of the world would fall at once into the arms and its profits into the lap, of our great rival. i)nr political and commercial relations with all other nations, would suffer in the same propoition. All this would fall back upon our domestic condition with a tremendously paralysing and blasting influ ence. How the new theories and new experiments of Gov ernment are dangerous to our institutions. If they enter into the vitals of society, affecting its who’e body from the heait to the extremities, forcing the intire machinery to act on a new prin ciple, like the scheme of the Government Bank and its comprehensive policy, it is a revolution. It was the intention of the framers of our Government, it is the intention of the democracy of Hits country that this government and these institutions should he, maintained not overthrown.— No more theories No more experiments. No moie deviations from the advice of experience. We know what is good Wedon t want that which is uncertain. In our present state and prospects, the probable result of this rashness arc fearful to contemplate. How to know the true democracy Fortunately the true doctrine of American de mocracy has obtained such a place in the public mind that it cannot be easily dislodged, or cheated out ot its claims. Every freeman has it stereo typed in his brain. It is this: Don't govern us too mwi Another version qf the same sentiment is Let the people alone. They may make mistake* nuckF rT Ui the Cnd C ° mc right of th emselves’ qmckm than any government can set them right! ndeed, anv attempts of government to rectify the transient evils, which re ,S lt from , h 7" on,J -*** fre ” d " m SSSssr^ai-ara'is ties H Very des t™ctio n of our liber der t conlide^ai C inn’’ fc^ the thin S s w « have had un fundamental principle of*fife *’ that . this g reat an d been and is bv rk? 0 ? emOC ? Cy utes of our ”T turning to that princinle The IS n rc ” of this land should be heard, Scotwto Texas, in one loud long [note of determined pur pose : Don’t govern 100 much. Let the people a lone. Ifwe get into difficulty, we’ll get out again. It is the violation of this vital principle of de mocracy, it is this concentration of influence in the national Executive, this g. a iual encroachmcn o the principle of consolidation, this federal giasp that clutches all flings itcanlay its hands upon, to perpetuate powtiLn the same set of men yes, it is this that has leltto all our difficulties. How the abolition qf credit is the abolition of mor ality. Define credit as wc will, wc cannot disjoin it from public morality. It is always the exact meas ure of he soundness of the social state. W hat could be more preposterous then, what more shock ing, than for a Christian Governmental- any Gov ernment whatever to undertake the abo'ition of credit? Is it possible that there should be too much, a “ redundancy,” of public morality ? It has certainly received a shock in the recent disas ters of th° country, and urgently demands the heal ing, restoring agency of a parental Government. Yet they seem to have set themselves to eject it from the body politic, as if it were a foul demon. How the Government governs too much. They govern too much, in presuming that, if the people think they can better their condition or pro mote their happiness by planting mulberry trees,or trading in city Jots, or projecting a new town in in the woods, or shipping wanning pans to the West Indies, or ice to Calcutta or New South Wales, or sailing in a balloon, they will not claim leave to try; and if they fail, that they will not assert the right of trying something else according to their best discretion. They govern too mu- hin presuming that the people will allow their private enterprises to be interfered with, or their private affairs to be superintended by Government regula tions and policy. They govert too much, in pre suming that the evils of indiscretion in the man agement of private affairs can be better remedied by the action of Government, than by the experi ence of the parties concerned. They govern too much, in presuming to call the private enterprises of our citizens “wild speculation,” “fraudulent credit,” “gambling,” “swindling,” &c. &tc., and then proceed to punish these arts as vices and crimes, without trial, themselves being the accu sers, judges and executioners. They govern too much, in punishing the innocent wiMi the guilty — a nation of innocents for a few offenders—and in doing the whole by an ex post facto law of their own devising. It may be, that many of our citizens have made too free witn their freedom. This is the natural operation of our free institutions. Hut they were for the most part honest; they make haste to get rich; they have suffered for it; and now what do they get from the Government of their country?— Sympathy, kindness, help, protection? No such thing. But they are visited in vengeance, arraign ed as criminals, sentenced without trial, put to the torture without mercy; and here we are, all in the same mass; all dragged to the same doom, whipped and scourged as if wc were a nation of malefac tors! What right have our Government, either local’ the private enterprises of our citizens vices am crimes, or to punish them as such by ex poM fact enactments? If a Russian or Turkish despot ha committed an equal outrage on his abject slaves,! would rouse the sympathy and indignation of th world. ‘Speculation,’ ‘fraud,’ ‘gambling,’‘swin dling.’ These arc the charges —charges brought by the Government against a free people! And the the people are punished—all, the innocent with th guilty, without opportunity of defence, and by a arbitary law which had no existence before! Ob viously’, we are governed to much. The best g< vernment is that whi> h is neither seer, or felt b the good citizen. That is true American demo ciacy. A hari case. There are the State debts, incurred from the no blest motives, by the most unquestionable aims * patriotism and state pride, under prospects not onl justifiable in the light of all the prudence and saga city of the wisest men of the time, but high! praiseworthy in the circumstances of Hie seven cases. But the infatuated policy, usurped power and tyrannical measures of our national admini tration have brought about domestic troubles of most disastrous and ruinous character, and so a! fected our credit abroad, as to place all the Stat thus involved in a most uncomfortable, anxiou and truly calamitous condition. And how doi our national government treat these States as compensation for the responsibility of measure that have led to such consequences? Do they sa to the creditors abroad and elsewhere, that thej debts are good and safe? Do they volunteer ai sort of ficility to aid these suffer ng membeis ( the Union in their embarrassed circumstacces?- Do they even let them alone, and permit them t do the best they can on the basis of their own cr< • dit? Alas to say, they have not solar resptctc | the dignity of their high estate, but have descends I uncalled, unprovoked to the level of thernalicioi * slanderer of his neighbor’s reputation, and whi- > pered a-ide in the ears of the creditors of tlies States —“Gentlemen, wc advise you to have care, and look your own interests. Were w solicited, we should not deem it prudent to unde write for these parties indebted to you.” Nay not exactly this: 'tis something worse. Or it not this alone, ’fis something in addition, and • graver moment. They have appeared before tl world; they have volunteered their evidence i open court; they have gone upon the floor of tl American Senate; they have indirectly, at no hi. ding but their own will, announced and proclaim* from that high place, the fact of insolvency in tl. condition of these States, or what might well be s accepted as such by the parlies most interested 1 know! Instead of the sympathy of fraternal si licitude, and an office of kindness in the hour mo needed, ihere were the whisperings, and there we, the public acts of an enemy! Was ever infidelity treachery, like this, from a party thus rclated?- Does history record such an example of basenes first to entrap, then to smite? In the vulgar waff of vulgar men, such things have been know n; hi they are always stamped with the infamy the deserve, where the parties are of sufficient cons* quence to be made infamous. No matter whence these calamities come; r j matter if the administration of our common <oui ' try could acquit themselves of this responsibility ; and charge the fault at others’ doors ; no matter , r these suffering States had themselves 1 cen tempt* into indiscretions ; yet. there is a fraternal charm ter, a sacredness in the’bond of our Federal Unio: there is a patriotism implied in the compact, ai natural to the case and its relations ; there is a n spect which the States owe to each other, and tl, notion to the States, before the world; there is tie that binds us to fight and die for our commo honour, even though we quarrel among ourselve* j and above all is there a parental character looke I for in the supreme authoiities of this KcpubJi whenever the interests of any of the great famil of federated States arc in jeopardy, or their so i standing is drawn in question. To be w ounded b a brother’s hand, is cruel; to be assaulted by' parent’s is lohave lived 100 long! Cut enough— too much of this. We mean, th fact is. too much. If we had nM a worthy, patriot! aim in view’, demanding, at least, making som« justification of this notice, the blushjof shame whie! suffuses our check in the execution of this task should die away unseen, and the blood which boi in our viens at these recollections, should fall bad to its wonted coolness, and leave these bunun thoughts unrecorded. But these unnatural wrongs done to such parties from such a quarter, and the sufferings of our common country, so vas’t and un deniable, and inflicted by the same hands, call for redress. Thank Heaven that redress, at least re lief, is yet in the power of the Amur can pcop’e They have suffered much, long, patiently nobly* because they respect themselves, and know their strength and their remedy’. How wc have fallen. In a time of profound peace—a little Indian wa. excepted—when the nation was in a career of un paralleled prosperity ; when the public treasury was overflowing, and the Government embarrassed or.ly to find ways to dispose of this surplus rove nue ; when property and labor commanded the highest prices, and no one wanted employment® when internal improvements cn the grandest" ra e were advancing with unheard of rapidity ; when agriculture, manufactures, commerce, and the va rious trades yielded their gicatest n of.t ,11 branches of business flourfshed ; whef the ieJ “At: '' w""l” f °“ nd a r - a( U' market*when cities it K VaS Pcop'einjr, ami .owns and cities rising on its bosom, as if bv enchantment • was un shaken, and afforded the nced lu faculties to trade; when the currency of the fhi . answcred Tl,e most desirable o. ! his vita l agent of civilization; and when all na ture conspired to sustain and augment our pros perity ;—at such a time, and in suchcrrcutn t T , of national pride and expectation, by sundry 1 !* 5 palions of Government, and governing ton credit was suddenly and Ur | 1 > business of all kinds, except that of attorned' sheriffs, was brought to a dead stand - iff* and went begging for bread, or starved f or the w it; a great portion of the community was to a state of bankruptcy, and all to non-pa vm no man could tell what he was worth- 'a h Government itself was compelled to issue ! " t,IC Notes —a paper based solely on credit— to r ' ( current expense* ! ! Millions of the public were lost, and lost forever, by this the fiscal transactions of the nation. ° n ln How the grievances we now suffer compare those complained of in the Declaration of S h pendence. ln^e ' Let the freemen of these United States tal* Declaration of Independence in hand, and read lu** specification of grievances recorded there • let th weigh well the oppressions and cruel dearth 11 which bowed down the spirits of our father m they could bear it no longer: and then let th* 111 decide and pronounce, on their own convictio ' em view of that record and of the grievances wh’*? are now ciushing the spirits of this great natio n (hanging excepted, for modern tyranny is mnr» direct and refined,) let them decide, we S;iv y* M this exception, if they can find half ttaffiw f grievances, half the instances of despotic and °[ sway, half the wan: of sympathy with the mi-.- of a suffering people, half the pressure of corner 8 caied and overwnelmiug calamity, or half the Rated rum, which are to be found in the histoi f the last few years of this country, in out\ )y J ° f condition, in our presei t prospect*., unde. r.,, * ent Government ! Our father., vragk u. e «,?! ' fought the battles of the Revolution fui princid, because the crown claimed to tax tea & c \ we have not only principles to contend against w their fatal, tremendous results / Then our Gth strove to prevent what might come. y ow T task imposed uoon us, is to rid ourselves of tl evils that have already fallen on our heads It can’t be worse. Manifestly the country cannot be worse b * change of Administration. But a It must be better. First, because there is no getting away from fact, that our Government have brought lln most of the evils we feel. A change of policy and measures is indispensable to our delivcianr. Next, because a new administration will fed fi necessity of granting relief. Those now in now. cannot and will not doit, because they will n I change. Thirdly, because the new administration as we have ground to expect, will be a very aS one. h ourtnly, because they well know their fat. uefore the nation, will depend on the good thev shall do in meeting the great exigencies o th. times. They must relieve the nation, or forfeit if, favor. There is no other alternative. They have i maintained that the cause of om distress is bad I government. I hey must, therefore, prove it hi ft removing the distress. Fifthly, there i*rottenness I in Denmark, and it is necessary to get it out V ft long lea*c of power to one class of men tempts to j corruption, and they must be more than human no’ to yield to it. A change is necessary to expose these corruplions, and bring the causes of our trou bles to light. Sixthly, a change is necessary to maintain our happy form of Government audits free institution*. The two great paities of.this country will always remain nearly equal, to watch each other, and every few years there must be a change. This is essential to the-'preservation of our liberties. If power stays always in the hands of one parly, the leaders would ruin us. This ac counts for the fad, that wc are nearly ruined now. It is because the leaders have been cneroarhin- r on the liberties of the people, to perpetuate their now er. As a nation, we arc now on the brink of a precipice. One step farther in the same direction may plunge us from a giddy height, into an abyss where we may wail our fall without the hope of relief. 1 ONE PRESIDENTIAL TERM, NOW A y D FOREVER. Astatesman of the profoundest political sagaci ty , uncommitted to any’ party’ in our country, whose authority is therefore entitled to the greater weight has said ; “ When the head of the state can bere elerted, the evils rise to a great height, and com promise the existence of the country. Places be come the reward of service rendeieJ, not to the nation but to the chief. A State may survive a * host of bad laws. But the law which nurtures the giowtn of the canker within, must prove fxtu 4 IN THE END.” i he present Chief .Magistrate of this country,as one of a committee of the Senate of the United States, in ifi -fi, said ; “ Ti e President of the Uni ted States makes and unmakes tiiosc woo adminis ter the system [of lus government ] . . . Ilis spirit will animate their actions in all the elections to Stale and federal offices. Wc mu*t, then.look forward when the public revenue will be doubled. [Or when we shall have a Government flank—a thing never dreamt of so long ago.l . . . The President wants my vote, and I want his patron age. Iwi'l vote as he wishes, and he will give me the office 1 wish for. \\ hat is this but thegov crnmeqt oi one man ? And what is the oyvem- j ment of one man but a monarchy ? INames are notning; but the nature of a thing is in its sub staine. Low prophetic of the very position in which we now are—in which that very man is! “ ls , th - v servant a dog, that lie >hould do this ?” Gibbon says : “In whatever state an individu al unites in lus person the execution of the laws, the command o t the army, and the management of th►, revenue, that stule may be termeda mos- j ARCHV.” But we have before us the proposal of one pres idential term, to res* uc us from these imminent perils. God speed the issue, and the Republic will be saved. We .-hall have no more spending the whole oi the first Presidcntia 1 term to stcuic a succession to the second. AWAY WITH PARTY. es, in such a time, away ’.vith party, and go ju for the country, for freedom, tor the constitution, | lor the laws, for deliverance, for prosperity. He who talks ol party now, who can bo biibea by its promises, or intimidated by its thieats, who can bt swayed by any less holy sentiments than patriotism and sympathy with the distressed, is a traitorlo his country, and lecreant to the love of his spe cies. THE MAN OF THE PEOPLE. We have before us a man whom the spiiit of party has never tainted: a man worthy of our confidence in this great endeavor to redeem the na tion ; a man who has fought the b titles, and culti vated the soil of his country; who has assisted in making her laws, and presided over their execution; a man who has dignified station, and honored the walks of private Jiie; who has shown himself the ft worthy companion of the great, and the poorman’s Iriend; who has never fla tered the pretensions of tiie lofty’, nor frowned on the timidity of ibe hum ble ; a man whose virtues have ever secured him the approbation of the good, and exposed him to the maledictions of the vile ; who is too modest to proclaim his meiits, and too geneious to avcnz e las wrongs; who relinquished ilic sword for the plough, and the pomp and parade of office for h |C occupations of the citizen ; a man whose symp** thy has ever been with the people, whose a-pir a ' lions have ever been for their welfare, and who has enthroned their happiness and prosperity, household gods at his hearth. This man is B in iam Henry Harrison, the Cincinnati's of |b e West, now called by the voice of liis fellow-c. ti zens, to preside over the destinies of this Repub lic. Movement of Troops. The St. Louis Republican of the ISth say ß that the Sth Regiment, Col. North, now station ed at Jefferson Barracks, below that city, have received orders to repair immediately to Prariedfl Chien. The cause of tais sudden movement, it is said, grows out of the conductof the Wmnebag o i Indians. A short time ago they were removed by Gen. Atkinson, to the west side of the MW B *** sippi. Since the troops left they have all return ed to their former lands, and refuse to return hack to the lands assigned them. It is quite p r0 ‘ bable that some difficulty may yet grow out of the unwillingness of some ol the Chiels to mi grate. The Republican adds:—The Sth was ordetri to Jefferson Barracks to recruit before going h’ Florida. We understand that a large nutter ol them are on 'the sick list. They have had but little time lex recover from the fatigues they have lately undergone in the. icuioving these Baser* Indians.