Daily chronicle & sentinel. (Augusta, Ga.) 1837-1876, September 04, 1840, Image 2
CHHOXI' :I.R A.M) SKNTINEJ j.
A I J G U S T A .
FRIDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 4.
FOB PRESIDENT,
WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON,
Os Ohio;
The invincible Hero of Tippecanoe —the incor
ruptible Statesman —the inflexible Republican —
the patriotic Fanner of Ohio.
FOR VICE-PRESIDENT,
JOHN TILER,
Os Virginia;
A State Rights Republican of the school of ’9B—
—of Virginia’s noblest sons, and emphatically
one of America’s must sagacious, virtuous and
patriot statesmen.
FOR FIECTORS OF PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT,
GEORGE R. GILMER, of Oglethorpe.
DUNCAN L. CLINCH, of Camden.
JOHN W. CAMPBELL, of Muscogee.'
JOEL CRAWFORD, of Hancock.
CHARLES DOUGHERTY, of Clark.
SEATON GRANTLAND, of Baldwin.
ANDREW MILLER, of Cass.
WILLIAM EZZAED, of DeKalb.
C. B. STRONG, of Bibb.
JOHN WHITEHEAD, of Buikc.
E. WIMBERLY, of Twiggs.
FOR CONGRESS,
WILLIAM C. DAWSON, of Greene.
R. W. HABERSHAM, of Habersham.
JULIUS C. ALFORD, of Troup.
EUGENI US A. NISBET, of Bibb.
LOTT WARREN, of Sumter.
THOMAS BUTLER KING, of Glynn.
ROGER L. GAMBLE, of Jefferson.
JAMES A. MERIWETHER, of Putnam.
THOMAS F. FOSTER, of Muscogee.
Lost.
The file of the “State Rights Sentinel” for
1536 has been borrowed from our office by some
person who lias omitted to return it. We would
therefore thank the individual who has it in pos
session to send it home. In the event that we are
unable (o obtain our own, we should be glad to
purchase or boirow a file for that year, and also o
the one of the Augusta Chronicle.
Mr. Webster’s Speech.
In this morning’s paper, to the exclusion of
much other matter, we present our readers with
the fir&t part of Mr. \\ ebster’s admirable speech
at Saratoga, which we most cordially commend
to their careful perusal. Like every thing that
emanates fro n his giant intellect, it bears the im
press of the highest order of genius, and displays
in the most happy manner the beauty, eloquence
and force of the simplicity of his style and lan
guage, No man, whether he he Locofoco proper,
or State Rights Locofoco, can read this speech
without admitting its great force and undeniable
truths. It is a most masterly production, and a/i
such we invite a careful investigation of its im
pressive and wholesome truths.
We are well aware of the prejudices which ex
ist in the minds of many toward Mr. Wei ster,
but we invoke such, in all soberness, to lay down
tor a lime those prejudices and rca 1 this speech,
and then determine whether they have ever read
a speech of greater force, or simplicity, or beauty
o( style, or one more conclusive in argument.
We shall endeavor to give the remainder to
morrow.
Indian Spuise, Sept. 1, 12 M.
Mu. Editor : There an at this moment not
exceeding one hundred Locos on the hill and in
the valley', immediately around and in the vicin
ity of the Indian Spring. Neither Colquitt,
Cooper or Black have yet arrived to cheer the
hopeless Vanocrats in this their last, despairing,
dying effort. 1 his Convention is avowedly got
ten up for the purpose of attempting to counter
act the effects of '.he late \S hig gathering at Ma
con. How silly and how vain ! Their leaders,
fearing failure and discomfiture, have not frankly
and boldly called upon the several counties of the
state, to send forth their delegates, to meet in
convention at this place, but it is obvious, and
will never be denied, that it is a united and simul
taneous effort to rally the r whole party in Geor
gia, and to make an exhibition of their strength
at the dinner given for the advancement of the
influence of General G’s. “ three distinguished
champions of American liberty'.”
One of their supernumeraries yesterday ad
dressed about seventy persons at the Spring. It
is to h? hoped that he will hereafter be merciful,
and never again so severely tax the patience and
politeness of even a Van Duren audience, es
pecially when they have ladies among them.
To-day the Alabama delegation have been
pouring forth their elaborately concocted speech
es at Mr. Dillon’s hotel. The first, Mr. S., quite
a young gentleman, got over his depth, and
floundered about like a foolish cock which I once
saw leave the ship and launch itself upon the
waves. The second, a Mr. H., has some native
eloquence, a wild and reckless imagination, which
like an untamed steed, boars him he knows no t
where. He recites poetry, however, remarkably
well, and correctly; but his speech abound'd
with party cant an d Loco Foco slang. He
quoted Albert Gallatin as an opponent of the
United States Bank-lab! what a blunder’
'That great financier and honest republican, when
he beheld the immolation which was taking ; la, e
upon the altar of Andrew Jackson’s revenge, and
the incense of that personal popularity which in
toxicated the judgements of the American people,
recorded this remarkable prophecy: “ That when
the people had borne their sufferings long enough*
they would call for the re-establishment oj a
I National Bank,” and verily, verily, its fulfilment
j is at hand.
Tuesday Night.
This afternoon a Mr. Y., of Alabama, enter
tained an assembly of three or four hundred, for
about three hours, with the most disgusting far
rago of nonsense which it has ever fallen to our
lot to hear. He possesses what is vulgarly
termed a “ good gift of the gab,” He slated in
the beginning of his tirade, that “ no Southern
man voted for Gen, Harrison at the Harrisburg
Convention.” He is either too ignorant or too
dishonest to tell the truth. One of the party,
however, jogged his memory, and he reluctantly
acknowledged that Mr. H. of bis own State, had
voted for Harrison, but it was too much to expec t
from such a preposterous fellow, that he would
acxnowledge to the suckers, that Gen. H. was
supported by such distinguished republicans as
Benj. Watkins Leigh, and Gov. Owen, of the
South. With a would-be graceful wave of his
hand towards the ladies of the hotel, this rude
sprout of modern democracy told them that Gen*
H. had sanctioned a law which would permit a
“FAIR AND BEAUTIFUL LADY” to be Stripped,
and publicly receive a number of lashes on her
naked back. We would advise his mother to
keep him at home, she certainly does not know
he's out.
September 2, 10 o’clock p. m.
Colquitt & Co. arrived last evening. There
are, in my opinion, between ten and fifteen hun
dred persons here, and it has been a subject of
general notice, that so many boys have never
been seen together. X.
From the New Orleans Picayune of the 28th ult.
Cotton Crop in Louisiana Destroyed.
A highly respectable gentleman of this city,
who has just returned from a visit to his planta
tion in thi- State, gives us the following mel
ancholy information :
“ Gentlemen —I have just returned from ray
cotton plantation in the Parish of Iberville, where
I witnessed, in the space of forty-eight hours, tha
destruction of every leaf and “fouu” on my whole
plantation, by the caterpillar, or army-worm,
(sometimes so called,) which made its appearance
in I have not a neighbor who has not
shared a similar fate with me. Thousands of
bales of co lon have thus been destroyed. On
Thursday night not a worm was visible on my
crop, and on Friday morning most of the destruc
tion was complete. In my neighborhood not more
than one-fourlh of the crop, which a week ago
ail had reason to anticipate, can be realized. 'The
cattle drivers from Attakapas say the worms had
made great devastation in that region, and still
continued to spread with alarming rapidity.”
How the Public Money has Gone. —John
Spencer was Receiver of public moneys, a sub
Treasurer at-Fort Wayne, Indiana. He was
found a defaulter, and Mr. Woodbury addressed
him the following note:
Treasury Department, I
August 13, 1836. s
Sir: Y'our letter of the 28th ultimo, enclosing
your monthly return for June, is received. See
ing that the balance in your hands amounts to the ;
sum of $100,599 82, I must require that the !
same be transmitted to the hank of Depositeforth
with, and request you to explain why the amount
has been so long retained in your hands.
No answer to my letter of the Bth ultimo has
been received. I am, &c.
Levi Woodbury,
Secretary of the Treasury.
Receiver of Public Money, Fort Wayne, Lidi
i ana.
On the 21st of August, eighteen days after Mr. I
| Woodbury wrote, William Hendricks, late Sena- i
I tor in Congress, now Van Burcn candidate for
i elector in Indiana, wrote to Mr. Woodbury the
following letter:
Madison, August 31, IS3C.
Sir: I am informed that some things are sta
j led recently, to the prejudice of Col. John Spen
j cer, Receiver at Fort Wayne, and I am reques
ted to write you. In doing so, I can only say
that I have been gratified in learning that his de
poshes have been made to your satisfaction ; and
1 if so, I hope that minor matters, if mere irregu- j
j lautics, will be overlooked. He is reputed to be
an honest and honorable man, and I do not he- i
lievc that he has intentionally either done wrong !
or violated his instructions. It would to some
; extent produce excitement if he were removed,
for he has many wairn and influential friends,
both at Fort Wayne and in Dearborn county,
from which he removed to his present residence.
Belter let it be.
.With much respect,
W». Hendricks.
Hon. Levi Woodbury, Secretary of the Trea
sury.
“Better let it he”—this man has “influential
i friends,” and the election is approaching. Spen
: cer was “let he, ’ and wrote to Woodbury a let
ter, from which we give the following ;
1 Extract of a letter from John Spencer to Levi
j Woodbury.
“My democratic friends think I ought not to
leave until after we hold our election for Presi
dent, on the 7lhof November, which I have con
cluded to await.”
A defaulter re tained because he has “influen
tiarfriends,” “democ atic friends,” who think he
should not leave until after the election !
The result is what might be expected. A Lte
Fort Wayne Sentinel stales that a suit has been
at last commenced against Mr. Spencer for $33,-
000, the balance now claimed against him! Let
the people look to it.
Our Boundary Commission.—We stated, a
j f c “ w days ago, that the commissioners on their ar-
I rival at Portland found every thing in a state of
most admirable u/ipreparedncss for their journey.
I lie 1 ortland Advertiser of Monday remarks
thereon as follows :
We learn that the boundary commissioners
will leave this city on I hursday morning in the
steamer Bangor, for the disputed territory. They
have been in ibis city, we believe, for two weeks
and more, with a corps of engineers and survey
ors, waiting the movement of the waters, and
probably for the reasons suggested in the New
York Commercial. The time lost and the con
sequent delay in the examination and report of
the commissioners, is in keeping with everv
thing done, or rather not done, upon this sub
ject by the General Government. We predic
ted, months gone by, in Washington, that even a
preliminary movement for a survey would not lie
made until the eve of the election, and the result
is as we predicted. The Presidential question
will now be settled, before Mr. Van Buren is
again heard from.
Destructive Fire at Patterson.— A fire
broke out on Wednesday night, about 9 o’clock,
in the livery stable of John Hart, in Main street,
and before it was subdued all the buildings in
Main street, from Archdeacon's to Congress Hall
Hotel, and all the houses and other buildings in
the block in the rear to the other street, except
two small buildings hack of the museum, were
destroyed. So rapid was the fire, that all the
horses of the stable in which it commenced could
not be got out, and two were consumed. In all
about twenty dwelling houses, together with
barns, workshops, iumlter yards, stores, &c., were
burned. Supposed to have been the work of an
incendiary.— New York Herald of the 28 th ult.
i Speech of Daniel Webster,
AT THE GREAT MA'S MEETING AT SARATOGA, ON
19th AUGUST, 1840.
' Reported for the New York American.]
\Vc ire here, my friends, in the midst of a great
movement of the people. That a revolution in
public sentiment on seme important question® of
public policy has begun, and is in progress, it is
vain to attempt to conceal, and folly to deny. V. hat
will be the extent of this revolution, what its im -
mediate effects upon political men and political
measures —what ultimate influence it may have on
the integrity of the Constitution, and the permanent
prosperity of the country, remains to be seen.
Meantime, no one can deny that an extraordinary
excitement exms in the country, such as has not
been witnessed for more than half a century not
local, not confined to any two, or three, or ten
States, but pervading the whole, from Noith to
South, and from Kast to West, with equal lone
and intensity. For an effect so general, a cause cf
equal extent must exist. No cause, local or par
tial, can produce consequences so general and uni
versal. In some parts of the country, indeed,
local causes may in some degree add to the flame ;
but no local cause, nor any number of local causes,
can account for the general excited state ol the
public rnird.
In portions of the country devoted to agriculture
and manufactures, we hear complaints of want of
market, and of low prices. Net there are other
portions of the country which are consumers, and
not producers of food and manufactures and as pur
chasers, they should, it would seem, be satisfied
with the low prices of which the sellers complain ;
but in these portions too of the country, there is
dissatisfaction and discontent. Every where there
is complaining and a desire for change.
There are those who think this excitement a
mong the people transitory and evanescent. lam
not of that opinion. 80 far as 1 can judge, attention
to public affairs among the people of the I nited
States has increased, is increasing, and is not likely
to be diminished, and this not in one part of ‘he
country, but all over. This certainly is the fact,
if we may judge from recent information. The
breeze of popular excitement is blowing every
where. It fans the air in Alabama and the Caroli
nas, and I am of opinion when it shall cross the
Potomac, and range along the northern Allegha
jties, it will grow stronger and stronger, until,
mingling with the gales of the Empire State, and
the mountain Masts of New’ England, it w ill blow
a perfect hurricane.
There are those again who think these vast pop
ular meetings arc got up by effort, but I say that
no effort can get them up, and no effort can keep
them down. There must then be some genejal
cause that animates the whole country. What is
that cause ? It is upon this point I propose to give
my opinion to-day. 1 have no design to offend any
feeling, but in perfect plainness to express my
views to the vast multitude assembled heie. I |
know there are among them many who from first
to last supported General Jackson. I know there
are many who, if conscience and patriotism had
permitted, would support his successor, and I should
ill icpay the attention with which they may honor
me by any reviling or denun iaiion. Again, I
come to play no part of oratory before you. If
here have been times and occasions in my life,
when I might be supposed anxious to exhibit my
self in such a light, that period has passed, and
j this is not one of the occasions. I come to didate
and pr scribe to no man If my experience, not
now short in the affairs of Government, entitle my
opinions to any respect, those opinions are at the
service of my fellow citizens. What I shall state
as facts. 1 shall hold myself and my character res
ponsible lor; what 1 shall state as opinions, all
arc alike at liberty to reject or to receive ; asking
only such fair interpretation of them as the fair
ness and sincerity with which they are uttered may
claim.
What then has excited the whole land from
Maine to Georgia, and that gives us assurance that
i while we here are meeting in New Yerk in such
I vast numbers, other like meetings are holding
I throughout all the States ? That this cause musl
be general as its effect is certain, for it agitates
the whole country and not paits only.
\\ lien that fluid in the human system indi pen
sable to life becomes disordered, corrupted or ob
structed in its circulation, not the head or the heart
alone sutler, but the whole body, head, heart, and
hand, all the members and all the extremities, are
affected with debility, paralysis, numbness, and
death. The analogy between the human system
j and the social and political system, is complete,
J and what the life bloo 1 is to the former,circula
i tion, money, currency is to the latter; and if that
j be disordered or corrupted, paralysis must fall on
the system.
The original, leading, main cause, then, of all
our difficulties and disasters, is the disordered state
of the 1 r asury. This is perhaps not a perfectly
obvious truth, and yet one susceptible of ca-v de
monsllation. In order tr explain this the more
readily, I wish to bring your minds to the consid
eration of the condition and the vast affairs of the
United States. Eur country is not a small prov
ince or canton, but a region extending over a large
and diversified surface, with a population of vari
ous conditions, products and pursui’s. It is in this
variety that consists its prosperity, for the differ
ent parts become useful one to the other, not by
identy, but by difference of pioduction, and thus
each by interchange contributes to the interest of
ihe other. Hence our internal trade—that w hich
carries on this exchange of the products and indus
try of the different p< rlions of the Unfed States
is one of our most important, 1 had almost said, the
most important interest. Its operations are easy
and silent, not always perceptible, but diffusin''
health and life throughout the system, by the in
tercourse thus promoted from neighborhood to
neighborhood, and from State to State.
Let me explain this a little in detail. You are
here iu a giam growing State. Your interest then
is to have consumers, not growers of grain. The ,
huiids that in the belt of earth in which grain best
succeeds, grow’ wheat, are interested to find mouths
elsewhere to eat what they raise. The manufac- i
tuieis of the North and the East, need the grain of
the middle Stales, and the cotton of the South and
these in turn buy the manufactures of the East.
Noi is this solely matter of interest, but is in some i
degree brought about by ihe regulations of foreign
Governments. Our manufacturers find no sale In
Europe, and much of our giain is under ordinary ,
circumstances excluded from its markets. In
Fiance it isnevei admitted, and in England, con- <
tingentiy and uncertainly only, and in a manner <
to tantalize, rather than gratify the American hus- <
bandman.
. I internal trade morever, moves as it were i
m a circle, and not directly ; the great imports of
the country are made in New York, whence they ,
pass to the South and to the West; but our ex- |
ports are not mainly from New York but from the ,
South—the mam imports then are made at one cor- f
ncr of the L nion, and the exports from another, <
1 he same thing is true of other branches of trade t
1 he produce of Ohio, much of it descends the river
to New Oneans ; but Ohio is supplied w ith foreign i
commodities and domestic fabrics mainly through
the New \oi k Canals, the Lakes, and the Ohio
Canal. Ihe live stock of Kentucky goer to the
(. arolinas, but Kentucky buys nothing there, but
transmits the money to Baltimore or Philadelphia 1
and there procures what she wants, to be sent to’
iier across the Alleghanies.
This circuit of trade in a country of such great 1
extent as ours, demands, more than to any country ‘
under heaven, a uniform currency for the whole 1
people ; that what is money in Carolina shall he so I
clrewhere, that what the Kentucky drover receives
what the planter of Alabama sells for, what the 1
laborer in New York gets in pay for his work and i
carries home to support his family, shall be of as- i
certained and uniform value.
This is not the lime nor the occasion for an essay i
oi dissertation on money ; but I mean distinctly to j
express the opinion, that until the General Gov
ernment shall take in hand the currency of the
country, until the Government shall devise some
means, 1 say not what, of raising the whole cuiren
presperity eVC * aD( * s ‘ lvei » tlieie can be no ■
Let us retrace briefly ihe history of the cuircn-
ZSu'Tt U1 thlS coun, ry—a most important ,
*, , io commerce question. I appeal to all
the't'orilt t 1 c- UieJ lll | e , “ stor >' of those times and of
, f ’ I,C ! hpr our f *thers in framing
•. t \ ll 10n w ' HC h should unite us in common
hei ehfefnK C 0 T rT ! 0n S loi 7> had not also among ,
f J ec lS provide a uniform system of
currency for the whole country. 1 specially invite .
°- f tlle cou “try to go back to ■
\’ir-if!ia° °i ** >ose times, and particularly to the
in?s of the S ° Utl ° nS ° f * 775 ’ anJ totie P roceed - :
° , contention at Anapolis in the same
> eai and they will there find the prevailing argu- ,
ment for forming a General Government, was in (
order to secure a uniform system of currency-of
Custom Hjusc duties, and a general regulation of |
the commerce of the whole country. It was no
longer to ke the commeice of New Yoik,or of Mas
sachusetts, but of the United States, to be earned
on under that star spangled banner, which I ore on
it, and into every sea, t.ie glorious motto E Pluri
bus L nuin.
This being a chief and cherished object, when
the first Congress under the Constitution assembled
in New York, Gen. Washington in Lis speecu nat
ural!' drew their attention to the necessity ol a
uniform currency, looking probably at ihat t’me to
to the mint first established iu Philadelphia, to pro
vide that currency.
I mention these circumstances to show that the
difference in the currencies of the several Slates,
and the wantof a uniform system, both of com
merce and currency, being among the chief incou
veniencies to be remedied by the establishment of
♦he Constitution ; the subject very naturally and
properly attracted the early attention of the Presi
dent, at the first term of the first Congress.
At the second term, t.ie United States Bank was
established ; without detaining you by quoting pa
pers or speeches of that day, 1 will simply refer
any one curious to enquire to the official documents
of the time and to the contemporaneous expres
sions of public opinion on the leading measures of
that day, for pioof, that while one object of incor
porating a National Bank, was that itmightocca
sionally make loans to Government.and take charge
of the disbursement of its revenues, another object
quite as prominent and important, was to furnish
a circulation —a paper circulation —founded on na
tional resources, that should be current all over the
country. Gen. Washington had the sagacity to
see, wnat indeed minds less sagacious than his
could not fail to perceive, that the confidence re
posed in the United Slates under the Constitution,
and in George Washington as the head of it. would
impart to whatever came to Congress more author
ity and value than to any thing emanating from any
single State.
The assumption by Congress of the State debts,
illustrates this remark, for the moment the United
States became hound for those debts and proceed
ed to fund them, they rose enormously and rapid
ly in value.
Gen Washington and his advisers saw that a
mixed currency, if the paper had the mark ot the
Union and bore on it the spread eag’e—would
command universal confidence throughout the coun
try ; and the result proved the wisdom of their
foresight. From the incorporation of the first bank
to the expiration of its charter, embracing a period
of great commercial and political vicissitudes, the
currency of that Bank w r as never objected t* —it,
indeed, surpassed the hopes and equalled tiie de
sires of everybody. The charter expired in 1811
—how or why, or from what state of parties, it is
not my purpose to discuss— but the charter expi
red in 1811. War with England was declared in
June 1812. Immediately upon the declaration of
war all the Banks south of New England stopped
payment, and those of New England ceased to is
sue notes, and thus, in fact,the specie paying there
amounted to little or nothing. At the close of the
war, the condition of the currency, which had be
come very much deranged, not improving, Mr. Mad
ison presented the subject to Congress. In his mes
sages, both in 181-land 1816, he dwelt earnestly
on the subject, and in the latter year the second
Bank of the United States was incorporated, and
went at once into operation. At its outset, owing
possibly to mismanagement—perhaps unavoidably
—the Bank met with heavy losses —but it fulfill -
ed its functions imp; oving a currency for the whole
country, and neither during the eight years of Pres
ident Monroe’s adminisiiation, nor the four years
of President Adams’, were any complaints on that
score heard. And now I desire ti call attention to
a particular fact. There were several candidates
for Presidency to succeed Mr. Monroe. Gen. Jack
son, Mr. Adams, Mr. Crawford and Mr. Clay. None
of tnem received a sufficient number of votes from
the electors to be chosen Presiddent. Gen. Jack
son received the largest number of any—but the
House of Representatives chose J. Q. Adams Pres
ident. From that moment a fierce opposition was
commenced against Mr. Adams'administration. 1
do not propore to discuss the character or conduct
of this opposition. The fact of its existence is all
that I have to do with now, and that from the in
auguration, in March, 182.3, to Marc ;, 1828, an op
position, distinguished for its remaikablc ability,
peiseverance, and ultimate success, was carried on
under the name and flag of General Jackson.
All other had disappeared. General
Jackson w r as the sole opponent —and four years of
active angry political controversy ensued —during
which every topic of complaint that could be drag
ged into the vortex was dragged in ; and yet —/
beg special attention to this fart —not on c during
this four years’ controversy did General Jackson
himself —nor any’ press in his interest—nor any of
his friends in Congres or elsewhere, raire a single
voice against the condition of the currency, or pro
pose any change therein. Os the hundreds here,
i»ossibly, who supported Jackson, not one dreamed
that he was elected to put down established insti
tutions and overthrow the currency of the country.
Who, among all those that in the honest convic
tions of their heaits, cried Hurra for Jackson ! be
lieved, or expected, or desired, that he would in
terfere with the Bank of the United States, or de
stroy the circulating medium of the country. I
stand here upon the fact, and defy contradiction
from any quarter —that there was no complaint,
then, any where, of the Bank. There never was,
before, a country of equal extent, where exchanges
and circulation were carried on so cheaply, so con
veniently, and so secure 1 }’. General Jackson was
inaugurated in March, 1828, and pronounced an
address upon that occasion, which I heard, as I did
the oath he took to support the Constitution. In
that address were enumerated various objects, re
quiring, as he said. Reform—bnt among them was
not the Bank of the United States—nor tiie cur
rency. This was in March, 1829. In December.
1829, General Jackson came out with the declara
tion (than which, none I have ever heard,surprised
me more.) that “ tiie constitutionality of the Bank
of the United States might be well questioned,”
and that it had failed to furnish a covenient and
uniform currency to the country.
What produced this change of views ? Down
to March of the same year, nothing of this sort was
indicated or threatened. What then induced the
change ? (a voice from the crowd said Martin Van
linren ) If that be so, immediately’ rejoined Mr.
\V ebster, it was the production of mighty conse
quences by a cause not at all proportioned, I will
state in connection with, and in elucidation of, this i
subject, ceitain transactions, which constitute one
of those contingencies in human affairs, where
casual circumstances, acting upon the pecul ar
temper and character of a man of very decided
temper and character, affect the fate of nations.
A movement was made in the Autumn of 1829, in
order to affect a change in certain officers of the
Branch of the Bank of the United States in Poits
mouth, N. If. P*lr. Woodbury’, then a Senator
from New Hampshire, transmitted to the President
of the Bank at Philadelphia, a request, purportin''
to proceed from merchants and men of business of
a l parties, asking the removal of the President of
that Branch, not on political ground's, but as ac
ceptable and advantageous to the business commu
nity. At the same time Mr. Woodbury addressed
a let er, marked confidential , to the then Secretary
of the Treasury, Mr. Ingham, suggesting that his
Department should, on political grounds, obtain
from the mother Bank the removal of the B.anch
President. This letter was transmitted to the
President of the mother Bank, and reached him
about the same time as the other; so that, lookup
upon this picture and upon that, upon one letter
that urged the removal on political grounds and
on the other that denied that political considera
tions entered into the matter at all, he concluded
o let things remain as they were. Appeals were
then aitfully made to the President. His feelings
were enusted, and it is well known that when be
had an object in view, his character was to go a
hcad I mean to speak no evil, nor disrespect of
Gen. Jackson. He has passed off the stage to his
retirement at the Hermitage, which it would be as
well, perhaps, that friends should not dreti rb and
where I sincerely wish fie may,in tranquility’paw
the residue of his d iys. But, Gen. Jackson’s cl.a
lacter was imperious—he trek the back track nev
er: and however Ins frienos might differ, or whe
ther they concurred or dissented—they were fain
,n,t ; Gcnera l Jackson then put forth
116 Pf1 Unslon l, u.t a ppom!mcnts by the Bank
should have regard to the wishes of the Treasury •
lndT aliy S ? bmitted t 0 the
2* ££ Vjmt.Se:
Jackson iSJSXI£"ue 1 f' ‘ ie "' ral
Who had somethin' of itn rp OfV h Bank 3 man
The result was. that the SSL / ‘I °, Wn <}ual,ity
ed the the r»m, Ji , e Ban* re-isted, and reltis
of the Treasury Jcqui escence in the dictations
in Decern
we had the Message, m which, for the first
time the Bank was arraigned. Then came the
application of the Bank fq r re-incorpojt.on the
of a bill for that purpose through both
Houses and the President’s Ueto on it Ihe Hank
of the United States being tins pul nown, a mul
titude of new State Hanks sprang up: and „.xt
came a law, adopting some of these as Dcpo. it.
Hanks. Now, what I have to say .0 regardMo
General Jackson in this matter, is this, he’Said
he could establish a better currency ; and whether
successful 01 not in this, it is at least to be said in
hi? favor and praise, that he never did renounce the
obligation of the Federal Government to take care
of the currency— paper as well as metal ic —ot the
people. It was in furtherance of Ins duty, which
he fel t called on to discharge, of “ providing a bet
ter currency,” that he recommended the exclusion
of small bills. Why ? Because, as it was argued
it would improve the general mixed currency ot
the country: and, although he did not as distinctly
as Mr. Madison, recognize the duty of the Tcdcial
Government to provide a currency for the peup.e,
he never renounced it , but on tiie contrary, in 11 is
Message of December, ’35, holds this exp.icit lan
guage : ...
‘• Hy the use of the St ite Banks, which do not
derive their charters fiom the General Government,
and are not controlled by its authority, it is ascer
tained that the moneys of the Uuited Stales can
he collected and distributed without loss or incon
venience, and that all the wants of the community,
in relation to exchange and currency, are supplied
as it cl I as they have ever been before: — [Message,
Dec. 2 1835]
It is not here a question whether these Banks
did, 01 not, effect (he purpose which Gen. Jackson
takes so much praise t® himself of accomplishing
through their agency —that of supplying the coun
try with as good a currency as they ever enjoyed.
But why, if this was not a dqty of the Federal
Government, is it mentioned at all 3 In his last
Message in December, 18SC, reviewing the bene
fits of bis experiments on the currency, he thus
speaks:
“At the time of the removal of the Deposites,
it was ailedged by Hie advocates of the Hank of the
U. States, that the State Banks, whatever migiit
be the regulations of the Treasury Department,
could not make the transfers required by the Gov
ernment, or negociate the domestic exchanges if the
count) y. It is note well ascertained that the real
domestic exchanges perform'd through discounts by
the United States Bank and its twenty-fire Branch
es, were one third less than those if the Deposite
Banks for an equal period of time ; and if a com
parison be inst tuted between the amounts of servi
ces rendered by the e institutions, on the broader
basis which has hem used by the advocates of the
United States Bank, in estimating what they con
sider the domestic exchange, the result will be still
more f avorable to the Deposite Banks: ,
Here we have the distinct assertion, that through
the State Banks, he had accomplished more in es
tablishing a good currency and easy exchanges,
than had been done by the Hank of the U. States.
However this fact may be, all this, I say, amounts
to acknowledgment of the duty of the Geneial
Government, an 1 as an emanation of the power of
coining money, and as the representative of that
metalic money, the exclusive power of coining
which is in Congress—to provide a uniform cur
rency.
1 contend for this principle, that down so the end
of Gen. Jackson’s administration, no administra
tion of this country bad turned their back upon
this power: and, I now piOceed to show, by extiacts
from Mr. Van Buicn’s letter to Sherrod Williams,
to which, since he has largely referred to it lately,
there can be no unfitness in my referring, that he,
too, admitted tiie obligation of supplying a uniform
currency and convenient medium of exchange,
w ich he thinks can be effected by the Slate De
posit Banks:
“•Sincerely believing,for the reasons which have
just been staled, that the public funds may be as
safely and conveniently trail-mitted from one por
tion of the Union to another; that domestic ex
change can be as successfully and as cheaply ef
fected, and the currency be rendered at least as
sound under the existing system, as those objects
could be accoinpli-lied by means of a National
Hank, I would not seek a remedy for the evils to
which you allude, should they unfortunately occur,
through such a medium, even if the constitutional
objections were no’ in ihe way.”—[Aug. 8, 1836 ]
He denies not tiie duty of superintending the
currency, but thinks the Deposite Hank- of tiie
States under the control of Congress, can effect the
purpose. This letter was written when Mr. Van
Burtn was a candidate for tne Presidency.
Two months only after Gen. Jackson Had retired,
and when his vigorous hand was no longer there to
uphold it, the league of State Hanks fell and crum
bled into atoms; and when Mr. Van Burtn had
been only two months President, he convoked a
special session of Congress for the. ensuing Sep
tember. The country was in contu
sion—paralysed in i ts commerce —its currency ut
terly deranged. What was to be done? What
would Mr. Van Hureu recommend? He could not
go back to the Hank of the United States, for its
had committed himself against its constitutionali
ty; nor could he, with any great prospect of >uc
cess, undertake to reconstruct the league of Depo
site Banks; for it had recently failed, and th» coun
try haci lost confidence in if. What then was to be
done? He could go neither backward nor forward.
What did he do? 1 mean not to speak disrespect
ful, but I say, lie — escaped.’ Afraid to touch the
fragments of the broken Hanks —unable to touch
the United State? Bank —he folded np his arms
and said, —the Government has nothing to do with
providing a currency for the people. That 1 may
do him no wrong, 1 will read his own language. —
His predecessors have all said, we will not turn
our back upon this duty of Government to provide
a uniform currency—his language is, we will turn
our backs on this question. He proposes nothing
for the country, nothing for the relief of conwncrce,
or the regulation of exchanges, but simply the
means of getting n onev into the Treasury without
lots:
[From Mr. Van Bure/Vsfirst Message.]
“It is not the piovince of Government to aid in
dividuals in the transfer of their funds, otherwise
than through the facilities of the Post Office De
partment As justly might it be called on to pro
vide for the transportati m of their merchandize.”
* * * * *
“If, therefore, I rcfiain from suggesting to Ccn
j gress any specific plan for regulating the exchang-
I es or the curren y —rclicv.ng mercantile embar
rassments—or interfering with the ordinary opera
tions of foreign or domestic commerce, it is from a
conviction that such are not within the constitu
tional province of the Gcncial Government, and
that their adoptioa would not promote the real and
oermaneut welfare of those they might be design
ed to aid.” 0
I put it to you, my friends, if this is a states
-1 man’s argument. \o i can transport your rner
| chandize yourselves, you can build ships and make
your own wagons; but can you make a currency?
Can you say what shall be money, and what shall
not be money —and determine its value here and
elsewhere? Why, it would be as reasonable 10
say, the people could make war for themselves and
peace for themselves, as to say that they may ex
ercise this other, no less exclusive a.tribute of
sovereignly, of making a currency for themselves.
He insists that Congress has no power to regulate
currency or exchanges—none to mitigate the em
barrassments of the country —none to relieve its
prostrate industry—and evt n if the power did ex
ist, it would be unwise, in bis opinion, to exercise
it!
These are the doctrines of the President’s first
message, and 1 have no opinion of it now, that I
did not then entertain. I desire not to appear wise
alter the event—l am not a prophet, not tne son of
a and yet I declare that when I heard the
declarations of this message, and reflected on its
consequences, I saw, orthought I saw, all of suffer
ing, loss and evil lhatis now before us.
Let us compare this declaraiioii with that of one
now numbered with the mighty dead—of une who
has left belaud a reputation excelled by that of no
other man, as understanding thoroughly the Con
stitution—of one born and cradled with it taking
part m its inception, and closing his public career
by administering its highest office—l need not
name James Madison.
In his message to Congress in December 1813—
when the war had closed, and the country was la
boring under the disordered currency ofthat ue
nod, the President thus spoke; * 1 p
finances* t 0 r eVery modification of the
currency hould beT«,o r ?!, Na,i °" a ‘
The ah/nnpl "r re; \ ,oredl to the community.
hevH hi l t f hC precious metals wil', it is be
a temporary evil ; but until they can a
it dL, / nder f/ the genera! medium of exchange
LtZ\T°V h ? Congress to provided
. which shall equally engage the confidence
and accommodate the wants of the citizens through
he Lnion. If the operation of th: State Banks
cannot produce this result, the probable oner *■
a National Bank will merit cmsideuiti- °’ lon °f
At that session, Congress incorporated ti
of the United States, and at the next ,' ea
President held this language, respectin'* n° n ’ tlle
rency and that Bank : 5 lft cur.
From Mr. Madison's last Message
“ for the inteiests of the community ut
as well as for the purposes of the Tress '
essential, that the Nation should possess Ur^’*t «
cy of equal value, credit, and use, wiierjw r C ’’ rrer “
circulate. The Constitution has entrust i- r
gress, exclusively, with the power of cr \r C ° D
regulating a currency of that description **
j measures taken, during the last session '
j lion of the power, give every prom; . ’I 11 ex «u.
i The Hank of the United Mates has been
j under auspices ihe rno<t favorable, an,] , ''
to be an important auxiliary to those I , lf) ‘ innot k‘l
How that sounds now as an argum^/ 65 -”
Sub-Treasury! Now you have set u D a i th «
vitally affecting the business and pursuits /"“*
country, fatal to your families, and you ? tl,e
termine for youiselves if it shall be the
the country. But before determining i uo °,. ,rine °t
the Constitution—weigli all preceden* We *' al
names and authority are to be appealed tr if
those of President Van Buren, with tho- C ° ntrast
Patriarch, whose word? I have mst n-7 lile
and decide accordingly. 4 a * O JOa,
We have heard much from the Admin
again-t banks and banking systems r lSt ) ratioi >
mean to discuss that topic—but i Wl ,| * Dot
their tampering with the currency, an( ‘j Sa * v » ttl2 t
relation to it, has more than all ot’l.fi ~,( (J' J rße ‘a
creased banks. USts -ic.
But Mr. Van Huron’s message contains , ,
principle, one ullage'her wrong—thp , 1 'dal
the Government lias nothing *0 do witl, 1 * lpe . t [ la t
a cu 1 rency for the country, in other woßjfT* I ® s
mg a separation between tue money of tl*©*- )pss ‘
meet uni the money of the people Tins CVern *
great error— which cannot he compromised »L the
which is susceptible of no amelioration 0 - r
cation, or remedy, but the caustic which ‘i ~ lfl '
tally eradicate it. Ch slia d to-
Do we not know that there must alwa v „ 1 ,
paper ? I? there a man here who e\J I, b “ k
or his children, or his children’s children *h if 16
the day when only gold coin glittenn- thilff
silk purses, will be the currency of the coum S
the entire exclusion of bank notes * y. *
it is the neglect of Government »o’peifom ? Ut
ties Mi it makes lliese bank notes nii est ;‘ n i, U *
You here, in New York, have sound
redeemable in com, and it you were surround 1
Chinese wall, it might be indifferent to you
cr Governn. nt looked after tho currency or m
but you have dai y business relations wfih 1." ,
sylvani., and with the West, and Lust, and South'
and you have a direct interest that their curie,
ey too shall be sound; for otherwise the very!
periority of yours is, to a certain degree, an injure
and loss to you—since you pay in the cnivalcnur,
specie lor what you buy,and you sell foMuch nn
ney as circulates in the States with which you deal
Hut New York cannot effect the general restora
tion of the currency, nor anv one State or im
number of States short of the whole— and heni
the duty ot the General Govern nent to suoerin
tend this interest. v
( Conclusion to rn.arrow.J
The Boston Allas states that a few days since
a firm in that city had some duties to pay, amoun
ting to upwards of >*2ooo one quarter of which,
under the present regulations, was required in
specie. "They received lor a bill on the Mer
chants’Bank, SSOO in quarters. Spanish and
American. Before taking the specie down to the
Custom House, it to the Cashier
that they had SSOO in quarters for him, and he
replied that it was unhandsome in the Bank to
1 pay out such money for them, but if they were
American quarters they must take them, but that
the Spanish quarters were not a legal tender.
; The money was carried bark to the Bank, and
the reply at the Custom House told; hut they re
fused to exchange it, saving that the Custom
i House paid them just such money, and they must
take it bacK. It was then taken to another bank,
i and they not having more than they wanted of
j that kind of silver, exchanged it for gold, at the
standard value, which was weighed at Ihe Cut
tom House, and u kkw cexts more were puiiio
make up the weight.
The French Steam Project.
The Paris correspondent of the National In
telligencer says:—“lt j s understood that the
Chambers will adopt readily the Ministerial bill
lorthc various lines of Steam Navigation be
tween France and the two Ameiicans. No time
will lie lost in tne execution ot the comprehensive
project, which tiie offi. ial organs confess to be
even more political than commercial.”
L.wk of Kenttck i”.—Tiie teller of the Back
ot Kentucky has been held to bail in SSOOO, on
the charges alleged against him of having appro
piiated the funds to his private use.
It is s.ated that Mr. Norris of Philadelphia.has
closed a coiitrac, with the Emperor ct Kussia,
tor 200 locomotive engines—40 of which are to
| bo delivered each year. Cost, $1,400,000.
It is stated in the Philadelphia lucjuircrlhatthe
manuscript ot the original Decla.aUon ot Inde
pendence, in the band-writing ul Jefferson, with
j ihe interlineation o| Flanklin and other member?
is in possession ot the American Philosophical
Society ot that citv, and rnav be seen ut their
Hall
Jfb'iK Biugeh.—The e was a report in Cin
j cinnati on the 24th, according to the Chronicle
j “well authenticated, ’ that Judge Bigger,Gover
nor elect of Indiana, had died at Indianopolis-
The Republican of the 25th says the report ba- J
! been contradicted; the Judge had been very ill,
I but was gelling belter.
The Fua ins that have been discovered in dit
i ferent hanks during the present year, the At"’
York H erald says, amount to between 3 and jh*
GOO,OOO, a frightlul sura wr.en we consider the
state ot society which has given rise to it.
Siting a Tows,—Mosely Clapp has had a
verdict for damages to the amount of S3OB 33
cents, given in his favor against ihe town of G' -
ange. Mass., for a broken leg and other injuria
sustained by being precipilaud, in a wagon.ho®
a sleep descent 011 the side ot the road, whi‘ e
turning out for another vehicle—there beingn®
rail and the road being narrow. The verdict
doubled hy the statute.
Ajvotueuixg Gathkh Ixo atNewakk.- ?•
least four thousand people were again assemblt
yesterday afternoon, to listen to a speech from
Hon. baitGKAXT S. Prentiss, ot Mississippi'
Mr. P. spoke for nearly three hours, and the elk 1
was one of the happiest and ablest in his life-
He kept the audience during the v\ bole ti® c 1,1
chained by ihe most fixed attention. Sonicol the
great leading topics of the dav were discus?*’ 1 -
with a clearness and ability which we have r> [
1 heard excelled by any one.—„V. Y. Coin. Aar.
Heath of Timothy Flint.—The Salem Gi
zette mentions the death of Timothy Flint, at tl.«-
age of 60. He died at Reading, on Tuesday la® l *
He left his residence on Red River, La., last M 3 )'
in feeble health, hoping to derive benefit from th*
bracing air of the north. He came to his nab vs
place, where his disorder soon assumed symptom
of a speedy and fatal termination. He wrote ■
his family, that before they received his letter > e
should be no longer among the living;
intelligence was so taken to heart by Mrs. Fli n! '
that she was seized with a fever, and died ju>|
four weeks before her husband. Mr. Flint is vvc.'
known on the other side of the Atlantic, as well
as in t.*is country, as the author of various work?-
prineipailydescriptivc of the geography, resources
and character of the people of the great West.c r
descriptive ol scenes w inch have been enacted n*
that vast and interesting region, which havegi' ell
hnn a rank among the most distinguished writer 5
of our country.— Signal.