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OHROiXWLE AND Sk|tINEL. AUGUSTA, j SATURDAY MORMNTi, SEPTEMBER 26. FOR PRESIDENT, i WILLIAM HENRY HAI'RISON, Os Ohio ; .1 The invincible Hero of lippecano* —the incor ruptible Statesman —the inflexible^iepublican — the patriotic Fanner of Ohio. I, FOR VICE-PRESIDENT*. > JOHN T YL E i*|. Os Virginia; j* State Rights Republican of the of ’9B— —of Virginia’s noblest sons, aiul'en phatically one of America’s most sagacious, rvirtuous and patriot statesmen. TOR FI ECTORS OF PRESIDENT AND Vlv GEORGE R. GILMER, of Ogl thorpe. DUNCAN L. CLINCH, of Cam len. JOHN W. CAMPBELL, of Mi:|cogee * JOEL CRAWFORD, of Hancock. CHARLES DOUGHERTY, of Clark.] SEATON GRANTLAND, of Ba Idwin. ANDREW MILLER, of Cass. WILLIAM EZZARD, of DeKalb. C. B. STRONG, of Bibb. JOHN WHITEHEAD, of Burke. ■»£. WIMBERLY, of Twiggs. FOR CONGRESS, 'WILLIAM C. DAWSON, of Greene. R. AV. HABERSHAM, of Habersham. JULIUS C. ALFORD, of Troup. EUGENIUS A. NISBET, of Bibb. LOTT WARREN, of Sumter. THOMAS BUTLER KING, of Glynn. ROGER L. GAMBLE, of Jefferson. JAMES A. MERIWETHER, of Putnam. THOMAS F. FOSTER, of Muscogee. FOR SENATOR, ANDREW J. MILLER. FOR REPRESENTATIVES, CHARLES J. JENKINS, GEORGE W. CRAWFORD, WILLIAM J. RHODES. No mail northof Charleston last night. .- . m 66 Boys do you hear that ?” A Meeting of the friends of Reform, in the Third "Ward, takes place at the La Fayette Hall to-night. Whigs be at your post. Hon. Richard W. Hxhersham. We are gratified to be erabled to inform our rea ders, that letters have been received in this city from Washington, announcing the pleasing intelli gence that our distinguished Representative had so far recovered from his long illness as to be able to travel, and we soon expect to see him once more upon the soil of his native State. The Postmasters in the various Counties, will oblige us by sending us returns of the Election by the earliest mail. Giving us the voles of each candidate for Congress, and the names and politics of Legislators elected. The Better Currency. Reader in this da} s paper you have a specimen of the “ better currency ” of which you have heard so much. It is a notorious fact that while the Lo cofocos have assumed to be the advocates of a hard money currency Renounced banks and paper money, they have in every State in the Union, when they have had power, increased bank capi tal and rendered the paper money-* :omparatively worthless. Yet, notwithstanding all these denun ciations of banks, here is a great Government Bank, issuing its Post iYotes'without anything to issue upon, and dependent upon collections to meetthem. What would the people of Georgia say. if one of the banks incorporated byj a Locofoco Legislature, were to be guilty of such high h&jided measures as issuing Post Notes,and only path two per cent, interest. I But reader what we desire more j articularly to invite your attention to is, the ftguitfan Ihis Treas ury shin plaster. Take another l<i>k on its face and the most prominent device is flercury seated on a bale of Cotton, barrel of Rije, &c. These •figures on all bills are generally regarded as em blematic of the principles by which the makers arc governed. Who then is Mercury ? * What is he em blematic oi? That question we wiiv answer in few words. It is known to all that, th«| heathens wor shipped many Gods, indeed they hi ' a divinity for almost every vice or virtue, and Mvrcury was one of those deities, he was the God 6f thieves, and was regarded by the ancients anu lias been ever since considered as an appropriate emblem of thiev ing. We give his history as recorded by Tooke, who was familiar with the fabutoiiidhistory of all (heir deities. Read it and reflect J’Hat this is re garded by the administration of M:?rtin Van En ron, as an appropriate emblem of principles and objects in getting up the Sub-7?i*»sury. Mercury is described in Tookrfs Pantheon as attending dying persons, to unlove their souls from the chains of the body and cur’y them to Hell. He is the God of Gain, and in the | t of theivipg, excelled all’the Sharpeis that eve| were or ever will be; and is the prince and God* of THIEVES. The very day on which he was bo D he stole some .cattle from King Admetus’herd, although Apollo was the keeper of them, who contained much of •the theft and bent his bow against him ; but in the mean time Mercury siole even hvs arrows from ■him. While ue was yet an infant, and entertained by Vulcan, he stole his tools from -Lim. He stole Venus’ Girdle while she was hugging him. He intended to steal some thunder, but; vas afraid that it would burn him. • ? What an appropriate emblem fpt Sub-Treasur ers !!! |~ , • * -y —. A Voice from Mississippi.— yA e learn from a gentleman direct from Copiah epunty that an election held ajiew day since, tlu : j Whig candi dates for Clerk. Assessor and Conner, were all three elected. The question was oi? party grounds. Copiah has heretofore been one of lie strong holds of liocofocoism in Mississippi, an I is the county in which (Jen. lirown resides —-f tliciana Whig. The Veto Power. If any thing were wanting to exhibit to the American people the true character of Ihe A an Buren organs and many of their leaders, tbcii reck less disregard of truth, and their determination to sustain their power at the hazard of every thing huh minded and honorable, the following extract from the Globe, in relation to the sentiments oi Gen.JHarrison, would show it most conclusively. And yet the contents of this extract are quoted by their organs, and repeated by their brawling par tizans with all the appearance of truth. Here is the extract, to which we wish to draw the addi tion of the reader. “ In his various speeches and letters, all you can find is a re.erence to the past and a declaration as to the future, that be wrll not veto any act which ( digress may pass.” Mr. Secretary Forsyth so far forgot the respect due to his station, however little he may have thought due to himself, as to insinuate such a thing in his circular, but he has not yet let himselt quite so low as his dirty mouth-piece, the Globe, which asserts It as a fact. Our readers, who arc famiHar with the policy and usual habits of the Locofoco organs, will not be astonished to learn that Gen. Harrison never gave utterance to such a sentiment, but there are some who will no doubt be astounded, to learn that Mr Forsyth should lend himselt, even by insinua tion, to the circulation of such an unblushing and reckless calumny. General Harrison on one occasion said, “white Governor of Indiana he had never vetoed any bill,' and this assertion, these pinks of virtue and truth have perverted into a declaration that he never would veto any law passed by Congress. But what are we to expect from parly hacks and “pot-house” politicians, when the man (John Forsyth) holding the second office in the nation, will endeavor to give it currency. Awful Disclosure. Reader, were you ever in a community where dame Rumor was rife with a thousand whispers of some awlul disclosure, which was to destroy the fair fame of some virtuous citizeu ? If you ever witnessed such a scene, you can well imagine the state of tilings that existed among the Locofocos of this city for the last two or three days. They have been in great distress, so certain were they that the character of General Harrison would be sud denly demolished, if they could only get the mat ter before the community, but unfortunately lor them, it is said, the Corporal would not publish the awful affair in his paper! It savored too much •of Abolition, to be published in any Southern paper! So alarming was this terrible affair, that curiosity was on tiptoe to ascertain what the horrible docu ment was, which was to strike terror through the ranks of Harrison men. And lo ! after two days excitement, we have been able to lay our hands on it, and give it to you below. We copy it from that pattern of virtue and truth, the Extra Globe ; and that paper asserts that it is the constitution of the society to which General Harrison belonged in 1791, and which existed in Richmond, Virginia. Survey this document, reader—examine the preamble and weigh well its contents, and ask yourself how much like truth it sounds, that such a society should exist in Richmond, A 7 a. Mark* also, F. P. Blair and Amos Kendall’s account of the manner in which it was brought to light, from a grave of forty years. They obtained it Horn “an Abolition paper,” but they are very careful to keep the name of the paper carefully concealed. Look, reader, for the date of this con stitution, and see if you can find such a thing about it ?, AA’hat then, are your conclusions about the mat ter ? Do you not see why they have concealed the name of the abolition paper from which they say it was taken, and why the date is carefully avoided ? If they had given the name of any pa per, and attached to the document a date, they might have been detected in the forgery, and the consequent fraud which is attempted to be prac ticed. But there is yet another circumstance, which establishes conclusively, the fraud. The 9th arti cle says, no man shall be a member who owns a slave. This is rather an unfortunate article for the Locofocos, for it is a well established fact, that General Harrison inherited from his father’s es tate a large number of slaves, and was obliged to have owned them when he was a member of the Richmond Society, for he was only eighteen years of age. The thing is too palpable, it bears upon its face -the impress of a base forgery. But, say they, General Harrison was a member of this Society. The Constitution provides that the members shall affix their signatures to it. Do you see Gen. Harrison’s name ? Do you suppose if his name had been among the signatuies, they would have kept it back ? The late hour at which we received this impor tant document, forbids further comment upon this disgraceful attempt of a prostituted hireling press to impose upon the public, by sending forth a doc ument, bearing upon its face the impress of forge ry, so bold, that he who runs may see it. From the Extra Globe. It appears that the constitution of this identical society was found, some time since, among the papers of the late Thomas Shipley, and has been furnished to the public, througn an Abolition paper. It is as follows, viz : THE CONSTITUTION OF THE VIRGINIA SOCIETY For promoting the Abolition of Slavery, and the Relief of Free Negroes, and others, unlawfully held in bondage, and other Humane Purposes. From a full beliefthat “ the Lord’s mercy is over all his works,” that he created mankind of every nation, language, and color, equally free, and that slavery in all its forms, in all its degrees is an out rageous violation, and an odious degradation of hu man nature: That it is inconsistent with the pre cepts of the Gospel, of “ doing to others as we would they should do unto us and that it is not only a moral, but a political evil, which tends, wherever it prevails, to deprave the morals of the people, weaken the bands of society, discourage trades and manufactures, and rather promotes ar bitral y power than secures the just rights and libei ties of mankind : Believing, also, that the societies already established in othei parts of tho world, for promoting the abolition of slavery and the slave trade, have been of real advantage in manifesting the unrighteous policy of the one, and the iniquity of the other —WE, THE SUBSCIBERS, in hum ble hope of contributing our mite to the cause v{ humanity, and the piomotion of righteousness in the earth have associated ourselves, under the title of “ The Virginia Society for pomoting the abo lition of slavery, and the relief of free negroes, or others unlawfully held in bondage, and other hu mane PURPOSES.” For eifccting those purposes, the following Con stitution is adopted: Article I. Ihe officers of the Society shall con sist of a President, Vice President, Secretary /treas urer, nine acting committee men, and two corresponding members, in the limits of each distric t court, all of whom, except the acting com mittee shall be annually r chosen by ballot. 11. The President, or, in his absence, the A’ice President,shall preside in all meetings, and sub- scribe all the p iblic acts of the society, who more over, shall have the power to call a special meeting of the society, whenever six members of the act in'’-committee shall concur in requiring it. HI. The Secretary shall keep fair records of the proceedings of the society, and shall cause to be published, from time to time, such proceedings or resolutions as the society may order, or the Pres sident, with the acting committee, may direct. IV. The Treasurer shall receive all donations, money, or securi ics, belonging to the society, and shall pay all orders signed by the President or Vice President, which orders shall be his vouchers for expenditures. He shall, before he enters on Ins office give bond for the faithful discharge of his duty, for two thousand pounds or such larger sum as the President and acting committee shall from time to lime think right. V. if the President and Vice President. Secre tary,or Treasurer, be absent at any of the meetings the society may elect others to act pro tempore, ox should any of the officers above named resign or be displaced, the society' shall fill the vacancy in the mode described by the first article. VI. The Acting Committee shall transact such business as shall occur in the iccess ol the society, and report the same at each halt yearly meeting. They shall have a right with the concurrence of the President and Vice President to draw upon the Treasurer for such sum s of money' as shall be necessary to cany'on the business of their appoint ment. They shall also act as an electing commit tee, and their approbation in writing shall be an ad mission to such person as shall sign the constitu tion of the society; five of whom shall be a quo rum. After their first election, at each succeeding yearly meeting, three of their number shall be re lieved from duty, and three others shall be elected to succeed them. VII. In all cases where persons legally entitld to freedom shall be held in bondage, it shall be the business of the corresponding members, appointed in the different districts, more particularly to in quire into and give notice to the acting committee of all cases, and to procure authenticated copies from records, or such other writings on testimo nies as they may think necessary or proper for in vestigation, of the right and relief of the suffer ers. VIII. Every person, previous to his admission as a member, shall subscribe the constitution of the society, and contribute not less than one dollar on admittance, and half a dollar at each succeeding half yearly meeting, towards defraying the contin gent expenses: If he neglects to pay the same for more th in twe years, he shall upon due notice be ing given him of his delinquency, cease to be a member: But foreigners, or persons not residing in this State, may be elected corresponding memners, without being subject to any payment, and shall be admitted te the meeting of the society, during the : r residencein this State. IX. Two-thirds of the members present at a half ; yearly meeting shall have the power to expel any person who they may deem unworthy of icrnain ing a member —and no person shall be a member who holds a slave, or is concerned in the unright eous traffic of buying or selling the unhappy race 'of human beings. X. Twelve members, with President or Vico President constitutionally assembled, shall be a quorum of the society for transacting busines c . XI. The society shall meet on the second day, called Monday, in the months called October and April, at such plaice or places as may be from time to time, agreed on. XII. No law or regulations of the society shall contradict any part of the constitution, nor shall any alteration in the constitution be made without being proposed at a previous meeting. Ail ques tions shall be decided by a majority of votes ; and in case of an equal division, the presiding officer to have a casting vote. The present officers of the society are: ROBERT PLEASANTS, President. JOHN FINNEY, Vice President. JAMES SMITH, Secretary. JAMES LADD, Treasurer. Acting Committee. John Chew, Thomas Pleasants, James Haoris, •George Jones, Henry Featherstone, Micajah Crew, John Honeycut, Richard Graves, Gressett Davis. General Harrison’s Speech at the Daytoa Convention, held 10th Sept. 1840. REPORT!!) BY W. SNETHEN, OF LOUISIANA, Secretary of the Conventio?i. The Convention was organized by calling to the Chair, Ex-Governor Metcalf ot Kentucky, and appointing nineteen Vice Presidents, among whom were, Preston W. Farrar, of Louisiana, Major A. Miller, of Mississippi, Governor Bigger of Indiana, Ex-Governer Vance of Ohio, &c. W. Sriethen, of Louisiana, Secretary. After a brief and happy address, welcoming the old Chief to Dayton, from Judge Crane, one of the \ ice Presidents of the day, General H. rose, and in a clear sonorous voice that was heard by eveiy man of the immense multitude before him, addressed the Convention for nearly two hours. The appearance of the Old Hero was hailed by the mighty shouts of thousands for several min utes. He looks well, is in excellent health, and speaks with a fervor and animation belonging ra ther to youth than to age- Compared with other men whom the writer of this has lately seen and heard, less in years than the General, there is not any marked difference of manner or matter. The fire of his eye is not dimmed by age, nor has the strength of his manly intellect suffered in the least. He will go into the Presidential Chair, a veteran in wisdom and experience, and he will grasp the helm of state with a steady hand and firm resolution, ready to administer the people’s government after the people’s will. Gen. Harrison’s Speech. I rise fellow-citiiens: (The multitude was here agitated as the sea, when the wild winds blow upon it, and it was full five minutes before the tumult <)f joy, at seeing and hearing the next President of the United States, could be calm ed.) —I rise, fellow-citizens, to express to you from the bottom of my grateful heart my warmest thanks for the kind and flattering manner in wliichl have been received by the representatives ot the Valley of the Miami. I rise to say to you, that, however, mag nificient my reception has beep on this occa sion, I am not so vain as to presume that it was intended for me, that this glorious triumphal entry was designed for on« individual. No. I know too well that person’s itnperfections to be lieve, that this vast assemblage has come up here to do him honor. It is the glorious cause of Democratic rights that hath brought them here! (Immense cheering.) It is the proud an niversary of one of the brightest victories that glows on the pages of our country’s history, which summoned this multitude together! (Tre mendous cheering.) Fellow citizens, it was about this time of the day twenty-seven years ago, this very hour, this very minute, that your speaker, as Commander in-in-chief of the North Western Array, was plunged into agony of feeling, when the can nonadingfrom our gallant fleet announced an ac tion with the enemy. His hopes, his fears were destined to be soon quieted, for the tidings of vic tory was brought to him on the wings of the wind. With the eagle of triuph perched upon our banners on the lake I moved on to complete the overthrow of a foreign foe. The anniversary of that day can never be forgotten, for every American has cause to rejoice at the triumph of our arms on that momentous occasion; but the brave and gallant hero of that victory is gone, gone to that home whither we are all hurrying, and to his memory let us do that reverence due to the deeds of so illustrious a patriot. From heaven does his soul look down upon us, and gladden at the virtues which still animate his generous countrymen in recurring to his noble and glorious career while on earth! (Great sen sation for several seconds.) I am fully aware, my fellow-citizens, that you expect from me some opinion upon the various questions which now agitate our country, from centre to circumference, with such fierce conten 'ions. Calumny ever seeking to destroy ail that is good in this world, hath proclaimed that I am averse form declaring my opinions, on matters so interesting to you, but nothing can be more f.tbe. (Cheers.' Have I not declared, over and often, that the President of tills Union does not constitute any part or portion of the Legislative body ? (Cries from every quarter —you have, you have !) Have I not said over and often, that the Executive should not by any act of bis forestall the action of the national Legislature? (You have, you have! j Have I not, time out of mind, proclaimed my opposition to a citizen’s going forward among the People soliciting votes for the Presidency 1 Have I not many a time and often said, that, in my opinion no man ought to aspire to the Presi dency of these United States, unless he is de signated as a candidate for that high office by the unbought wishes of the people ? (Cheering.) If the candidate for so high an office be designated by the will of a portion or a majority of the peo ple, they will have come to the determination of sustaining such a man, from a review of his past actions and life, and they will not exact pledges from him of what he will do, and wbat he will not do, for their selection of him is proof enough, that he will carry out the doctrines of his party. This plan of chosing a candidate for the Presidency is a much surer bar against corruption than the system of requiring promises. If the pledging plan is pursued, the cftect will be, to offer the Presidential chair to the man who will make the most promises! (Laughter.) He who would pledge most, he who would promise most, would be the man to be voted for, and I have no hesita tion in declaring my belief, that he who would subject his course to be thus tied up by pledges and promises, would not stoop to break them when once in office. (Cheering.) Are my views on this topic correct, or are they not? [With one voice the multitude indicated they were.] If, fellow citizens, we examine the history of all republics, we shall find that as they receded from the purity of Representative Government, the condition of obtaining office was the making of promises. He who hid the highest in promi ses was the favored candidate, and the higher the bids, the more marked and certain the corruption. Look at the progress of this thing in our own republic. Were any pledges required of your W ishington or your Adams'?—Adams was the candidate of the federal party, and as a States man, was bound to carry out the principles of his party. Was his successor, Thomas Jeffer son, the high priest of constitutional democracy, called on for pledges ? No. His whole life was a pledge of what he would do. And if we go back to this old system of selecting men for the Pres idency, whose past career shall he a guarantee of their conduct when elected to the Chief Magis tracy of the republic, the nation would advance safely, rapidly, and surety in tfie path of prosper ity. But of late years, the corrupting system of requiring pledges hath been adopted. The Pres idency hath been put up to the highest bidder in promises, and we see the result. It remains for you, my fellow citizens, to arrest this course of things. (Cries of—we will, we will.) While then, fellow citizens, I have never hesi tated to declare my opinions on proper occasions upon the great questions before the nation, I can not consent to make mere promises the condition of obtaining the office which you kindly wish to bestow upon me. My opinions lam free to ex press, but you already have them, sustained and supported by the acts of a long and arduous life. That life is a pledge of my future course, if I am elevated by your suffrages to the highest of fice in your gift. (Immense cheering for several seconds.) It has been charged against me, fellow citi zens, that lam a federalist. While I acknow ledge that the original federal party of this coun try was actuated in its course by no improper motives, I deny that I ever belonged to that class es politicians. (Tremendous cheering.) How could I belong to that parly ? I was educated in the school of anti-lederalism, and though too young to take an active part in the politics of the country, when, at the erection of the Constitu tion, the nation was divided into two great parties, my honored father had inducted me into the principles of Constitutional Democracy, and my teachers were tr.e Henry sand the Masons of that period. He, who declared that the seeds of mon archy were sown in the soil of the Constitution, was a leader in my school of politics. He, who said, that “if this government be not a monar chy, it has an awful squinting towards a monar chy,” was my Mentor. (Immense applause,) Some time elapsed before order could be restored, at hearing these emphatic declarations of the General.) If 1 know my own feelings, if I know my own judgment, I believe now as I did then, with the patriarchs of the Jeffersonian school, that the seeds of monarchy were indeed sown in the fertile soil of our federal Constitution, and that though, for nearly fifty years, they lay dor mant, they at last sprouted and shot forth into strong and thriving plants, bearing blossoms and producing ripe fruit. This Government is now a practical monarchy! (Loud and long cheering, indicating that the people felt the full force of his declaration.) Power is power, it matters not by what name it is called. The head of the Gov ernment exercising monarchical power may be named King, Emperor, President, or Imaum, [great laughter,] still he is a monarch. But this is not all. The President of these United States exercises a power superior to that vested in the hands of nearly all the European Kings. It is a power far greater than that ever dreamed of by the old federal parly. It is an ultra federal pow er, it is despotism !—[Cheering.] And I may here advert to an objection that has been made against me. It has been said, that, if ever I should arrive at the dignified station occupied by my opponent, I would he glad and eager to retain the power enjoyed by the President of the Uni ted States. JS'ever, never. [Tremendous cheer ing.] Though averse from pledges of every sort, T here openly and before the world declare that I will use all the power and influence vested in the office of President of the Union to abridge the power and influence of the National Execu tive ! [lt is impossible to describe the sensation produced by this declaration.] Is this federalism ] [Cries of no, no, for several seconds.] In the Constitution, that glorious charter of our liber ties, there is a defect, and that defect is, the term ot service of the President was not limited. This omission is the source of all the evils under which the country is laboring. If the privilege of being President of the United Spates had been limited to one term, the incumbent would devote all his time to the public interest, and there would be no cause to misrule the country. I shall not ani madvert on the conduct of the present adminis tration, lest you may, in that case, conceive that I am aiming for the i‘residency, to use for selfish purposes. I should be an interested witness if I entered into the subject. But I pledge my self before Heaven and earth, if elected Presi dent of these United States, to lay down at the end of the term faithfully that high trust at the feel of the people ! [Here the multitude was so excited as to defy description.] Igo farther. I here declare before this vast assembly of the Mi ami Tribe [great laughter,] that if I am elected, no human being shall ever know upon whom I would prefer to seethe people’s mantle fall; but I shall surrender this glorious badge of their au thority into their own hands to bestow it as they please ! [nine cheers.] Is this federalism 1 [i o, no, no.] Again, in relation to the charge of be ing a federalist, I can refer to the doings previous to, and during, the late war. The federal party took ground against that war, and as a party, there never existed a purer band of patriots, for when the note of strife was sounded, they ralli ed under the banner of their country. But pat riotic as they were, I do know that / was not one of them! [cheering.] I was denouncml in unmeasured terms as one of the authors of that war, and was held up by the federal papers ol the day, as the marked object of the party. I cnu.d here name the man who came to to me, and a more worthy man never lived, to say that he was mistaken in his views of my policy, as (loverner of Indiana, when I was charged by the lederahats as uselessly involving the country in an Indian war. He told me that I acted rightly in that matter, and that the war was brought on hy me as a matter of necessity. [Cries of—name him. name him.] It was Mr. Gaston, of North Carolina, [Three cheers.] Is this a proof that I was a fed eralist 1 [No, no, no,] I have now got rid, my fellow citizens, of this baseless charge,—no—l have not. 1 here arc a ew more allegations to notice. lam not a p<o fessional speaker, not a studied orator, but 1 am an old soldier and a farmer, and as my sole ob ject is to speak what I think, you will excuse me, if I do it my own way. [Shouts of applause, and cries of—the old soldier and farmer for us.] I have said that there were other "allegations to notice. To prove that I was a federalist, they assert that I supported the alien and sedition laws, and in doing so, violated the principles and express words of the Constitution. I did not, fellow citizens, ever participate in this measure. When those laws passed, I was a soldier in the ar my of the United States ! (Applause.) Again, they censure me for my course in Con gress. when I served you in that body as a repre sentative of the North West Territory. And here 1 will advert to the fact that I represented at the lime, a territory comprising now the States of Indiana, Ohio, Illinois, and Michigan. I was the sole representative es that immense extent of country. (A voice here cried, —“and you are going to he again!” Tremendous cheering.) As I understood federalism to be in its origin, so I uuderstaruTit to be now. It was and is the ac cumulation of power in the Executive to be used and exercised for its own benefit.—Was my con duct in Congress then such as to entitle me to the appellation of federalist ? (Cries of no, no, and cheering.) I had the honor as Chairman of a Committee in the year 1800, to devise a bill which had for Us object to sna'ch from the grasp of speculators all this glo rious country which now teems with rich har vests under the hands ot the honest, industrious and virtuous husbandmen. (Immense cheering.) Was I a federalist 1 (Cries of no, no, no.) When I was Governor of Indiana, ask how the unlimi ted power bestowed upon me, was exercised, —a power as high as that exercised by the present Pres ident of the U. S. I I was their sole monarch o! the North West Territory ! (Laughter.) Did I dis charge my duties as Governor of that vast Ter ritory in such away as to show that was I in love with the tremendous powers invested in me ? (Here some 4000 persons in one quarter of the crowd raised their hats in the air and rent it with shouts of, —no, no. no. They were the delega tion from Indiana. This prompt response from so many persons produced great sensation ) There is an essential difference between the Pres ident of the United States and me. When he was in the Convention which remodeled the Con stitution of New York, he was for investing the Governor with the appointment of ■>heritfs. When I was Governor of Indiana and possessed the power of appointing all officers, I gave it up to the people! (Immense excitement and great cheering.) I never appointed any officer what ever, while Governor of Indiana, whether sheriff, coroner, judge, justice of the peace or ought else, without first consulting and obtaining the wishes ofthe people. (Shouts of applause.) Wasthisan evidence that I was a federalist I (No, no, no.) I think I have now shown you, fellow-citizens, conclusively, that my actions do not constitute me a federalist, and it is to them that I proudly point as the shield against which the arrows of my ca lumniators will fall in vain. (Immense cheev ‘ mg-) Methinks, I hear a soft voice asking—are you I in favor of paper money 1 J AM. (Shouts of 1 applause.) If you would know why lam in fa i vor of the credit system, I can only say, it is be cause lam a democrat. (Immense cheering.) , The two systems are the only means, under • Heaven, by which a poor industrious man may become a rich man, without bending the knee to colossal wealth. (Cheering.) But with all this, • lam not a Bank man. Once in my life I was, , and then they cheated me out of every dollar I > placed in their hands. (Shouts of laughter.) • And I shall never indulge in this way again ; for • it is more than probable that I shall never again I have money beyond the day’s wants. But lam , in favor of a correct banking system for the sim- J pie reason, that the share of the precious metals, ' which, in the course of trade, falls to our lot, is » much less than the circulating medium which our . internal and external commerce demands, to raise • our prices to a level with the prices of Europe, 1 where the paper system does prevail. There • must be some plan to multiply the gold and silver which our industry commands; and there is no I other way to do this, but by a safe banking sys ' tern. (Great applause.) I do not pretend . to say that a perfect system of banking can be s devised. There is nothing in the offspirng of the r human mind, that does not savor of imperfection. ■ No plan of government or finance can be devised ' free from defect. After long deliberation, I have » no hopes that this country can ever goon to pros -1 per under a pure specie currency. Such a cur • rency hut makes the poor poorer, and the rich ! richer. A properly devised banking system alone i possesses the capabili ty of bringing the poor to r the level of the rich. (Tremendous cheering.) ■ I have peculiar nations of government. Per haps I may err. I am no salesman, by profession, 5 but as 1 have already said, lam a halfsoldicr and a I half fanner, and it may be, that, if I am elected ' to the first office in your gift, my fellow-citizens i will be deceived in me. but I can assure them, that if, in carrying out their wishes, the head • shall err, the heart is true. (Great huzzaing.) My opinion of the power of Congress to char ter a Nalionl Bank remains unchanged. There 1 is not in the Constitution any express grant of 5 power for such purpose, and it could never be constitutional to exetcise (hat power, save in the i event, the powers granted to Congress, could not be carried into effect, without resorting to such ! an institution. (Applause.)—M r. Madison signed the law creating a National Bank, because he 1 thought that the revenues of the country could not ; be colluded or disbursed to the best advantage without the interposition of such an establish : ment. I said in my letter to Sherrod Williams, 1 that it was plain that the revenues of the Union • could only be collected and disbursed in the most • effectual way by means of a Bank, and if I was ■ clearly of opinion that the majority of the peo ple of the U. Slates desired such an institution, then, and then only would I sign a bill goin** to 1 charter a Bank. (Shouts of applause.) I have never regarded the office ot Chief Magistrate as conferring upon the incumbent the power ofmas • tery over the popular will, but as granting him the power :o execute the properly expressed will o : the people and not to resist it. With my mother’s 1 milk, did I suck in the principles on which the Declaration of Independence was founded. (Cheeiing.) That declaration complained that the King would not let the people make such laws as they wished. Shall a President or an executive officer undertime at this late time of day. to control the people in the exercise of their supremo will No ' 'he iKSt guardian of thoir o,n n jhls, Opplanse,] and it is the duly of their executive to abstain from interfering in thwarting the sacred exercise of the law-making functions ot their government. In this view of the matter I defend my having signed a well known bill which passed the Li gislature while I was Governor of Indiana. It is rue my opponents have attempted to cast odium upon me for having done so, but while they I engaged in such an effort, they impugn the hon I and honesty of the inmates of the L(Vr who demanded the passage and signature bill. The men who now dare so arraign »h people of Indiana for having exercised iheir ri d V* as they pleased, were in the nurse’s all when that, bill passed the Legislature. What < they know of the pioneers of hat vast Wl ‘i',° 0 ness. I tell them, that in the Legislature which passed the bill exciting so much their horr there were men as pure in heart, and as d,J P * guished for their common sense and high \ ‘T’ grity as any who set themselves up for mode's the.-e days. [lmmense cheering,] I g| orv •'J carrying out their views, for in doing so. I milled to the law-making "power, in accord, with the declaialien of independence, I ( j,|j ance prevent the people from making what J uw « .i* 101 pleased ! [Cheering.] lc - v If the Augean stable is to be cleansed, it be necessary to go back to the principles of J e jp . son. (Cheers.) It has been said by the H et ” the Madisons, the Graysons and others, that 3 of the great dangers in our Government i s powers vested in the General Government w 0 u V overshadow the government ofthe Stales. Ther is truth in this, and long since and often h aV( /r expressed the opinion that the interference ofu I General Government with the elective 1 ranch !* in the States would be the signal for the downfall of liberty. That interference has taken p| a( , and while th? mouths of professed Democrat’ appeal to Jefferson and declare they arc by his principles, they are urging at the sameti me I 100 000 office holders to meddle in the State elec ti ms! And if the rude hand of power be not removed from the elective franchise, there will soon be an end to the Government of the Union (Cries of assent.) It is a truth in government ethics, that when a large power comes in contact with a smaller power, the latter is speedily destroy ed or swallowed up by the former. So’in regard to the General Government and the Stale Govern ments. Should I ever be placed in the Chief Magistrate’s seat, I will carry out the principles of Jackson, and never permit the interference of office holders in the elections. (Immense ap. plause.) I will do more. While I will forbid their interference in elections, I will never do aught to prevent their going quietly (o the polls ' and voting, even against me or my measures. No American citizen should be deprived of hig pow er of voting as he pleases. 1 have detained you, follow-citizens, longer than I intended, but you now see, that I am not the old man on crutches, not the imbecile they say I am,—(cheering)—not the prey to disease, fc —(a voice cried here, —nor the bear in a cage,)' —not the caged animal they wittiy describe °nie to be. (Great laughter ana cheering.. But before 1 conclude, there are two or three other topics I must touch upon. The violence of party spirit, as of late exhibit ed, is a serious mischief to the political welfare of the country. Party feeling is necessary in acer tain degree to the health and stability of a republic, but when pushed to too great an extent, it is detri mental to the body politic, it is the rock upon which many a republic has been dashed to pieces. An old farmer told me the other day. that he did not believe one of the stories circulated against me, and he would support me, if I were only a democrat. (Laughtc-.) But if I support and sus tain democratic principles, what matters it, how lam called!—lt matters a good deal, said he,— you don’t belong to the democratic paity! | (Laughter.) Can any thing be more ruinous in ■ its tendency to our institutions, than this high party spiiit, which looks to the shadow and not ‘ to the substance of things? Nothing, nothing, i This running after names, after imaginings, is ominous of dangerous results. In the blessed j hook, we are told that the pretensions of false Christs shall be in future times so specious that j even the elect will be deceived. And is itnotso now with democracy? The name does not con stitute the democrat. It is tho vilest imposture ever attempted upon tbe credulity of the public mind, to array the poor of the country under the name ot democrats, against the rich anff style them I aristocrats. This is dealing in fables. The na- I tural antagonist of democracy is not aristocracy. It is monarchy. There is no instance on record of a republic like ours running into an aristocra cy. It can hurry tuio a pure democracy, and the confidence ot that democracy being once obtained by a Marius or a Carsar, by a Bolivar or a Bona parte, he strides rapidly from protessions of love I for the people to usui pation of their rights, and steps from that high eminence to a throne! I [Cheering.] And thus in the name of democracy j the boldest crimes are committed. Who forgets the square in Baris, where ran rivers of the peo ple’s blood, shed in the name of democracy at the toot of the statue of liberty? Che: isb not the I man, then, who under the guise and name ofde- I raocracy, trios to overthrow the principles of | Republicanism as professed and acted upon by il Jefferson and Madison. [lmmense cheering.] l| Genera! Hanison here adverted to the calura- I nics put forth against his military fame by that I noble pair of brothers, Allen and Duncan, and in severe, but just terms, exposed the falsehoods of these villtficrs. He proved they \vere guiliy of lalsfying the records ofthe country, and in a brief and lucid manner vindicated himself and the hon or of the nation from the aspersions of these and other reckless politicians. He showed that the received history of his brilliant career in the North west had been stamped by the impress of truth, and he will soon find that a generous and grale iul people will testify their admiration ot hisglor* ous services in their cause by raising the brave old soldier to the highest office in their gift. A precious inheritance, continued the General, has been handed down to you by your forefathers. In Rome, the sacred fire of fabled gods was kept alive by vestal vtrgins, and they watched over .he gift with eager eyes. In America, a glorious fire has been lighted upon the altar of liberty, ami to you, my fellow-citizens, has it been entrusted in safe-keeping to be nourished with care and to s ' tered forever. Keep it burning, and let the sparks that continually go up from it fall on other altars and light up in distant lands the fire of freedom, i he Turk busies himself no longer with his ha rem or his bow-string. To licentiousness have succeeded the rights of man, and constitutions are given to the people by one despotic rulers. Whence came the light that now shines in that land of darkness ? It was a brand snacked fro® i your own proud altar, and thrust into the pjt® | of Turkish oppression. Shall then the fat-sf' 11 light upon the shrine of American liberty evir ;c | extinguished? [No, no, no] It would not be ] your loss only—it would be the ioss of the wh o ’* I world. The enemies of freedom in Europe a.c wakhing you with intense anxiety, and your 1 friends, like the few planets of heaven, arc pray 1 ing for your success. Deceive them not, but | keep the sacied fire burning steadily upon y° u ‘ j altars, and the Ohio Farmer, whom you | j *o make your Chief Magistiate, will, at tb £ en J of four years, cheerfully lay down the authority I which you may entrust him with, free from a ‘ flj ambition. It will have been glory enough to f I me to i>e honored as those pure and honest I licans, Wash in ton, Jefferson, and Madison were j honored-—with the high confidence of a g rca " ■ noble, jusi* and generous people.' (The excit B merit and cheering continued for several minut** ■ and the multitude were swayed to and fro, a»t‘ i| leaves of the forest in a storm-wind,) I Much as we rejoice at the brilliant victories B which have of late been achieved under the P 3 B triotic banner of Harrison and Reform, we canm- I avoid indulging a feeling of deep rnortitica'.im 1 ■ when we realize the strange fact, that Missoun » rendered herself obnoxious to the charge ol | ingratitude, by casting her vote in favor of 1 J| rival. Spaniel like, sfre has cringing!) 1 \ 1 hand which smote her. When that State app lieu |