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IBM mi !■ 11l I
LETTER OF GEN. CASS
To A. O. P. Nicholson, Ksq., of Nash
ville, in relation to the War and the
M llmot Proviso.
Washington, Dec. 24, 1847.
Dear Sir:—l have received your letter,
and shall answer it as frankly as it is written.
You ask me whether I am in favor of the acquisi
tion of Mexican territory, and what are my senti
ments in regard to the Wilmot Proviso.
1 have so often and so explicitly stated my views
of the first in the Senate, that it seems al
most unnecessary to repeat it here. As you request
it, however, I shall briefly give them.
I think, then, that no peace should be granted to
Mexico, till a reasonable indemnity is obtained for
the injuries which she has done us.
The territorial extent of this indemnity is, in the
first instance, a subject of executive consideration.
There the constitution has placed it, and there I am
willing to leave it—not only because 1 have full con
fidence in its judicious exercise, but because, in the
ever varying circumstances of a war, it would be in
discreet, by a public declaration, to commit the coun
try to any line of indemnity which might otherwise
be enlarged, as the obstinate injustice of the enemy
prolongs the contest, with its loss of blood and trea
sure.
It appears to me that the kind of metaphysical
magnanimity, which would reject all the indemnity
at the close of a bloody and expensive war, brought
on by a direct attack upon our troops by the enemy,
and preceded by a succession of unjust acts for a se
ries of years, is as unworthy of the age in which we
live, as it is revolting to the common sense ami prac
tice of mankind. It would conduce but little to our
future security, or indeed, to our present reputation,
to declare that we repudiate all expectation of com
pensation from the Mexican Government, and are
fighting, not for any practical result, but for some
vague, perhaps philanthropic object, which escapes
my penetration, and must be defined by those who
assume this new principle of intercommunication.
All wars are to be deprecated, as well by the states
man as the philanthropist. They are great evils; but
there are greater evils than these, and submission to
injustice is among them. The nation, which should
refuse to defend its rights and its honor, when assail
ed, would soon have neither to defend ; and when
driven to war it is not by professions of disinterested
ness and declarations of magnanimity, that its ration
♦ al objects can be best obtained, or other nations
taught a lesson of forbearance—the strongest security
for permanent peace. We are at war with Mexico,
and its vigorous prosecution is the surest means of its
speedy termination, and ample indemnity the surest
guarantee against the recurrence of such injustice as
provoked it.
The W ilmot Proviso has been before the country
some time. It has been repeatedly discussed in
Congress, and by the public press. I am strongly
impressed with the opinion that a great change has
been going on in the public mind upon this subject—in
my own as well as others, and that doubts are resolv
ing themselves into convictions, that the principles it
involves should be kept out of the national legislature,
and left to the people of the confederacy in their res
pective local governments.
The whole subject is a comprehensive one, and
fruitful of important consequences. It would be ill
timed to discuss it here. I shall not assume that
responsible task, but shall confine ’myself to such
general views, as are necessary to the fair exhibition
of ray opinions.
We may well regret the existence of slavery in the
Southern States, and wish they had been saved from
its introduction. But there it is, not by the act of
the present generation : and \7e must deal with it as
a great practical question, involving the most momen
tous consequences. We have neither the right nor
the power to touch it where it exists ; and if we had
both, their exercise, by any means heretofore sug
gested, might lead to results which no wise man
would willingly encounter, and which no good man
could contemplate without anxiety.
The theory of our government presupposes that its
various members have reserved to themselves the
regulation of all subjects relating to what may be
termed their internal policy. They are sovereigns
within their boundaries, except in those cases where
they have surrendered to the general government a
portion o' their rights in order to give effect to the
objects ol the Union, whether these concern foreign
nations or the several States themselves. Local in
stitutions, if I may so speak, whether they have re
ference to slavery or s o any other relations, domestic
or public, are lett to local authority, either original or
derivative. Congress has no right to say that there
shall be slavery in New York, and that there shall
be no slavery in Georgia; nor is there any other hu
man power, but the people of those Slates respective
ly, whico can change the relation existing therein ;
and they can say, if they will, we will have slavery
in the former, and we will abolish it in the latter.
In various respects the territories differ from the
States. Some of the rights are inchoate, and they
do not possess the peculiar attributes of sovereignty.
Their relation to the general government is very im
perfectly defined by the constitution; and it will be
found upon examination, that in that instrument the
only grant ot power concerning them is conveyed in
the phrase, ‘‘Congress shall have the power to dis
pose ol and make all needful rules and regulations,
respecting the territory and other property belonging
to the United States.” Certainly this phraseology is
very loose, if it were designed to include in the grant
the whole power of legislation over persons as well
us things. The expression, the “territory and other
properly,” tairly construed, relates to the public
lands, as such, to arsenals, dockyards, forts, ships aud
all the various kinds of property which the United
States may and must possess.
Hut surely the simple authority to disjtose and reg
ulate these, does not extend to the unlimited power of
legislation ; to the passage of all laws in the most gen
eral acceptation of the word; which by the by, is
carefully excluded from the sentence. And, indeed,
if this were so, it would render unnecessary another
provision of the constitution, which granted to Con
gress the power to legislate, with the consent of the
.States respect! vely, over all places purchased for the
erection ot forts, magazines, arsenals, dockyards, &c.
I hese being the «property * of the United States, if
the power to make ‘needful regulations concerning'
them includes the general power of legislation, then
the grant of authority- to “regulate the territory and
other property of the United States is unlimited
wherever subjects are found for its operation, and its
exercise needed no auxiliary provision. If, on the oth
er hand, it docs not include such power of legislation
over the “other propepty ” ofthe United States, then
it does t.ot include it over their “territory for the
same terms which grant the one, grant the other,—
territory ” is here classed with property, and
treated as such ; and the object was evidently to ena
b!e the general government, as a property holder—
which from necessity, it must be—to manage, pre
serve, and ‘ dispose of ” such property as it might
[Rwsesa, and which authority is essential almost to its
being. Hut the lives and persons ofour citizens with
the vast variety of objects connected with them, can
not be controlled by an authority which is called in
to existence for the purpose of making rulesand recr.
illations for the disposition and management of
property . ° J
Such, it appears to me, would be the construction
put upon this provision of the constitution, were this
question now first presented for consideration and not
controlled by imperious circumstances. The original
ordinance ofthe Congress of the Confederation, passed
in 1783, and which was the only act upon the subject
in force at the adoption of the constitution, provided
a complete frame ol'government for the country north
ofthe Ohio, while in a territorial condition, and for its
eventual admission In separate States into the Union.
And the persuasion that this ordinance contained with
in itself all the necessary means of execution, proba
bly prevented any direct reference to the subject in
the constitution further thin vesting in Congress the -
t to at^init formed under it into the ]
“ion. owever, circumstances arose which required
.legislation, as well over the territory North of the i
Ohm. as over other territory both within and without 1
the original Union ceded to the general government; ’
and, at various times more enlarged power has been I
exercised over the terntories-metmmg thereby the I
different territorial governments—than is conveyed 1
by the limited grant referred to. H ow far an exist- t
ing necessity may have operated in producing this le
gislation, and thus extending, by rather a violent im- t
plication, powers not directly given, 1 know not. But r
certain it is, that the principle of interference should f
not be carried beyond the necessary implication,
which produces it. It should be limited to the crea
tion of proper governments for new countries, acquired
or settled, and the necessary provision for their even
tual admission into the Union ; leaving in the mean
time, the people inhabiting them to regulate their in
ternal concerns in their own way. They are just as
capable of doing so as the people of the States; and
they can do so, at any rate, as soon as their political
independence is recognized by their admission into
the Union. During this temporary condition, it is
hardly expedient to call into exercise a doubtful and
invidious authority, which questions the intelligence
of a respectable portion of our citizens, and whose lim
itation, whatever it may be, will be approaching its
termination—an authority which would give to Go i
gress a despotic power, uncontrolled by the const it--
tmn over most important sections of our common coun
try. For, if the relation of master and servant may
be regulated or annihilated by its legislation, so may
the relation of husband and wife, parent and child,
and any other condition which our institutions and the
habits of our society recognize. What would be
thought if Congress should undertake to prescribe the
terms of marriage in New York, or to regulate the
authority of parents over their children in Pennsylva
nia 7 And yet it would be as vain to seek one justi
fying the interference of the national legislature in the
cases referred to in the original States in the Union.
I speak here ofthe inherejit power of Congress and
do not touch the question of such contracts as may be
formed with the new States when admitted into the
confederacy.
Os all the questions that can agitate us, those which
are merely sectional in their charcter are the most
dangerous, and the most to be deprecated. The warn
ing voice of him who, from his character and services,
and virtue, had the best right to warn us, proclaimed
to his countrymen, in his Farewell Address—that
monument of wisdom for him, as I hope it will be of
safety for them—how much we had to apprehend
from measures peculiarly affecting geographical por
tions of our country. The grave circumstances in
which we are now placed make these words of safe
ty ; for I am satisfied from all I have seen and heard
here, that a successful attempt to engraft the princi
ples ofthe Wilmot Proviso upon the legislation of this
government, and to apply them to new territory,
should new territory be acquired, would seriously af
fect our tranquility. Ido not suffer myselfto foresee
or foretell the consequences that would ensue; fori
trust and believe there is good sense and good feeling
enough in the country to avoid them, by avoiding all
occasions which might lead to them.
Briefly, then, I am opposed to the exercise of any
jurisdiction by Congress over this matter; and lam
in favor of leaving the people of any territory, which
may be hereafter acquired, the right to regulate it for
themselves, under the general principles ofthe consti
tution. Because—
1. I do not see in the constitution any grant of the
requisite power to Congress; and I am not disposed
to extend a doubtful precedent beyond its necessity—
the establishment of territorial governments, when
needed —leaving to the inhabitants all the rights com
patible with the relations they bear to the confedera
tion.
2. Because I believe this measure, if adopted,
would weaken if not impair, the union of the States ;
and would sow the seeds of future discord, which
would grow up and ripen into an abundant harvest of
calamity.
3. Because I believe a general conviction that such
a proposition would succeed, would lead to an imme
diate withholding of the supplies, and thus to a dis
honorable termination ofthe war. I think no dispas
sionate observer at the seat of Government can doubt
this result.
4. If, however, in this I am under a misapprehen
sion, lain under none in the practical operation of
this restriction, if adopted by Congress under a treaty
of peace making any acquisition of Mexican territory.
Such a treaty would be rejected just as certainly as
presented to the Senate. More than one-third of that
body would vote against it, viewing such a principle
as an exclusion of the citizens of the slaveholding
States from a participation in the benefits acquired by
the treasure and exertions of all, and which should be
common to all. lam repeating—neither advancing
nor defending these views. That branch of the sub
ject does not lie in my way, and I shall not turn aside
to seek it.
In this aspect of the matter the people ofthe United
States must choose between this restriction and the
extension of their territorial limits. They cannot
have both ; and which they will surrender must de
pend upon their representatives first, and then, ifthese
fail, upon themselves.
5. But after all it seems to be generally conceded
that this restriction, if carried into effect, could not
operate upon any Slate to be formed from newly ac
quired territory. The well known attributes of
sovereignty, recognized by us as belonging to the
State governments, would sweep before them any such
barrier, and would leave the people to express and
exert their will at pleasure. Is the object, then, of
temporary exclusion for so short a period as the dura
tion of the territorial governments worth the price at
which it would be purchased?—worth the discord it
would engender, the trial to which it would expose
our Union, and the evils that would be the certain
consequence, let that trial result as it might ? As to
the course which has been intimated rather than pro
posed,of engrafting such a restriction upon any treaty of
a iquisition. I fiersuade myselfit will find but little favor '
in any portion of this country. Such an arrange- J
merit would render Mexico a parly, having a right to
interfere in our international institutions in questions
left by the constitution to the State governments, and *
would inflict a serious blow upon our fundamental 1
principles. Pew, indeed, I trust, there are among us .
who would thus grant to a foreign power the right to
inquire into the constitution and conduct of the sove- 1
reign States ofthe Union ; and if there are any, lam j
not among them and never shall be. To the people of
this country, under God, now and hereafter, are its c
destinies committed ; and we want no foreign power g
to interrogate us, treaty in hand, and to say, why have ,
you done this, or why have you left that undone? —
Our own dignity and the principles of national inde- 1
pendence unite to repel such a proposition. j
But there is another important consideration which ,
ought not to be lost sight of in the investigation of this ‘
subject. The question which presents itself is not a 1
question of the increase, but of the diffusion of slave- /
ry. Whether its sphere be stationary or progressive,
its amount will be the same. The rejection of this <
restriction will not add one to the class of servitude,
nor will its adoption give freedom to a single being
who is now placed therein. The same numbers will (
be spread over greater territory ; anu so far as com- t
pression, with less abundance of the necessaries of
life, is an evil, so far will that evil be mitigated by £
transporting slaves to a new country, and giving them t
a larger space to occupy.
1 say this in the event of the extension of slavery 1
over any new acquisition. But can it go there ? I
This may well be doubted. Al! the descriptions which ,
reach us ot the condition of the Galifornias and of
New Mexico, to the acquisition of which our efforts 1
seem at present directed, unite in representing those i
countries as agricultural regions, similar in their pro
ducts to the Middle States, and generally unfit for
the production of the great staples which can alone 1
render slave labor valuable. If we are not grossly j
deceived—and it is difficult to see how we can be
the inhabitants of those regions, whethe<"they depend {
upon their ploughs or herds, cannot be slaveholders, t
Involuntary labor, requiring the investment of large ,
capital, can only be profitable when employed in the
production of a few favored articles confined by na
ture to special districts, and paying larger returns i
than the usual agricultural products spread over more 1
considerable portions of the earth.
In the able letter of Mr. Buchanan upon the sub- 3
ject, not long since giveu to the public, he presents 1
similar considerations with great force. “Neither” I
says the distinguished writer, “thesoil, the climate a
nor the productions of California south of 36 deg. 30
min. nor indeed of any portion of it, north or somli j s r
adapted to slave labor, and besides every facility I
would be there afforded for the slave to escape from 1
his master. Such property would be entirely inse- e
core in any part of California. It is morally impossi
ble, therefore, that a majority of the emigrants to that 3
portion of the territory south of 36 deg. 30 min., a
which will he chiefly composed of our citizens, will
ever re-establish slavery within its limits. f
“In regard to New Mexico, eastof the Rio Grande 8
the question has already been settled by the admis- I
sion of Texas into the Union. b
“Should we acquire territory beyond the Rio h
Grande and east of the Rocky Mountains it is still h
more impossible that a majority of the people would °
consent to re-establish slavery. They are themselves
a colored population, and among them negro does not
socially belong toa colored race,” g
With this last remark Mr. Walker fully coincides l
in his letter written in 1844, upon the annexation of _
.as, aQ ” which everywhere produced so favorable *
an impression upon the public mind, as to have con- t<
uce very materially to the accomplishment of that
great measure—“ Beyond the Del Norte,” says Mr "
vfrn ? 1 / will not P a^ ; not only because C
is forbidden by law ; but because the colored race ta
there preponderates in the ratioof ten to one over the
whi es ; and holding, as they do, the government and c '
most of the offices m their possession, they will not 0
permit the enslavement of any portion of the colored ...
race, which makes and executes the laws of the coun- U
tr 7- ri
The question, it will be therefore seen on examina
tion, does not regard the exclusion of slavery from a
region where it does not exist and where from the w
feelings of the inhabitants and the laws of nature, it is di
morally impossible,” as Mr. Buchanan says, that it
can ever re-establish itself.
It augurs well for the permanence of our confedera
tion, that during more than half a century, which has
elapsed since the establishment of this government,
many serious questions, and some of the highest im
portance, have agitated the public mind, and more
'than once threatened the gravest consequences ; but
that they all in succession passed away, leaving our
institutions unscathed and our country advancing in
numbers, power, and wealth, and in all the other ele
ments of national prosperity, with a rapidity unknown
in ancient or modern days. In times of political ex
citement, when difficult and delicate questions present
themselves for solution, there is one ark of safety for
us; and that is an honest appeal to the fundamental
principles of our Union, and a stern determination to
abide tbeir dictates. This course of proceeding has
carried us in safety through many a trouble, and I
trust will carry us safely through many more, should
many more be destined to assail us. The Wilmot
proviso seeks to take from its legitimate tribunal a
question of domestic policy, having no relation to the
Union as such; and to transfer it to another, created
by the people for a special purpose and foreign to the
subject matter involved in this issue. By going back
to our true principles, we go back to the road of peace
and safety. Leave to the people who will be affected
by this question, to adjust it upon their own responsi
bility, and in their own manner, and we shall render
another tribute to the original principles of our gov
ernment, and furnish another guiranty for its perma
nence and prosperity.
I am, dear sir, respectfully yourob’t serv’t,
LEWIS CASS.
A. O. P. Nicholson, Esq., Nashville, Tenn.
Cjronide tmi» Sentinel.
AUGUSTA, Gr A:
WEDNESDAY MORNING, SEPT. 30.
WHIG NOMINATIONS.
For President of the United States »
ZACHARY TAYLOR,
• OF LOUISIANA.
For Vice-President:
MILLARD FILLMORE,
OF NEW-YORK.
For Representative from the Bth District:
HON. ROBERT TOOMBS.
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTORS.
Electors for the State at Large.
Dr. Wm. Terrell, j Seaton Grantland.
Electors for the Districts.
Ist. Hamilt’n Sharpe sth Warren Akin,
2d. W.H. Crawford, 6th Asbury Hull,
3d. A. W. Rf.dding, 7th Y. P. King,
4th Wm. Moseley, Bth G. Staplf.ton,
CONGRESSIONAL DELEGATION.
Ist. Thos. B. King, sth. Jas. M. Calhoun,
2d. Jas. S. Calhoun, 6th. Jas. W. Harris,
3d. Allen F. Owen, 7th. A. H. Stephens.
4th. J.N. Williamson, Bth. Robert Toombs
Onr Weekly,
—To be issued this morning, will contain the
foreign news by the Europa; Gen. Cass’ Nich
olson letter; an account of the late destructive
Fire in Brooklyn; also of the Atlanta Mass
Meeting ; the Annual Statement of the Cotton
Crop of the United Slates for the year 1847-8,
showing the growth, consumption, export,
&c.; the political, commercial and general
news of the week, reports of domestic markets,
editorials, miscellany, poetry, &c. &c., in great
variety. Single copies for sale at the office.
Terms—Two Dollars per annum in advance.
Qen. Cass* Nicholson Letter.
To satisfy a very general desire to see this
celebrated letter we give it a place in our col
umns this morning, and commend its perusal
to every Southern man. The careful study of
it is the more important just at this time be
cause of Gen. Cass’ position before the coun
try, and because it is his text book on the Ter
ritorial question. That it contains his views
on the subject, is conclusive, from the fact of
his having enclosed it to Messrs. Yancey, of
Alabama, and Moses, of Florida, in reply to
certain interrogatories propounded to him by
these gentlemen, in which they sought to ob
tain a more full, explicit and satisfactory avow
al of his opinions. Let the South, then, inves
tigate these opinions, and let them not be de
ceived by this second Kane letter. Gen. C.
sets out with the declaration that his mind was
“ undergoing a, change ” in reference to the
Wilmot proviso, hut he seems not to have
been certain at the time of writing, whether it
had changed or not. This is an admission,
however, that he had been a proviso man, a
fact which his supporters at the South have en
deavored to deny.
We need not recapitulate the arguments of
Gen. Cass, to show that his position in regard
to slavery in the Mexican territories, as effectu
ally excludes it as the Wilmot Proviso. He
takes the ground that Congress cannot legislate
upon the question under any circumstances
that the only power to control it is the territo
ries themselves; and he shows that the mixed
races of IVlexicans, Indians and Negroes there
will certainly exclude the institution.
In his letter to Mr. Moses, of Florida, pub
lished by us on Monday, he declined to answer
the following questions propounded to him by
that gentleman, and instead of a prompt and
manly response, sent him the Nicholson let
ter:
Ist. Whether you still adhere to the positions taken
in your letter to A. O. P. Nicholson, Esq. of Decem
ber last. ’
2d. If so, ana I correct in construing it to mean that
you consider that the inhabitants of a territory before
they form a State Government, have a right to estab
lish or prohibit slavery, as they may deem most con
sistent with their local policy 7
3d. And that the policy so expressed is the para
mount law during the territorial probation, changea
ble only by the people of the territory up on the forma
tion of a state Government, or under such Legislative
sanction as they may direct ? ”
There is another matter but slight!v -ill I i ♦ ■
attention^ 0190 " ‘° W ‘* ich 1 wiU also direct your
Do you consider that the slaveholders would have
the undeniable right to migrate, with their slaves to
UnkedSmms may be an " exeJ to ’the
United Stales or would you regard it a doubtful mat
er, m consequence of the institution of slavery not
having been recognized in said territory by the Mex
ican authorities immediately preceding the acquisition
of such territory, (supposing it should be acquired 7)
His refusal to answer these questions cate
gorically is very conclusive that Mr. Moses
lad placed the true construction upon his
Nicholson letter.. Mr. Moses was a delegate
° the Baltimore Convention, and before casi
ng his vote desired to be informed of Gen.
2ass’ opinions, and adopted this means to ch
ain the inform ation. The result is before the
:ountry. Yet we are told by the supporters
»f Gen. Cass,, that his opinions, which as effec
ually exclude Southern emigration to the ter
itories as the Wilmot proviso itself, are sound,
md that tha rights and interest of the South
vill be safe in his hands. The same party en
lorsed Mr. Van Buren, who is now the leader
of the Wilmot proviso party, and also Mr.
Polk who signed the Oregon Bill with the
Wilmot proviso. The South has, therefore,
been twice deceived by their pledges, and the
same game is now attempted to be played off
upon her again. Will she submit to such re
peated outrages upon her rights? Will she
yield her support to a man who declares him
self the advocate of principles which will cer
tainly eject her sons from the soil secured by
their blood and treasure ?
Casa a Provlsoist*.
“ The Washington correspondent of the Baltimore
Sun says that Gen. Cass has written a letter to the
committee, at Washington, that he approves of the
passage of the Oregon Bill, with the Wilmot Proviso
attached and the course of Mr. Polk.”
The above extract from the correspondence
of the Baltimore Sun, which we find in the
Richmond Southerner, settles very conclusively
how far Mr. Cass may be relied on to protect
the interest of the South in the adjustment of
the Territorial question. The correspondent
of the Baltimore Sun is a thorough Democrat,
and a zealous supporter of Gen. Cass, whose
sources of information as to the moves on the
Democratic chess-board at Washington are not
surpassed by any other; hencebisgivings out on
any question of Democratic policy, are always
regarded as reliable. What, then, has the South
to hope for by supporting Gen. Cass, who ap
proves of the passage of the Oregon Bill with
the Wilmot proviso in it ? What becomes of
the oft-repeated declaration of the Southern
Cass organs, that he will veto the Wilmot
proviso "h Is there an intelligent, impartial
man, who ever believed such a statement, who
will adhere to it now, after the declaration of
Gen. Cass as reported above ?
Gen. Taylor—Democratic Endorsers—
At the last session of the Legislature of Geor
gia, Mr. Watters, Senator from Jasper and
Butts, introduced into the Senate a Preamble
and Resolutions which declared that Gen. Tay*
lor had “exhibited intellectual capacity equal
to any station in the gift of the people .” The
preamble was in the following words:
“ Whereas, the great captain of the age, General
Zachary Taylor, with whose character are insepara
bly associated the modesty of mind , the coolness of
bravery , and the disinterestedness of patriotism, by
the brilliancy of bis exploits on the battle fields of
Mexico, has rendered distinguished services to bis
country, and exhibited intellectual capacity equal to
any station in the gift of the people.”
This is certainly a very fair endorsement of
the intellectual capacity of the old hero. Let
us examine who voted for the preamble.—
Among the yeas are fifteen Democratic Sen
ators —here are their names :
Wesley Camp, of Cambpell, Joseph Dnnagan, of
Hall, George M. Duncan, of Dooly, Samuel Faris,
ol Walker, T. M. Forman, of Glynn, Elias Fort, of
Wayne, Luther J. Glenn, of Henry, John Hender
son, of Irwin, Thomas Hilliard, of Ware, W. H.
Hunt, of Cobb, J. A. Hunter, of Houston, Francis
Irvin, of Cass, W. J. Lawton, of Scriven, Richard
Stewart, of Talbot, John C. Watters, of Jasper.
For the verification of this statement the
reader is referred to the Journal of the Senate,
pages 169 and 430.
“The new manufacturing city of Manchester, N.
H., has now a population of 13,000, where only
twelve years ago there were but two houses.”
We clip the above paragraph from one of
our exchanges for the purpose of calling the
attention of the real estate owners and capi
talists of Augusta to the important fact which
it proclaims, that they may profit thereby.—
Manchester is situated in a bleak, cold climate,
and sterile soil, without commerce ; yet in
twelve years, by the aid of capital and enter
prise in the developement of the natural re
sources, the place has grown to twice the size
of Augusta with all her commercial advantages,
and facilities for transportation by railroad
and river. A word to the wise, &c.
“ Andrew Ewing, of Tennessee, has written a let
ter to the Nashville Union, announcing his determina
tion not to support Taylor.”
This paragraph is going the rounds of the
Democratic organs, many of whom probably
think Mr. E. is a Whig—very far from it. He is
a prominent Democrat in Tennessee, who, like
Ex-Governor Brown, last year declared for
Taylor to obtain votes, but now has not the
manliness to redeem his pledge.
Charles J. Ingersoll, after all his servile
subserviency to Mr. Polk and his parly, has
been finally kicked overboard bv the conven
tion of his district, who nominated John Rob
bins over him. Well may he exclaim with the
fallen Woolsey :
“ Had I but served my God with half the zeal
I served ray King, he would not, in mine age,
Have left me naked to mine enemies.”
Fire in Nashville— A fire occurred in
Nashville on the 14th instant,which fora time,
in consequence of a high wind, threatened the
destruction of half the city. Property valued
at 30 to $40,000 was destroyed, among which
was the Ist Presbyterian Church (Dr. Edgar’s),
the residences of Sandy Carter, Henry Yeat
man, and a large portion of that of Andrew
Ewing, Esq. The property was insured for
$18,750.
Another Declaration from Mr. Fill
more.—The Hon. E. C. Cabell, of Florida,
addressed the citizens of Jacksonville, East
Florida, on Saturday, the 26th ult. The Jack
sonville Republican describes his reception
there as being highly enthusiastic and gratify,
ing. Mr. Cabell spoke principally on the com
parative claims of Taylorand Cass to the con
fidence of the Southern people.
“Mr, Cabell (says the Republican) also referred
to the groundless charges made against Mr. Fillmore
which he thought were well illustrated by the speech
of Mr. McAllister, of Georgia, who asserted that ho
heard Mr, Fillmore deliver an Abolition speech in
New York in 1844, which was said to bo well des
cribed in a letter at that time published in the Dem
ocratic papers of Georgia. Yet when this same let
ter was brought to light, which was to describe Mr.
Fillmore’s Abolition speech, 10, not a word about sla
very was to be found in it —the tariff being reported
as the principal topic of the speech ! And this letter,
which proved the extreme frailty of Mr, McAllister’s
memory, turns out to have been written by that gen
tleman himself, who was, at its date, on a Northern
tour! But, as a most complete refutation of Mr.
McAllister’s statement, Mr. C- read to the assembly
a letter from Mr. Fillmore himself, (in reply to
one written to him by a member of Congress, en
closing the printed remarks of Mr. Me A.) in which
he expresses surprise at the assertion, and declares
that he never attended an Abolition meeting or
made an Abolition speech in the State of New York
in the whole course of his life.”
The Hon. George N. Briggs has been nomi
nated as a candidate for re-election for Gover
nor, by acclamation ; and the Hon. John Reed
for Lieutenant Governor by the Massachusetts
Whig State Convention.
Democratic Reasons*
A prominent Democrat of Fairfield District,
S. C., furnishes the Carolinian with the follow
ing reasons for withholding his support from
Gen. Cass. He is evidently an independent,
free thinker, who has investigated Gen. Cass’
character and principles, and preferring his
country to parly, will not give him his support.
He says:
To Gen. Cass I am opposed for the following very
substantial reasons, all of which are susceptible°of the
clearest proof, I think :
1. Because he (Cass) was one of that party in 1832
who were ready to hang every man in Soutb Caroli
na for daring to nullify the odious and abominable ta
riff act taking office soon after under Gen, Jackson.
See history of that day.
2. Because Mr. Woodbury and Mr. Dallas, both
Northern men, and who would have been entirely
acceptable to the South, were thrust aside in the
late Baltimore Convention, and Mr. Cass nominated
in their stead, and because such nomination is be
lieved to have been obtained by the great mass to
carryout their Internal Improvement schemes, which
if adopted, will swallow up the revenues of the coun
try for a hundred years to come, creating a pretext
for a high tariff, and defeating the cause of Free Trade
forever. —See proceedings of Convention.
3. Because Gen. Cass was, two years ago, a
Wilmot Proviso man, according to the testimony of
Mr. Rathbone, a Democratic member from New York.
See late debate in Congress-.
4. Because now, Gen, Cass proposes in an insidi
ous but most effectual manner to exclude the South
from any participation in the Territories just acquired
b\ treaty with Mexico, by leaving to the Mexicans,
Indians, Negroes, and Mulattoes, now inhabiting that
country, the right to regulate slavery for themselves,
under the general principles of the constitution. —See
Nicholson Letter.
5. Because he “ deprecates the existance of slave
ry ” in principle, and prays for its abolition every
where. —See Carolinian —Colonel Cunningham’s
comments in his late letter.
6. Because the whole Northern Democracy, inclu
ding two Southern Senators, Messrs. Benton and Hous
ton, strong friends of Cass, deserted the South upon
the passage of the Oregon bill. —See late proceedings
of Congress.
7. Because Gen. Cass like Martin Van Buren, is
another “Northern man with Southern principles.”
8. Because he has been the most rabid advocate for
a rigorous prosecution of the war with Mexico, invol
ving the country in a debt already of near one hun
dred millions of dollars, which the people have to
pay and which must come out of the pockets of the
South. —See proceedings of Congress.
9. Because he is unsound upon all our foreign rela
tions —See speeches of Gen, Cass.
10. Because his State is unsound upon the slavery
question, and because the Legislature passed not long
since resolutions approving the Wilmot proviso. —See
Judge Butler’s report, (f-c. —Proceedings of the
Michigan Legislature.
11. Because he (Cass) wrote a letter last fall, if 1
am not mistaken, squinting strongly towards free
soil, t|*c. —See Michigan letter of last fall.
12. Because his successor in the Senate, Mr. Fitz
gerald, has uniformly voted against the South upon
all questions involving the subject of Southern slave
ry.
13. Because Mr. Walker, of Wisconsin, voted a
gainst the compromise on the ground that it conflicted
with the views of Gen. Cass, his candidate for the
Presidency.
14. Because a close examination of the constitution
convinces me there is nothing in its letter or spirit re
quiring us to participate in the election, by voting for
Lewis Cass more than any one else.
15. Because like President Polk upon the Oregon
Bill, he will in all human probability betray us upon
the California and New Mexico questions.
The Free Soil State Convention of Penn
sylvania has nominated a ticket of Electors of
President and Vice President.
There is now an uninterrupted Railroad
communication between Cincinnati and San
dusky on Lake Erie, bringing them within fif
teen hours of each other, the distance being 218
miles. From Cincinnati to New York, the
distance is 939 miles, and by Railroad lo San
dusky, the Lake to Buffalo, railroad thence to N.
York, the time is only two days and twenty-one
hours.
China. —The Chinese Repository for Feb
ruary, contains a list of Protestant Missionaries
to the Chinese, 67 in number, of whom 13 are
stationed at Hong Kong, 13 at Canton, 9 at
Amoy, 6 at Fuhchau, 9 at Ningpo, 15 at Shang
hae, and 2in Siam. Os the whole number 43
are supported by American Missionary Socie
ties.
Mr. H. H.Keyser recently died of hydro
phobia in Boston. He was bitten on the 21st of
July last. The wound was scarified and kept
open for some days. Mr. Keyser did not have
those convulsions commonly attendant on hy
drophobia. Half an ounce of chloroform was
used upon him without any effect ; at no time
did he appear to be deprived of his reason ;
but there was at all times, a wild, glaring ex
pression of the eye. Mr. K. leaves a wife and
four children.
From the New York Express.
From Ashland and Henry Clay.
When we first heard of the intended so-call
ed Clay movement in this city, we addressed a
private letter to Mr. Clay, not expecting in re
turn any answer which we could print —but we
have received an answer, in which we are au
thorized to say as follows :
“ Ashland, Sept. 8, 1848.
“James Brooks, Esq.:—l have given, and
shall give, no countenance or encouragement
to any movement to bring my name, as a can
didate for that office, (the Presidency .) before
the oublic. ”
*********
“ On one point I desire no secrecy, and ihat
is, that I .am utterly opposed to the use of my
name as a candidate for the Presidency.
“ My warm regards to your brother.
“ I am, truly, your friend and obedient ser
vant. H. CLAY. ”
Maine.— The Portland Advertiser has re
turns from 211 towns in Maine, with the fol
lowing result; Hamlin 23,608 ; Dana 27,421;
scattering 8,522. Last year the vote in the
same towns stood as follows: Bronson 18,217;
Dana, 22,598 ; scattering 5,424. The plurali
ty against Dana thus far is 4,709 —last year in
the same towns 1,044.
The Representatives elected in the above
towns are as follows: Whig 45, Locofoco 45,
Van Buren 5, Taylor I.
Mobile and Ohio Railroad- —We are grat
ified to learn that the services of Capt. John
Childe, of Springfield. Massachusetts, have been
secured as Chiel Engineer of the Mobile and
Ohio Railroad. This selection is said to be a
most excellent one. Mr. Childe is a practical,
well-educated civil engineer and has had great
experience in the building of railroads.
Mr. Troost, of Mobile, has been chosen as
principal assistant engineer. His merits are
well known to the public here, and the stock
holders have unlimited confidence in his abili
ty- . .
The survey of the road, we learn, will oe
commenced as early as is practicable. It is de
signed to make a thorough survey of the whole
route to the Ohio. Instruments for the pur
pose have been ordered and steps taken to or
ganize the engineering parties so as to take
the field next month. —Mobile Tribune.
A friend of ours who has travelled in his own
carriage from Montieelio, Florida, to this city,
informs us that as he passed along the road he
inquired of every man he saw, what his-poli
tics were. The following is the result.
Taylor 28. Cass 14.— Savh. Hep.
Cheap Living.— The Jonesboro,’ Tenn.,
Whig says prime Flour can be had in that town
at $1 per hundred pounds, and Wheat of the
best quality at 25 cents the bushel.
C.n. Taylor at P.„ Christian.
Pass ( hkistian, September 12, 1848
G.n y T. h T ty n °' e 1 laß ‘ " ight infonncd vouof
Gen. Taylor near approach to this place bo
in consequence of the boat’s early denart{
could not furnish you with further particular
I will now attempt to give you a descrin’
ti°n of the reception, which I 'will at once s-fj
was most enthusiastic and harmonious At
about half-past 8 o’clock the magnificent steam
er Oregon Gapt. Hiern, appeared in S
tar in the distance to the eastward, and a rock
et and gun from the boat announced—ac
cording to previous arrangement—that the Old
Hero was on board. The signal being prompt
ly answered by a detachment of young m
from the Washington Artillery Company of
your city, in a moment, as if by magic, the
whole line of the beach, for a distance of seven
miles, was lighted up with torches and bonfires!
The effect was imposing beyond description.
You could have seen a pin in the road, or
even on the whitc-shelled walks of tiie yard of
the hotel. The light in the old light-house was
completely eclipsed, and the moon, floating i n
the clear blue ether, paled as she looked down
upon the glaring fires.
Rocket after rocket shot gracefully up from
the approaching steamer, and gun after gun
came booming over the waters, while the can
non on shore were answering and reansweriii"
the salute in a manner to make the blood tingle
in one’s veins. At last the Oregon reached
the wharf, when a committee, consisting of the
Board of Selectmen of Pass Christian,lieaded
by their President, and several gentlemen re
sidingin the hotel, wenton buard.[and being pre
sented to Gen. Taylor, escorted him to the house.
As the escort, with “ Old Zack” at the head, pro
ceeded along the extensive wharf and up the
hill, through admiring lines of old and young,
girls and boys, ladiesand gentlemen, the shouts
of welcome and the hurras ofjoy that rose from
a thousand throats, were almost deafening.
At length the old soldier was ushered into the
spacious saloon of the hotel, which was filled
with his fair countrywomen, togreethim with
their smiles and sparkling eyes, and was formally
welcomed, in a truly appropriate and elo
quent address by William C. Micou, Esq,, of
New Orleans.
“ Old Rough’s” response was short, explicit,
and to the point. I enclose for publication
both the address of Mr. Micou, and the reply
of the General:
Address of U rn. C. Micou, Esq.
General —Great deeds make all his country
men the friends of their doer. From the Rio .
Grande to the Aroostook, there is no true
American heart that does not throb with pride
at the mention of your name, that is not ela
ted at the recollection of your victories The
triumphs won by a valliant soldiery, under your
leadership, have been seized as the prooerty
of the nation ; and every State boasts of her
sons, who stood with you at Resaca, stormed
with you at Monterey, and drove back with
you at Angostura, the pride of Mexican chiv
alry, their bravest and their best.
It was not your fortune to lead to its con
summation a career of victory, so gloriously
began. You reaped a rich harvest of renown,
but enough remained to encircle the brows of
other leaders and crown with honor their gal
lant followers. At this, lam sure none rejoice
more sincerely than yourself. They were all
children of your country, and the patriot re
joices that his country basso many sons wor
thy of their sires.
It was enough for you to rebuke the vain
glorious boasting of the foe ; to meet them in
the open field, and under their walls of stone;
on their plains and in the gorges of their moun
tains, and to teach them that with every advan
tage of position, defences and numbers they
could not withstand the discipline and impetu
osity of the American soldiery.
Though not present at the battles which our
armies triumphantly fought from the Gulf to
the city of Mexico, it was your spirit and your
success, which struck terror to the inmost soul
of the enemy, while they fired the heart and
nerved the arm of every American soldier,
emulous of your fame. The gates of Vera
Cruz and San Juan, the impregnable, fell not
at the sound of the trumpet, but shrunk back
affrighted at the enraptured shouts from our
lines, which rose on the news of the glorious
Buena Vista. Amid all the fierce conflicts, in
the most beautiful of valleys, Monterey, blazed
from the mountain peaks—the hand-writing on
the wall, and told the incredible doom of the
Moutezumas.
But, General, we meet and address you not
to weary you with praise. That we should
speak of your deeds, is our pleasure and our
privilege, VVe know how generously you
divide the honors with your brave soldiers and
officers, and we feel that the division only in
creases your own share of renown.
But one thought must be omitted. Unlike
the conqueror of history, who subdued to
govern, who fought to spread the terrror ot
their names and elevate themselves to rank,
and power and fame, you, the citizen soldier,
simple performed the duty assigned by your
country. No selfish ambition, no personal
aim guided your march, or nerved your arm,
to inflict a deeper blow on the enemy. The
glory that surrounds your deeds, was not sought
but came unbidden. She led not but surely
followed your march.
When you reflect that the tree of martial
renown is ever planted in blood, it is with the
sublime consciousness that no heart poured
out its flood, no widower mother was bereft,
no orphan thrown upon a pitiless world, no
maiden’s bosom stricken with desolation, to
accomplish a selfish purpose. The fallen are
their country’s martyrs, not yours. They are
deaf to the voice of praise ; but in doinghon
or to the survivors, their country recalls their
fate with a tear, and none with deeper, truer
sympathy than yourself.
Thus much, General, vve have felt bound
to say, in tendering you the hospitalities of the
place. Its residents have conferred on me the
honor of expressing the sentiments, common to
them all—in which they all join, while bidding
you a warm and hearty welcome.
Reply of General Taylor.
Sir— l find myself overwhelmed with emo
tions that defy expression on this occasion. In
tendering to me the hospitalities of the rcsi
dents of Pa-s Christian, permanent as web
as temporary, you have been pleased to allude
in flattering terms to my career in Mexico. ‘
lay no claim to praise for the success which
crowned my exertions in the trying and sail
guinary struggles, in which it was my lotto be
engaged, between the forces under my com
mand and the common enemy ot my country,
but I tried to discharge my duty to that coun
try, whose servant I was proud to be,
the manner in which you i,a . ve alluded to my
brothers in arms, on both hues of our army,
has filled my heart with gratitude and my eyes
with tears- It was not due to me that the ene
my with which I contended was vanquished,
hut to the brave soldiers that stood by and sus
tained me in times of peril. To them belong
the “lory, and to them I frankly yield all clam
to the laurels that adorn their brows.
Sir, I fee 1 sensibly the kindness and n° 1
done me this night ; and while I cannot
mand language suitably to express my .
tions. I beg to thank you and n, y fr ‘ e ! iol
round me for such a flattering tmn t S Z the
Great preparations are being made
ball to-morrow night. We hope m ß ®** var j.
from your city, as well as Mobde a nd r
J . . J \ v- * The citizens oi
ous watering places adjacent. _„ii v are
the Pass and of Harrison county f ‘ y hon .
getting up a grand pic nicandbarbacue
or of Gen. Taylor, to come ofl on r j„.
Saturday next, and to which every ' oull try
vited. People from the surround ry ., na k
are coming in to take part in these . j* w bat
ings. You shallbefceplduly inforrae
transpires during Gen. Taylor -
us. • u t a word of
I cannot close my letter with on he
praise to Capt. Hiern for the ftyl® Besides
conducted affairs on board hi. bo*'-