Newspaper Page Text
&nd petty enactments proposed either against f
pr for the welfare of the innsses.
8L yjr. Walters death took place in the com-
of September, 1847. and the prin
cipal (property and management of the journal
passed into the hands of his eldest son—at
present the member for Nottingham—none of
theshares belonging to other proprie ors giving
any right of control in its management. Mr.
Delaine’s eldest son is now the editor, while
Mr. Simpson formerly of the Bank of England,
manages the City Article, assisted by a Mr.
Evans, one of the shrewdest and most indefati
gable of laborers connected with this portion of
the Press. He is a relic of the old office, which
was, in Mr. Alsager’s time, in Birchen Jane.
Mr Mowbray Morris, who was formerly the
secretary to the deceased Mr Walter, is nomi
nally the Cashier, or rather Paymaster to the
journal, but in fact, represents the interest of
the present principal proprietor, and may in
deed be said to be, in must respects, the princi
pal manager of the journal. Mr. Delaine does
not write much in the journal, although the
Editor : nor is the editorial staff anything like
such a brilliant corps of writers as it was in
the time of Mr. Barnes One of the most pop
ular writers, however, of the day, has but very
recently retired from the Times. This is Mr.
Gilbert A’Beckett, so lons known as one of
he cleverest and most brilliant members of the
clique who edit e Punch. His engagement was
for three years and his quantum of work was
fixed at two articles a week, for which he re
ceived £soo a year. His articles, however,
were found to be peculiarly annoying to the
Government, and he was offered a Police Mag
istracy at Greenwich, which he accepted, the
proprietors of the Times interposing no obs:a
cle to his retirement, when his reasons were
named to them.
Amongst others of the celebrities, who have
also contributed to the columns of this journal
was Mr. Disraeli, one of the most brilliant
and telling of the most distinguished political
men of the day. who occasionally buckle to a
question through the medium of the Press, as
weh as that of the rostrum; and some of the
fugitive articles whieh have proceeded from
his pen. and the series of letters signed, we
believe, “ Runnymtde,” which were his contri
butions to the journal, are brilliant models of
pungent and telling rhetoric, if such a term can
with justice be applied to a wri ten article.
The ablest writers on the Times, who con
tributed to its columns after the death of Mr.
Barnes, was, however, until within a very re
cent period. Captain Sterling. The pen of
this gentleman was not only vigorous and
comprehensive in the extreme, but possessed
the much more valuable gift of making its mat
ter eminently readable. His loss is one which
will with some diffiiculty be replaced. It is
also said that during the period of agitation
for the Reform Bill. Lord Palme; ston occasion
ally wrote in the paper, but this is improbable,
his only recognized organ having for a great
length of time been the Globe.
But it is in the foreign department of the pa
per that there is the must to be wondered at.
A regular editorial establishment is kept up at
Paris which regularly employs two or three indi
viduals. The principal of these was, until the last
year, Mr. O Reilly. This gentleman’s tenure
of the post had been an unusual long one, he
having occupied it for some fifteen years. He
was, however, displaced shortly after the com
mencement of the last French Revolution, and
was sent into Italy, where his labors have been
shared by two other correspondents, one at
Rome and the other at Naples. The salary of
the P irisan correspondent is, we belie ve, £BOO
a year, but it is said that Mr. O’Reilly received
one thousand pounds a year since JB4O. Two
correspondents have, during the last year and a
half, been employed in Germany, one at Vien
na and the other at Berlin. Another corres
pondent was also retained in Schleswig Hol
stein. Two others have for some length of
time been retained in Spain and Turkey. In
addition to ihis, we believe it has an editorial
corps, similar to its Parisian one, in India. It
has also had tor some years a correspondent in
this city. Mr. M. L. Davis filled this position
until within a year past, when he resigned it in
consequence of his advanced age and other en
gage.nents. He was originally engaged in con
sequence of his letters to the Courier Enquie
rer irom Washington, and wrote in the Times
under the signature of ‘ A Genevese Travel
ler.' His letters commanded attention and
confidence wherever read. His successor
writes with ability ami evident familiarity with
financial affairs. The Times pays its New
York correspondent £IOO per annum. Du
ring the debates in Congress on the Oregon
Question a year or two since, the Times also
had a correspondent at Washington.—hut this
arrangement was but temporary and has been
discontinued. It has recently sent a correspon
dent to California.
It must be obvious from a mere recapitula
tion ol these facts, that the pecuniary proceeds
of the journal must be immense, for such an
establishment of the means of procuring in
formation, argues an expenditure of propor
tion bie amount in almost every department of
the paper. The Parisian correspondenc i was
formerly obtained by express, but since the es
tablishment of the railways, this is no longer
necessary. It is, inconsequence, only express
ed from Dover, unless the news sent by the
correspondent is, in his opinion, worth the ex
penditure necessary to anticipate the post,
which is, of course, left entirely at his discre
tion. The Telegraph moreover, has now su
perseded Expresses almost entirely.
'I he Court Circular is a penny-a-line article,
as it is called, sent into the office dailv by the
same agent as that ol the other morning pa
pers, and scarcely ever read, as vye should sup
pose, by the general readers of the Times. The
name however, is a singular misnomer, three
half-pence a line being the price which all the
morning understood to pay for
anj^cla&Lof intelligence contributed by those
notion the staff ol the Journals. The reports
of the Police Courts and most of the isolated ar
ticles and paragraphs, scattered in differ
_ ent parts of the paper, are also pennv-a-line
work, and are confided to the inspection and
management of the Rev. T. Richardson, now
oriH of the editors, and an old relic from the lime
of Barnes.
I he Law Reports, are, however, generally
sent in by membore of the bar, who have "a
regular engagement on the paper. Sergeant
Talford was formerly one of these, and had
the bad taste to forget his former position, and
proposed some years since, the exclusion from
the bar mess table on circuit, of any member
ofii who framed the reports. He, however,
failed in doing so, and was severely animadver
ted upon in the Times for the attempt.
h rom Tampico.—By the arrival here yester
day of the schooner Renaissance, Capt. Bus
son. from Tampico the Bih inst., we have re
ceived the Defensor of that city to the sih inst.,
inclusive.
That paper announces that Gen. Canales is
to be brunghtto trial by order of the President
of the Republic, for the murder of Don Igna
cio Flores, whom he captured some time back
(August 20) and shot, under the pretence that
he was engaged in revolutionary plots against
the State of Tamaulipas. The Defensor still
continues its attacks on Don J Cardenas, the
Governor of Tamaulipas, and Gen. Arista, the
Secre ary of VVar, lor upholding Canales in the
latter s atrocities. Flores, it appears, was, at
the breaking out of the war between the United
Stales and Mexico, an extremely rich and esti
mable individual. When Gen. Taylor was a
boul laying siege lo Monterey, Flores lent the
Government 5*70.000. which sum was applied
to the support of the troops under Gen. Am
pudia. He subsequently went to Mexico to
reclaim payment, when he was made a Gene
ral by Santa Anna, in order lo induce him to
wait the convenience ol the Government to
liquidate the debt. He then accepted a mission
to the South, where, under Alvarez, he acted
for a while. Unfortunately, he acquired there
those revolutionary tendencies which led to his
premature death. Canales manifested great
1 ferocity in executing him, and besides, violated
a fundamental article of the constitution, by
shooting wiihont the forms of a trial. That of
ficer is accused of hurrying the unfortunate
Flores to his grave, through the desire to ap
propriate the money the latter had about him
at the time of his capture, which is said to be
SIO,OOO. Flores, although a native of the
South, was related by marriage to the princi
pal families of New Leon. —Picayune 19f/t inst.
Chronicle anh Sentinel.
WILLIAM S. JONES.
DAILI Tlll-WEEKLY «fc WEEKLY
OFFICE IN RAIL HOAD BANK BUILDING
TERMS—Daily Paper,
Tri->Veekiy Paper, “ “ “ 1 ' •• 5
Weekly, (a mammoth sheet) “ “ •• 2
t'ASH S Y STEM, —In no case will an order fort he
paper be attended to, unless ccompanied with the
money, and in every instance when thetimefor which
the subscription may be paid,- expires before the re
ocipf n* funds to renew the same, the paper willhe
discontmutu. Depreciated fandereceivecl at
this city.
AUGUST (JA :
TUESDAY MORNING, DEC. 35, 1849.
The publication of this journal will be
suspended till Thursday morning next.
What do the half dozen disaffected Whigs who re
ceded in a huff from the Whig caucus expect to ac
complish by the 01076“? — N. O . Bulletin.
Such an inquiry from our intelligent con
temporary excites our surprise, particularly as
he was in possession of the resolution offered
by Mr. Toombs. By the way, before answer
ing the inquiry of the Bulletin, it may not be
improper to disabuse its mind as to Mr. T. and
those who have acted with him. They are not
''disaffected ” Whigs as the Bulletin supposes ;
on the contrary, they are as true and zealous
Whigs as they have ever been, and will con
tinue so, so long as the Whig party acts up to
its professions of being a “ conservative, na
tional party, devoted to the constitution. ”
But to the answer—the Whig party of this
country, from centre to circumference, has al
ways boasted of its conservatism and nationali
ty, and heretofore it is the only party which has
had any just claim to such a proud distinction.
If they were truly conservative and national in
their principles, and devoted to the preserva
tion of the constitution, they could not object
to the adoption of the resolution offered by
Mr. T. in the Whig caucus, which is in these
words ;
“ That Congress ought not to pess any law prohib
iting slavery in the territories of California or New
Mexico, nor any law abolishing slavery in the Dis
trict of Columbia, ”
This was no sectional proposition, nor did
I ask the Northern Whigs to.do more than to
administer the government in that spirit of com
promise and nationality which distinguished
the framers in its adoption, in short, it only
asks them, as Whigs, to attest their professions
of conservatism, nationality and devotion to the
constitution by their works, and not to usurp
powers never delegated. Messrs. T. and his
associates felt assured that they saw an evident
disposition on the part of Northern Whigs to
forget their professed conservatism and nation
ality, and their obligations to the constitution,
in their anxiety to outstrip the Northern De
mocracy in the Free Soil contests—that such
was their anxiety for party triumphs at home,
they would disregard the constitutional rights
of the South, and assume a position on the
great question of Southern rights, which would
render them the aggressive and agrarian party
rather than the great conservative, national
party of the country.
It was to check and arrest this spirit and ten
dency, and to secure the administration of the
government upon sound constitutional princi
ples that the move was made, and if the South
ern Whigs in a body, had united with them,
their object would have been' accomplished,
and the rights of the South secured against en
croachment for this Session of Congress.
Having made the move, and their proposi
tion not meeting with a single response from
the North, (save Mr. Brooks, who qualified
his as to time) they could not hesitate as to
their action and duty, on a question which in
volved on the one hand, the maintenance ofthe
spirit of the constitution, and the preservation
of the rights of those whom they represent, and
on the other, an alliance with those who would
give no assurance of their disposition to secure
either. They had, therefore, to choose be
tween acting with the Northern Whigs in the
organization of the House, under such circum
stances, or to retire and proclaim their deter
mination to maintain the constitutional rights
ofthe Sou h, regardless of parly associations
They would have been criminal to have acted
otherwise.
That their policy has been already produc
tive of good, and will result in the accomplish
ment of lasting and important benefits to the
South, and to the whole Union, (because it
will deprive fanatics and agitators of their oc
cupation) we have no doubt. The people of
the North already are reflecting upon the ex
tremes into which, for the purpose of securing
local triumphs they were hastening, and this
reflection will prompt them to command their
representatives to carry out the principles and
spirit of the constitution ; and thus secure to
the South,all she asks, and to the Union, per
manence and quiet.
The Augusta Chronicle & Sentinel is denouncing
the Hank of the State of South Carolina, and the Le
gislature for not winding it up.— Ch. Mercury.
If the Mercury has any regard for its charac
ter for veracity, it is exceedingly careless or
unfortunate in the use of language. It would
be rather difficult, we imagine, to discover any
“ denunciation ” we have uttered against the
Legislature, for its action on the Bank ques
lion* 4Ve asserted that the Bank was u nsound,
and that its issues were an unsafe circulating
medium, where a convertible currency was
desirable, neither of which the Mercury pre
tends to deny or controvert. Hence we are
to infer, we suppose, that paper admits the
correctness of our positions. The fling of the
Mercury, as to the effect ol our course on
the Bank, is rather too contemptible to merit
any notice, and will exercise little influence in
preventing us from exposing the condition of
an institution, the reports of whose officers,
shew its bills to be an unsafe circulating me
dium.
If the Mercury and the friends of the Bank
hope to conceal its want of ability lo redeem
I its liabilities by such a resort, they are reckon
ing without their host. Such a course may
serve to gull the ignorant and prejudiced in
South Carolina, and induce them to give the
bills of the bank circulation, but the intelligent
and reflecting men of other States, where the
Bank is thrusting its bills into circulation, will
require some other evidence of its soundness—
higher evidence too than has been afforded for
years by its published reports.
A New Paper Mill.
Mr. Rossignol, of this city, has exhibited to
us a specimen of brown paper, the first pro
duce of Mr. Jno. G. Winter’s new Paper
Mill, “Rock Island Factory ,” near Columbus.
In congratulating Mr. W., and the citizens of
Columbus, upon the completion of this new
wealth-creating agent in their midst, vve cannot
omit to express the pleasure these evidences of
progress at the South, afford us. We see in
the consumption of every rag, and the carding
and spinning of every additional lock of cot
ton, the germ of future independence, and
higher and higher prosperity for the South ana
her people. Let our motto throughout the en
tire South, be onward and still onward, and
let us invest all our surplus capital in wealth
creating machinery—it will give activity to ev
ery department of business, make us more
prosperous and independent, and produce
more wealth than the same amount invested in
land and negroes. Do this and the South will
be the garden spot of the Union in ten years.
The steamship Columbus, formerly plying
between Philadelphia and Charleston, is to sail
on the 3d January for California, round the
Horn, touching on her way, at Rio de Janeiro
and Valpariaso. Her owners have determin
ed to send her to the Pacific, with the intention
of plying between Panama and San Francisco.
Brewer’# Panorama.
This is positively the last day of this exhibi
tion, We are happy to state that large audi
ences of our most worthy citizens have visited
these splendid paintings.
#
Grand Operatic Soiree.
By reference to the advertisement, it will be
perceived that a company of distinguished vo
calist? propose to give a grand operatic soiree,
in full costume, at the Masonic Hall, Wednes
day evening. With the powers of some of
these, many of our citizens are already familiar,
as also with the fame of the others, which will
commend them to the lovers of song.
Senator Benton. —A Washington letter in
the New York Courier has the following state
ment, which seems to be borne out by the ac
tion of the Senate on Monday:
It is understoad that the majority in the Sen
ate have proscribed Col. Benton, by declining
to award him th position on Important Com
mittees which he has heretofore occupied.
The proceedings of to-morrow will disclose
the truth of this report, as the elections were
ordered yesterday. Certainly no good feeling
exists towards that distinguished and veteran
leader, and his party is now disposed to banish
him, as Aristides was banished, for being call
ed the Just.
For the Chronicle and Sentinel.
TO THE STEAMER OREGON,
On her first trip up the Savannah.
BY A LADY PA9SENOBR.
Thou art a light and tiny thing
To tempt the watery world,
And minds’t me of some young voyager
Amid “ Life’s billows hurled.”
Success to thee, thou bonny boat,
In all ?hy winding way;
I lore to mark thy onward path
And watch thy sun-lit spray.
Tho’ thou art very small indeed,
It fills my heart with pride
To view the taste and comforts
So abundantly supplied ;
For I’m a stanger in this clime
And far from the North I roam,
But the stars and stripes that o’er me float
Tell me that I’m at home.
Then success to thee, thou bonny boat,
In all thy winding way,
And success to thy commander
Wherever he may stray.
Arrest of an Author for Forgery. —Thomas
Powell, an English author, was taken into cus
tody at New York on Tuesday, charged by
Mr. McLaughlin, of the firm of McLaughlin &
Bell, bankers, of No 43 Wall-street, with pre
senting to them to cash, a draft, purporting to
have been given by John Allen, of London, for
£IOO sterling Powell at the time slated that
the draft was genuine, but the firm doubting it
sent to a branch of the house in Canada, who
sent it to England, where it was pronounced
by Mr. Allen to be a forgery. He was held to
bail for examination Mr. Powell lately sued
several New York editors for libel, in publish
ing Chas. Dicken’s denunciation of him.
The Ravages of the Cholera at Siam, in
the East Indies, according to the last European
papers, are beyond measure dreadful. About
20,000 persons have fallen victims to it. So
great was the number of deaths, that they
found it impracticable to burn them all, and
many were buried, and multitudes more
thrown into the river just as they had died.
They were brought and laid in piles and fuel
applied, when they were consumed like heaps
of logs. In three days not less than from 2000
to 3000 died daily; and at the end of 'welve
days it was known that more than 20,000 had
fallen victims to its fearful ravages. Since
that time it has very much abated, but has by
no means ceased. It is thought that within a
radius of 25 or 30 miles, not less than 30,000
have been swept off by this fatal scourge with
in two or three weeks. The cholera and the
small pox always make dreadful ravages in
Siam.
The Hungarian Exiles. —Wo learn from
the New York papers that on Tuesday even
ing the committee appointed to entertain these
interesting strangers, and to provide for their
poorer countrymen who may flee hither, held
a meeting to collect subscriptions. About
S3OOO were subscribed on the spot by the gen
tlemen of the committee, W. S. Wetrnore
Esq., leading off with five hundred dollars.
On Monday evening the exiles were serena
ded by “ Sangerchor” of the German Social
Reformers of New York. Speeches were
made and responded to in a cordial manner,
and at the close of the ceremonies, Madhe
Jagella addressed the singers, and presented
the Society with a Hungarian tri-color.
Tuesday was spent in partaking of the hos
pitality of the citizens and in viewing the va
rious objects of interest, and in the evening
several members of the party visited the opera
by special invitation of the managers. When
they appeared in the boxes they were greeted
with prolonged applause, and when that had
somewhat subsided a voice, cried “Three cheers
for the brave Hungarians,” which were given
again and again. Mr. Ujahazy, Mad’ile Jagel
la and the gentlemen of the Governor’s suite,
rose and bowed their acknowledgments, evi
dently much affected by the cordiality of their
reception— Balt. Amer.
The Joint Committee on the State of the Re- I
public to which was referred those portions
of the Governor’s Message and the several
Bills and Resolutions relating to the subject
o( slavery, introduced into either branch of
the Legislature, beg leave to
Report.
That they have given the most deliberate
and solemn attention to the various suggestions
embraced in the propositions submitted to them,
referring to the subject of slavery, and have
with minds fully impressed with the great sig
nificance that must be given to any action
whatever on this matter at the present hour,
arrived at the conclusion that we should, as
far as the State of Georgia is concerned, re
commend such action as shall compose the pub
lic mind, suppress any further agitation of a
controversy in which, for more than twenty
years, the South has been constantly worsted,
or propose some efficient and practical meas
ures that shall prove the sincerity of our com
plaints, and at the same lime redress our
wrongs. It is vain to deny that we, the injur
ed party have for a series of years, by a vacil
lating and temporizing policy, only assured
the courage of our assailants, and invited by
an excessive sensibility on the subject of the
ultimate consequences of decisive action, further
and still more iniquitous experiments upon
our forbearance and patience. The best de
fence of liberty is the first blow stricken in its
defence and for the first right violated. With
all the accumulate! injury of fifteen years that
vve have had to endure from the anti slavery
States, and that we so sensibly feel to day, we
yet do not not feel more keenly, nor do vve ex
press more forcibly onr sense of this outrage
than did the Legislature of Georgia twent) -two
years ago, upon the bare proposition of the
friends of colonization to vote an appropriation
for the removal of free negroes to Liberia.—
Yet the Joint Committee on the State of the
Republic, in the year 1827, declared in refe
rence to ibis subject so harmless in the com
parison with the audacity ol recent legislation,
“that they could not help reprobating the cold
blooded selfishness or unthinking zeal which
actuates many of onr fellow-citizens in other
States to an interference with onr local con
cerns and domestic relations, totally unwarran
ted either by humanity or constitutional right.
Such interference is becoming every day more
determined and more alarming. It couimenc
ed with a few unthinking zealots, who formed
themselves into abolition societies; was seized
upon by more cunning and designing men for
political purposes, and is supported by more
than one of the States, as is evident from the
amendments to the Constitution proposed by
legislative bodies, and so frequently and in
deed insultingly presented for our approbation.
The result of such interference if persevered
in, is awful and inevitable.
The people of Georgia know and strongly
feel the advantages of the Federal Union; as
members of that Union, they are proud of its
greatness; as children born under that Union,
they will ever defend it from foes internal as
well as external; but they cannot and will not,
even for the preservation of the Union permit
their rights to be assailed ; they will not permit
their property to be rendered worthless ; they
will not permit their wives and children to be
driven as wanderers into strange lands; they
will not permit their country to be made waste
and desolate by those who come among us
under the cloak of a time-serving and hypo
critical benevo'ence. How then is the evil to
he remedied? Only by a firm and determined
union of the people and the stales of the South,
declaring through their legislative bodies in a
voice which must be heard, that they are ready
and willing to make any sacrifice rather than
submit longer to such ruinous interference,
and warning their enemies that they are un
wittingly preparing a mine which ones explo
ded, will lay our much beloved country in one
commen ruin. : Such language as this the
patriotic guardians of our State thought the
crisis of 1827 ju.'litied.
Who-no a, with the lights of 1849 before him.
and the enormities of northern ‘ aggression
since the days of this remonstrance, but feels
that either the grievances of twenty years ago
were vastly exaggerated, or we have suffered
that quick resentment and sensibility to wrong
to tall into decay, and our minds to become
parient and calm urider inflictions which would
have been intolerable to the high spirits of that
d >y. But it may be urged in defence of the
long suffering of the South, that her attach
ment to this union has been akin to a sacred
devotedness. That from no huckstering spirit
of profit or of lucre-loving have we clung to
it with such tenacity, that a quarter of a cen
tury of outrage upon our rights and of palter
ing with our capability of endurance has bare
ly been enough to induce us to count the val
ue of it. With the whole South this Union
has been regarded as dear to us from a higher,
a nobler appreciation than because it “promo
ted the general welfare.” It has been dear to
us because purchased with the blood of our
fathers, becaused transmitted to us with their
benedictions, and because vve had hoped under
its sway to see human liberty and human pro
gress advance to that point that should give
the name of American freedom as a gurautee
|°r any future experiments in self government.
1 hough often charged with a reckless and
restless spirit, which was not submissive to
constitutional restraints, the South boldly meets
this charge by asking, when did we ever cause
collision between members of this Un on by
any aggressive legislation—by a distrustful, a
self-seeking, or a domineering policy? When
did the South, by stretching the powers of the
Government, excite a'arm or jealousy?—
When did she insult the self respect of any
member of this Confederacy by contemptuous
comparisons, or by a pragmatical and patron
ising interference with the internal policy and
interests of any State?
Or when did her pulpit lend itself to fan the
flame of civil discord ; or wnen in our borders
was the temple of the living God made the
theatre of display for tne rancorous hate of
brother against brother ? Let these reproach
es fail where they are deserved, the South has
no dread of them. From the earliest date of
the slavery controversy, the South hasevinced
a yielding and conciliaiory spirit. For it will
be hard, indeed, for any one to show the
slightest mutuality in the concession made on
the part of the South of all representation of
two fifths of her slave population. Can any
fair reason be urged why the South should not
have entered into this Confederacy claiming a
full representation for this species of property
If taxation implies a correla ive right of repre
sentation, then was the Southern slaveholder
unjustly treated, when it was demanded of
him that before he could enter this Union as
a citizen, he must first surrender the right of
having two-fifths of his slaves represented,
when that two-fifths were as certainly taxed on
all articles of their consumption as were their
masters. But yet the South yielded this point.
She consented also to abolish the foreign slave
trade, by which she might have cheaply sup
plied herself with slave-labor, and when the
northernmost slave States thought fit to abolish
the institution in their borders, she interposed
no obstacles or vexatious hindrances, though
it might have been clearly foreseen that this re
sult would have been fruitful of trouble to
those States that would find their necessities or
their convenience demanding a continuation of
the system. In every interference with the
qustion of domestic slavery by the North, she
has tailed and failed signally to justify her
course by any reasons of a purely political
character, and much less by such political rea
sons as are to be found in or tolerated by our
Constitution. There could be no other com
plaint reasonably urged by the North against
the existence or the extension of the slave pro
perty of the South, but that the federal repre
sentation claimed for it was unequal, and there
fore unjust towards the North.
But as we have seen the only inequality in
this thing is against the South, and not in her fa
v 6 then resolves itself into this, that this gov
ernment, so restricted in the exercise of all pow
er, is to be allowed to turn propagandist, and de
vote its best energies to the driving through
against all resistance of plighted faith, of con- |
stitutional law, against all claims of right,
justice or fraternity, a moral reform, that has
first and last for its object, a forcible ejectment
from our midst of what is denounced as a
gross immorality, and a determination to give
practical effect to the idea that this Govern
raent, as a Government , entertains of the sin
of slavery.
It is the first and last instance furnished by
our history, in which this government has
thought it right or expedient to subsidise re
ligious agencies by the strong arm of political
power. It would require but one short step
further in this attempt to regulate a matter of
conscience, to see our duty clearly dictating a
union of Church and State. We feel it to be
unnecessary to trace this controversy step by
step to its present critical, if not perilous stage.
If we should do so with the minutest fidelity,
its history would at every turn only shew, how
reluctant the South has been to bring the
grave matters in issue to that extremity which
would leave the true friends of harmony and
Union nothing to hope. It has been our fault
that we have in every instance invited imposi
tion hy indicating a yielding disposition, which
only requires to be hard pressed, to grant the
most extravagant requisitions. So it was in
the controversy with the anti-Slavery States
which gave birth to the Missouri Compromise-
In this mis-uamed surrender of Southern
rights who can shew a particle of consideration
passing to the South? Where, in this one
sided compromise, is there to be found the
least reciprocity ? Yet we gave in to this unre
sonable and unjust requirement, and avowed a
love for this Union which would not suffer us
to part with it, though the North wasseeking to
make ns pay in valuable and unrighteous con
cessions for every day of its existence. This
compromise, by which we bought our peace
for more than a quarter of a century we ob
served with punctilious honor, and when in
the course of events it came to the turn of
this portion of the Union to be benefitted by
the operation of that law, we find the North
ern States nnblushingly repudiating their own
contract, and when celled upon to re-afiirm
their own long expressed ratification of the
compromise, they refused to do so ; and as
evincive of their deliberate purpose to evade
their plighted faith, they sought to organize a
territory embraced in the spirit of this compro
mise (by which every thing had been for years
secured to them.) upon the anti slavery basis,
in the unmitigated and obnoxious shape of the
Wilmot Proviso.
The North now disavows the Missouri Com
promise, becauseofthe inevitableimplicationin
volved in that law, that if north of 36 30 slave
ry is prohibited, south of that line it may exist
Passing over the insincerity now so transpa
rent, with which the anti-slavery States opposed
the 21st Rule of the House of Representatives,
their specious attacks against that wholesome
and conservative check upon fanaticism, under
the guise of a zeal for the right of petition, we
come to the more recent legislation of Con
gress on the subject of slavery. And now can
any Southern man, at all conversant with the
history of the abolition movement from its
inception, longer doubt that the first aim of
that agitation was a total and final emancipation
of our slave property, Why should we doubt
it? Because of the bad faith involved? Was
ever treachery and selfishness so blended be
fore in the public conduct of any civilized
States as is shown in the course the North has
pursued in regard to this compromise we ha/e
just spoken of? Because of the daring viola
tion of private rights or Constitutional provis
ions and guarantees? Can the perfidy of man
go farther than several of the Northern States
have gone in their practical nullification of the
laws securing to the South the privilege of
reclaiming her refugee slaves; or can any
vandalism improve upon the savage pro
position of the last Congress to permit the
slaves of the District of Columbia to vote
themselves the equals of their masters This
brings our enemies in one step of the goal they
have kept their eyes steadily fixed upon for
twenty years, and has brought us, too, in one
step ol the last dishonor that can be reserved
for us. They have but to lay their hands on
tlavery in the Slates, and we make one more
submissive and feeble remonstrance, and the
great work is finished.
In view therefore of the past history of this
war upon the peace, the rights, and the safety
of the South—in view of its present and in
anticipation of its future progress, we report
to the House for its action the following Pream
ble and Resolutions, accompanied by a Bill
providing for the call of a Convention of the
sovereign people of this State.
Whereas, The people of the non-slavehold
ing Slates have commenced, and are persisting
in a system of encroachment upon the Con
stitution and the rights of a portion of the peo
ple of this Confederacy, which is alike unjust
and dangerous to the peace and perpetuity of
our cherished Union. Beit.
Is? Resolved , By the Senate and House of
Representatives of the State of Georgia in Gen
eral Assembly convened, That the Government
of the United States is one of limited powers,
and cannot rightfully exercise any authority
not conferred by the Constitution.
2d Resolved , f hat the Constitution grants
no power to Congress to prohibit the introduc
tion of slavery into any territory belonging to
the United States.
3d. Resolved That the several States of the
Union acceded to the Confederacy upon terms
of perfect equality, and that the rights, privi
leges, and immunities secured by the Constitu
tion. belong alike to the people of each State.
4th. Resolved. That any and all Territory
acquired by the U Slates, whether by discov
ery, purchase, or conquest, belongs in com
mon, to the people of each State; and thither
the people of each State and every State
has a common right, to emigrate with any
properly they may possess, and that any
restriction upon this right, which will operate
in favor of the people of one section to the
exclusion of those of another, is unjust, op
pressive and unwarranted by the Constitution.
oth. Resolved, That slaves are recognized by
the Constitution as property, and that the Wil
mol Proviso, whether applied to any territory
at any time heretofore acquired, or which may
be hereafter acquired, is unconstitutional.
. Resolved, 1 hat Congress has no power
either directly or indireedy, to interfere with
the existence of slavery in the District of Co
lumbia.
7th. Resolved, Fhat the refusal on the part
of the non-slaveholding States to deliver up
fugitive slaves, who have escaped to said States,
upon proper demand being made therefor, is a
plain and palpable violation of the letter of the
Constitution, and an intolerable outrage upon
Southern rights. F
Bth. Resolved . That in the event of the pae
sage ol the Wilmot Proviso by Congress, the
abolition of Slavery in the District of Columbia,
the admission ol California as a State, in its
present pretended organization, or ihe contin
ned refusal of the non-slaveholding States
to deli ver up fugitive slaves as provided in the
Constitution it will become the immediate and
imperative duty of the people of this State to
meet in Convention to take into consideration
the mode and measure of redress.
9th. Resolved, lhat the people of Georgia
entertain an ardent feeling of devotion to the
union of these States, and lhat nothing short of
a persistence in the present system of encroach
ment upon our rights by the non slaveholding
States, can induce us to contemplate the pos
sibility of a dissolution. r
JOth. Resolved, That his Excellency the Go
vernor be requested to forward copies of these
resolutions to each of our Senators and Repre
sentatives m Congress, to the Legislatures of
the severa! Mates, and to the President of the
United States.
A BILL to be entitled an act to authorize and
require the Governor of the State of Geor
gia to call a Convention of the people of i
this State. r
Whereas, Fora series of years there has
been displayed a manifest disposition on the <
part of the non-slaveholding States of the Un
ion, the interfere with the Institution of Si lve
ry at the South, by such aggressive measures
of intolerance as to render it no longer a ques
tion of doubt tiiat the Federal Legislature will
soon adopt such restrictive measures against
the Institution of Slavery, as to trammel, fetter,
and confine it wi hin certain Territorial limits,
never contemplated by the original parties to
the Constitutional compact. And whereas,
Georgia in her sovereign capacity as a State,
has delegated no other power to the Federal
Government than those found in the Constitu
tion of the United States. And believing that
her best interest and her honor as a sovereign
and independent Government requires *hat she
should meet all encroachments in a calm and
manly spir it of resistance.
Sec. Ist. Be it therefore enacted by the Senate
and House of Representatives of the State of
Qeorgia in General Assembly met. That .-hoiild
the Congress of the United States pass any law
prohibiting slavery or involuntary servitude in
any territory of the United States, or any law
abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia,
or any law prohibiting the slave trade between
the States where slavery may exist, or admit
into the United Stales as a State of this Confe
deracy, the extensive and unpeopled Territory
of California and New Mexico, with a Consti
tution prohibiting slavery or involuntary servi
tude. Or should the Governor of this Slate
receive at any time satisfactory evidence, that
any slave or slaves having escaped from tfik
State to a non-slaveholding State, and that such
slave or slaves is or are refused to be given up
to the proper owner by the authorities of the
State in which such fugitive or fugitives may
be found, then or in either of the foregoing
events, it shall be and it is hereby made the du
ty of the Governor of this State, within sixty
days thereafter, to issue his proclamation qr
dering an election to be held in each and every
county, to a Convention of the people of this
Stale, to convene at the Seat of Government
within twenty days after said election.
Sec. 2d. And be it further enacted. That the
counties now entitled to two Representatives
of the General Assembly of this Slate, shall
each be entitled and shall elect four delegates
to said Convention, and the counties which are
entitled to one Representative, shall each elect
two delegates to said Convention.
Sec. 3d. And be it further enacted . That be
fore entering upon the duties of their otfice as
delegates, the delegates shall lake the following
eath, which shall be administered by some Ju
dicial officer of til is State : I, do solemn
Jy swear, in the presence of Almighty God,
that I will to the best of my ability demean my
self as a delegate of the people of this State,
and act for the honor and interest of the peo
pie of Georgia.
Sec. 4th. And be it further enacted, That said
election for delegates shall be conducted and
held in the same manner as elections for mem
bers of the Legislature are now held in this
State. And that all returns of elections shall
be forwarded to the Governor of this State,
who shall upon application furnish each dele
gate elected with a certificate of election.
Sec. sth And be it further enacted, That said
Convention shall elect all officers necessary to
their organization.
PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS.
Correspondence of the Baltimore American
Im Senate Dec. 20 h.
The resolution offered yesterday bv Mr
Dodge, of lowa, for the admission of Father
Ma hew upon he floor, came up in course.
Mr. Clemens objected to the resolution,on the
ground that Father Mathew had taken a course
and expressed opinions hostile to the institu
tions of the South Mr. Clay and Mr. Seward
advocated the resolution. Mr. Davis, of Miss,
was averse to giving a complimentary admis
sion into the Senate chamber to a person who
had spoken against slavery at the South.
Mr. Hale vindicated Father Mathew from
the charge of hostility to slavery, and declared
that hit hopes that Father Ma'hew’s visit to
this country would promote the cause of hu
manity, had been entirely disappointed. He
o bjected to the resolution, but his objections
were of another color.
Mr. Cass deprecated the introduction of
slavery here. It must be met, but suffi ient for
the day is the evil thereof. Its premaiure dis
cussion was calculated to produce much evil.
He knew nothing of Father Mathew's opinions
as to slavery, but he had seen, in the newspa
pers, that Father Mathew had expressly re
fused to interpose his opinions on the subject
of slavery. He advocated the resolution, for
the people of this country were unanimous in
their approbation of his self devotion in a noble
cause. It was a cause which stood by itself. It
had no precedent, and would not again occur.
Mr. Foote said that Father Mathew had.
when applied to by Garrison and others, taken
a fair and dignified stand upon non-interven
tion ground, and he regretted that he had since
refused to respond, or to suffer his response to
be published, to letters addressed to him by
southern gentlemen. He regretted that the in
tervention of the Senator from New York,
(M r. Seward) had connected the honor that was
proposed to be conferred on Father Mathew
with the accursed cause of abolition. Every
thing that these abolitionists meddled with they
ruined and degraded. They had brought the
Union into danger, and if they could carry out
their designs, would put the marks of ineffable
degradation on our glorious institutions.
Mr. Mangum said there would be future, and,
perhaps too many occasions to discuss the sub
ject of slavery ; but he was willing to pay due
homage to the reverend gentleman.
Mr. Butler thought some ol the gentlemen
who had spoken had mistaken the position of
Father Mathew. He (Mr. B.) was in Colum
bia when a letter was received from Father
Mathew, which expressed very liberal views in
regard to the South, and wished to keep him
self aloof from the question of slavery He
was unwilling to put Father Mathew, however,
on the same footing with Lafayette. He should
avoid any discussion upon this incidental ques
tion of a subject that must soon require the
gravest consideration.
The resolution was then adopted. Years 33.
nays 18.
Hi use of Representatives.
Mr. Gidtiiugs rose and propounded a ques
tion to his colleague, Mr. Vinton Ho had,
he said, been informed that the Whig party
held a caucus last evening, at which his col
league presided ; and he had been also inform
ed that a proposition was sent to the Democra
tic caucus, which was then in session, f>r or
ganising the House by a division of its offi
cers, without consulting the rights of others
who were in the minority.
Mr. Stanton replied that he would inform
the gentleman that the Whig party and the
Democratic party would, he trusted organize
the House irrespective of the factions from all
parlies in the House.
Mr. Stanley was understood to say that
there was a written communication, but not of
the character charged. There was nothing
that they would be ashamed of or would be a
disgrace.
Mr. King—Whatever it be let us have it.
After some further remarks Mr. Giddings
inquired of the gentlemen from Massachusetts
whether the question of slavery in the territo
ries or in the District of Columbia constituted
any portion of the matters of conference be
tween the parties.
Mr. Stanton, of Ky., then rose and for
warded to the Clerk statements which were
read as follows:
Resolved, That the members of the Whig
parly propose to the members of the Demo
cratic party the appoilnmeni of a committee of
six gentlemen to meet a committee of tho
same number on the part of the Whig party,
to consult upon and report to their respective
meetings a mode of definite organization of
the House of Representatives, upon just and
fair principles, and that Messrs. White, of N.
York, Conrad, of La., Breck, of Ky., Vinton,
of Ohio, Stanly, of N. C., and Achinua, of