Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

CHROMCLE & SENTINEL /AJi-r, AJVL> WEKIUjE BY W. 8. JONES. PRESIDErsT S messageT” Fdiov-Citizen* cf the Senate and Haute of Repre tentative*: Our deep and heartfelt gratitude is due to that Almighty Power which has bestowed upon up such varied and numerous blessings throughout the past year. The genera! health of the oountry has been excellent; our harvests have been ucusuaily plen tiful, and prosperity emiiee throughout the laud. Indeed, notwithstanding our demerits, we have much reason to believe, from the past events in our history, that we l ave enjoyed the special pro tection of Divine Providence ever since our origin as a nation. We have been exposed to many threatening and aiarmirg difficulties in our pro gress . but on each successive rcoaeion the im pending cloud Las been dissipated at the moment it appeared ready to burst upon our Lead, and the danger to cur institutions has passed away. May we ever be ui.der the Divine guidance and protec tionl HARPERS PERRY Whilst it is the duty of the President “from time to time to give to Congress information of the state of the UrioD,” I shall not refer in detail to the re cent sad and bkxody occurrences at Harper’s Ferry. Still, it is proper to observe (bat these events, how ever bad and cruel in themselves, derive their chief importance from the apprehension that they are but symptoms of an incurable disease in the public mind, which may break out in still more dangerous outrages and terminate at last in an open war by the North to abolish slavery in the Sontb. Whilst, for myself I entertain no such apprehension, they ought to afford a solemn warring to u? & ! lto beware of the approach of darger. Our Union is a stake of such inestimable value as to demand our con stant and watchful vigilance for its preservation. In this view, let me implore my countrymen, North and h'outb, to cultivate the ancient feelings of mu tual forbearance and good will towards each other, and strive to allay the deir.cn spirit of sectional ha tred and strife, now alive in the land. This advice proceeds from the heart of an old public function ary, whose service commenced in the last genera tive, among the wise and conservative statesmen of that day, now nearly all passed away, and whose first aod dearest earthly wish is to leave his coun try tranquil, prosperous, united, and powerful. We ought to reflect that io this age, and espe cially in this country, there is an incessant flux and reflux of public opinion. (Questions which in their day assumed a most threatening aspect, have now nearly gone from the memory of men. They are “volcanoes burnt out, and on the lava and ashes and squalid scoria- of old eruptions grow the peace ful o'ive, the cheering vine, and the sustaining coin '' Such, in my opinion, will prove to be the fate of the present sectional excitement, should those who wisely seek to apply the remedy, con Unite always to confine their tff r!s within the pale of the Constitutio i. If this course be pursued, the exi ting agitation on the subject of domestic slavery, like everything human, will have its day and give place to other and less threatening contro versies. Public opinion in this country is ali-pow erfui, and when it reaches a dangerous excess upon any question, the good sense of the people will fur nish tae corrective and bring it back within safe limits. Still, to hasten this auep.ci«us reeuit, at the present crisis, we ought to remember that every rational creature must be presumed to intend the natural constquencee of his own teaching*. These who announce abstract doctrines subversive of the Cons.itution and the Union, must cot be surprised should their heated partizans advance one step fur ther, end attempt by violence to carry these doc tr.ne* into practical effect. In this view of the sub ject it ought never to be forgotten that however great may have been the political advantages resulting from the Union to every portion of our common country, these would all prove to be noth ing should the time ever arrive wfctn they cannot be enjoyed without serious danger to the personal safety of the people of fifteen members of the Con federacy If the peace of the domestic fireside | throughout these States ebcnldever be invaded—if i the mothers of families within this extensive region should not be able to retire to rest at night without suffering dreadful apprehensions of what maybe their own fatt and that of their children before the morning—u would be vain to recount to such peo ple the political benefits which result to them from the Union. Selt-prtservaticn is the first ins.inet ot ua'ure ; and therefore ar y state of society in which ti e sword is all tie time suspended ever the head* of tie people, must at last become intolerable But I indulge in do such gloomy forebodings. On tfce < on'rery, I firmly believe that the eveme at Har per s berry, by causing the people to pause and reflect upon the possible peril to their eberisned institution*, will be the means under Providence, if a aying the exietieg excitement and preventing future outbreaks of a similar character. They will rteo.ve that the Constitution and the Union shall not be endangered by rash course!*, knowing that “should the silver cord be loosened or the golden bowl be bn ken * * at the fountain,” human power could never reunite the scattered ana Losti.e fragments. SLAVERY IS THE TERRITORIES. I cordially congratu'ate you upon the final settle ment by the Supreme Court of the United S atesof the quts ion cf slavery in the Territories, which had predated an aspect so tiu'y formidable at tfce com mencement of my admlr istration. The right has been established of every citizen to take his pro perty of any kind, including slave®, into the com non Territories belonging equally to all the States of tfce Confederacy, aod to have it protected there under the Federal Consti'ution. Neither Congress nor tbe territorial legislature nor any human power has any authority to annul or impair this ves’ed right The supreme judicial tribunal of he country, which is a cc-orainate branch of the Government, has sanctioned and itiirmed these princ pies of constitutional lav, so manifestly just in themselves, and so well calculated to promote peace and har mony among the the ssr-se of justice which is inherent in our people, that the property in slaves has never been disturb ed, to my knowledge, in any of the Territories.— Even throughout tie late troubles ia Kansas there hue Lot been any alien pt,es I am credibly inform ed, 10 interfere, sn a “ii gle instance, with the right of tbe master. Had any eucb attempt been made, the judiciary would acubtiees have afforded an adequate remedy. Should they fail to do this here after, it will then be time enough to strengthen their band* by further legislation. Had it been decided that eithet Congress or the territorial legislature possess the power to annul or impair the right to property in slaves, the evil would be intolerable In the latter event, there would be a struggle for a majority of the members of the legislature at each successive election, and tbe eacred rights of pro perty held under the Federal Comtitution would depend for the time beiDg ou the result. The agita lion would thus be rendered incessant whilst the territorial condition remained, and its baneful in fiuence would keep alive a dangerou3 exeitement am-.cg the people of the several States. Thus has the status of a Territory, during the intermediate period trom its first settlement until it shall become a State, been irrevocably fixed by the final decision of the Supreme Court. Fortunate has this been for the prosperity of tbe Territories, as well as the irarquility of tbe States. Now, emi grants from the North and the South, the East and the West, will meet in the Territories on a common platform, having brought with them that specits of property beet adapted, in tbtir own opinion, to pro mote their welfare. FioniLatural causes the slavery question will in each cate scon virtually settle iteelf; and before the Territory ia piepared tor admission as a S’ate into the Union this aiscicion, one way or the other, will have been a foregone conclusion Meanwhte, the settlement of the new Territory will proceed without serious interruption, audits progress atd prosperity wiii cot be endangered or retarded by violent political struggles. When iu the progress of events the inhabitants of any Territory shall have reached the number re quired to fi rm a State, they will then proceed, in a regular manner, and in the exercise of tbe rights of popular sove-eignty, to form a Constitution pre paratory to admission into the Union. After this has been done, to employ the language of the Kansas and Nebra-ka act, they “shall be received intothe Union with or without slavery, es their Constitution may prescribe at the rime of their admission. This sound principle has happily been recognized, in some form or other, by an almost unanimous vote of both Houses of the last Con gress. THE SLAVE TRADE. All lawful means at my command have been employed, and sha! continue to be employed, to execute tbe laws against the African s ave trade After a most careful and rigorous examination of our coasts and a thorough investigation of tbe sub ject, we have not been able to discover that acy slavee have been imported into the United States except the cargo by the W'anderer, numbering between three and four hundred. These engaged in this unlawful enterprise hive been rigorously I prosecuted; but not with as much euccess a-; their w crimes have deserved. A number of these are still under prosecution Our history proves that the Fathers of the Re public, in advance of all other nations, condemned the African slave trade. It was, notwithstanding, deemed expedient by tbe framers of tbe Constitu tion to deprive Congress of the power to prohibit “the migration or importation of such persons as ai.y of the States now existing shall thii k proper to admit” “prior to the year 18(‘8 ” It will be seen that this restriction on the power of Congress was confined to such States only as might think proper to admft the importation of slaves. It did not extend to other States or to tbe trade carried on abroad. Accordingly, we find that bo early as tbe 22d March, 1794, Congress passed an act imposing severe penalties aud punishments upon citizene ard residents of the United States who should engage in this trade between foreign nations. The provisions of this act were extended and enforced by the act of 10th May, 1800. Again -. The Stales themselves Lad a clear right to waive the constitutional privilege intended for their benefit, and to prohibit, by their own laws, this trade at any time they thought proper previous to 1808. Several of them exercised this right before that period, and among them some containing the greatest number of slaves. This gave to Congress the immediate power to act in regard to all such States, because they themselves had removed tbe constitutional barrier. Conpresa accordingly passed ac aot on 28 h February, 1803, “ to prevent the im nortarion of certain persons into certain brates where, by the laws thereof, their admission is prrbib bed.” Iu this m-muer tbe importation of African slaves into the Uni ed State? wa®, to aer®at extent, prohibited some yeare ia advance of 1808. Ae the year 1803 approached, Congress de*er mined not to suffer this trade to exist even for a rlDgle day after they had the power to abolish it. On the fid of March, 1807, they passed an act to take effect “ from and after the let day of Jarua ry, 1808,” prohibiting the importation of African slavee intothe United Sta'es. This wa* followed by subsequent acts of a similar character, to which I "need not specially refer. Such were the princi ples and such the practice of cur ancestors more than fifty years ago in regard to the African slave trade. It did not occur to the revered pa*riots who had been delegates to the convention, and afterwards became members of Congress, that in parsing these laws they had violated the Constitution which they bad framed with so much care and deliberation. — They supposed that to prohibit Congress, in express terms, from exercising a specified power before an appointed day, necessarily involved tbe right to exerc’se this power after ihat day had arrived. If this were not tbe case, the framers of tbe Con stitution bad expended much labor iu vain. Had they imagined that Congress would possess no pow er to prohibit the trade either before or *f er 1808, they would not have taken so much care to protect tbe Slates against the exercise of this power before that period Nay, more, they would not have at tached such vast importance to this provision as to have excluded it from the possibility of future re peal or amendment, to which other portions of the Constitution were exposed. It would, then, have been wholly unnecessary to engraft on the fifth ar ticle of the Constitution, prescribing the mi do of its own future amendment, the proviso, “that no amendment which may be made prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight, stall in any manner affect” the provision in the Constitution securing to tne States tbe right to admit the im portation of African slaves previous to that period. According to the adverse construction, the clause itself, ou which so much care and discussion had been employed by the members of the convention, was au absolute nullity :rom the beginning, aud all that has since been done under it a mere usurpa tion. It was well and wise to confer this power on Con gtess, because, had it been left to the States, its efficient exercise would have been impossible In that event, any one S ate could have effectually continued the tr.de not only for itself, but for all the other slave States, though never so much against their will And why ? Because African slaves, when once brought within the limits of any one State, in accordance with its law*, cannot practically be excluded from any other State where slavery ex s’a And even if all the States had sep arately pasred laws prohibiting the importation of slaves, these laws woulj have failed of effect for want of a naval seres to capture the slavers and to guard the coasts. Such a force no State can em ploy in time of peace without the consent of Con gres*. These acts of Congress, it ia believed, have, with very rare and insignificant exceptions, aeeomp ish ed their purpose. For a period of more than half a century, there has been no perceptible addition to the Dumber of cur domestic elavts. During this period their advancement in civilization, ha* far surpassed that of any other portion of the A'tican race. The light and tbe bleesiogs of Christianity have been extended to them, and both their moral and & hysieal condition has been greatly improved. Re open tbe trade, and it wou’d he difli uit to determine whether the effec' would be more dele terious on the interests of the master or on these of tbe native-born slave. Os the evils to the master, the one most to be dreaded wonld be the introduc tion of wild, heathen and ignorant barbarians among the sober, orderly and quiet slaves, whote ancestors have been on the soil for several genera tions. This might tend to barbarize, demoralize and exasperate the whole mass, and produce most deplorable consequences. The effect upon the existing slave would, If pos sible; be still more deplorable. At present he is i treated with kindness and humanity. He is well i fed, well clothed and not overworked. II s cord tion is incomparably better tbau that of the cxdsea which modern nations cf high civilization have em ployed as a substitute for African slaves Both the philanthropy and the self interest of tbe master have combined to produce this humane result But let this trade be re opened, and what will be the effect ? The same, to a oonrder&ble extent, as on a neighboring island—the only spot now on earth where the African slave trade is openly tolerated : and thi® in defiar.ee of solemn treaties with a power abundantly able at any moment to enforce their execution. There the maeter, intent upon present gain, extorts from the slave a* much labor as his physical powers are capable of enduring, knowing that, when death comes to his relief his place ran be supplied at a price reduced to the lowest point by the competition of rival African siave-tr iders. Should this ever be the case in our country—which I do not deem possible—the present useful charac ter of the domestic institution, wherein those too old and too young to work, are provided for with care ami bumauity, and those capable ot labor arc not overtasked, would undergo an unfortunate change. The feeling cf reciprocal dependence and attachment which now exists been master and slave would be converted into mutual distrust aud hostility. But we are obl ged, as a Christian atd moral na tion, to consider what would be the effect upon unhappy Africa itself if we should re open tbe slave trade. This would give the trade an impulse and extension which it has never had even in its palmiest days. Tbe numerous victims required to supply it would convert the whole slave coast into a perfect Pandemonium, for which this country would be held responsible in the eyes both of God and mar. Its petty tribes would then be constant ly engaged iu predatory wars against ea h o’her for the purpose of seizing sieves to supply the Amtrican market. A:1 hopes of African civil.za tion would thus be ended. On tbe other band, when a market for African slaves shall no longer be furnished in Cuba, and thus all the world be closed against this trade we may then indulge a reasonable hope for the gra dual improvement of Africa. The chief motive of war among the tribe* willceasa whenever there is no longer any demand for slave*. The resources of that fertile but miserable country might then be developed by the hand of industry and afford sub jects for legitimate foreign and domestic commerce. In this manner Christianity and civilization may gradually penetrate tbe existing gloom. TREATY WITH CHINA. The wisdom of thee nree pureued by this Gov ernment towards China has been vindicated by the Whilst we sustained a neutral posi tion in the war wagea by Great Britain and Fiance against the Chinese empire, our late minis er, in obedience to his instructions, judiciously co ope rated with the ministers of these Powers in all peaceful measures to secure by treaty the just coDcea-ions demanded by the interests of foreign commerce. The result is that satisfactory treaties have been concluded with China by the respec tive ministers of the United Statee, Great Britain, France and Russia. Ou>- “treaty, or general con vention of peace, amity and commerce,” with that empire, was toncluded at Tientsin ou the 18th June, 1858, and was ratified by tbe Pre.-ideLt, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, on the 2lst of December following. On tbe 15th Daoember, 1858, John E. Ward, a distinguished citizen of Ge. rgla, wa® duly com missioned as envoy extraordinary and minister pien.potentiary to China. He left the UnitenSta es tor the place of his destination cn the sth ot Feb -1 ruary, 1860, bearing with him the ratified copy of this treaty, and arrived at Shanghai on the 28th May. From thence he prodeedeato Peking on the 16:b June, but did Dot arrive in that city until tbe 1 27th July. According to the terms of the trea’y the ratifications were to be exchanged on or before the 18th June, 1859. This was rendered impossible by reasons and events beyond his control, not neces sary to detail; but still it is due to the Chinese au 1 thorities at Shanghai to state, that they always as -1 sured him no advantage should be takeu of the delay, and this pledge has been faithfully redeemed. 1 On the arrival of Mr. Ward at Peking, he re -1 quested an audience of the Emperor to present his letters of credence. This he did not obtam, in con st quence of his very proper refusal to submit to tbe humiliating ceremonies required by the eti quette of thi* strange people in approaching their sovereign. Nevertheless, tbe interviews on this question were conducted in the most friendly spi rit, and with all due regard to his pers< ml feelings and tbe honor of his country. When a presentation to his Majesty was found to be impossible, the let ter of credence from the President was received with peculiar honors by Kweiliang, “ the Emperor’s pr.me minister, aud the second man in the empire to the Emperor himself ” The ratifications of the treaty were afterwards, on the 16th of August, ex changed in proper form at Pei tsang. As the ex change did not take place until after the day pre scribed by the treaty, it is deemed proper, before its publication, again to submit it to the Senate It is but simple justice to the Chinese authorities to observe, that throughout the whole transaction, they appear-to have acted iu goed faith and in a friendly spirit towards the United .States. It is true this has been done after thi ir peculiar fashion; but we ought to regard with a lenient eye the an cient customs cf au empire dating back for thou sands of yea: s, so far as tbie may be consistent with our own national honor. The conduct of our own minister cn the occasion has received my entire approbation. In order to carry out the spirit of this treaty, and to give it full effect, it became necessary to con clude two supplemental convections—the one for the adjustment and sati-faction of the claims of our citizens, and the other to fix the tar,ff cn imports and exports and to regulate the transit duties and trade of our merchants with Caina This duty was satisfatorily performed by our late minister. These conventions bear date at Shanghai on the Bth No vember, 1858. Having been considered in the light of binding agreements subsidiary to the prin cipal treaty, aud to be carried into execution with out delay, they do not provide for auy formal ratification or exchange ©gratifications by the con tracting parties. This was not deemed necessary by tbe Chinese, who are already proceeding in good faith to satisfy the claims of our citizens, and, it is hoped, to carry out tbe other provisions of the conventions. S<ill I thought it was proper to sub mit them to the Senate, by which they were ratified on the 3d MaroL, 1859. The ratified copi s, how ever, aid not reach .Shanghai until after the depar ture of our minister to P-kmg. and these conven tion* could not, therefore, bo ezoiau ;ed at toe eame time with the principal treaty. No doubt is entertained that they will b» ratified and exchanged by the Chinese government, should this be thought, advisable; bu% under the circumstance? presented, I shall cousider them bind big engagements from their date on both parties, and cause them to b» published as such for the information and guidance of our merchants trading with the Chinese empire. PARAOUAY. It affords me much satisfaction to inform you that all our difficulties w ith the republic of Para guay Lave been satisfactorily adjusted. It happily did not become necessary to employ the force for thia purpose whicu Congress had placed at u.y com man a, under the joint resolution of 2d June, 1858. Ou the contrary, the President of that re public, in a friendly spirit, acceded promptly to the just and reasonable demanda ot the Government of the United States. Our commissioner arrived at Assumption, the capi ai of the republic, oti the 25th of January, 1859, ami left it on the 17th of February, having iu three weeks ably and sue eessfuliy'aceomplished all the objects of his ruissiou. The treaties which hs has concluded will be imme diately submittted to the Senate. In the view that the employment of other than peaceful means might become neosae&ry to obtain •* just satisfaction ■" from Paraguay, a strong naval force was concentrated ih the waters of the La Plata to await contingencies, whilst our Commis sioner ascended the rivers to Assumption The Navy Department is euti led to great credit for the promptness, efficiency and economy with which this expedition was fitted out and conducted. It consisted of nineteen armed vessels, greatandsmall, carry mg -JO guns and 2,500 men, a! uudsr the command ot she veteran and gallant Siubrick. The entire expenses of the expedition have been defrayed out of the ordiuary appropriations for the uava! service, except the sum of $289,000, applied to the purchase of seven of the steamers, consti tuting a part of it, under the authority of the navel appropriation aot of the 3d of March last. It is believed that these steamers are worth more than their cost, and they are all now usefuily aDd ac tively employed iu the naval service. The apptaraace of so large a force, £‘ted out in such a prompt manner, ia the far distant waters of the La Plata, and the admirable conduct of the oliicers and mao employed in it, have had a happy effect in favor of onr country throughout ail that remote portion of the world. FOREIGN RELATION—SPAIN. Our relations with the great empires of France and Kuseia, as well as with all tthei governments on the continent ot Europe, unless we may except that of Spain, happily continue to be ot toe most lriedly character. In my last annual message I presented a state ment of the unsatisfa Tory condition of our rela tions with Spain; aud I regret to .-ay that this has not materially improved. Without specal refer ence to other claims, even the “ Cuban claims,” the payment cf which has been ably urged by our min isters, and m which more than a hundred of our citizens are directly interested, remain unsatisfied, notwithstanding both their justics aud their amount ($128,035 51; bad been recognised and ascertained by the Spanish government itself. I again recommend that an appropriation be made *‘to be paid to the Spanish government for the purpose of distribution among the claimants iu the AmistaJ case.” Iu common with two of my predecessors, 1 entertain no doubt that this is re quired by our treaty with Spa n, of the 27Ur Oto ber, 1795. The iai.ure to discharge this obligation has been employed by the cabinet ot Madrid aa a reason against the settlement of our claims. PURCHASE OF CUBA. 1 need not repeat the arguments which I urged in my last annual message in favor of the acquisi tion of Cuba by fair purchase. My opinions on that measure reuiam unchanged.' I, therefore, again in.ite the serious attention of Congress to this important subject. Without a recognition ot this policy on their part, it will be almost impossible to institute negotiations with any reasonable pros pect of success. GREAT BRITAIN —RAN JUAN Until a recent period there was go >d reason ti beiieve that I sh. uid be able to announce to you, on the present occasion, that our difficulties wi:h Great Britain, ar.aing out of the Clayton and B ll wer treaty, had been finally adjusted iu a manner alike honorable and sat to both parlies From causes, however, which the British govern meat bad uot anticipated, they have not yet com pleted treaty arrangements with the Republic.' of Honduras and Nicaragua, in pursuance of the un derstanding between the two governments. It is, nevertheless, confidently expected that this good work will ere long be accomp iehed. Whilst indulging the hope that no otfc-r subject remained which could disturb the good und»-rr and ing between the two countries, the question ai Vug out of the adverse claims of tne parties to the Island of San Juan, under the Oregon treaty cf the loth of June, 1816, suddenly assumed a threaten ing prominence. In order to prevent unfortunaie collisions on that remote frontier, the late Secretary of State, on the l<th July. 1855, addressed a note to Mr. Crampton. then British Minister at Wash ington, communicating to him a copy of the in structi- ns which he [Mr. Marcy] had given, on the 11th July, to Gov. Si.e\en ; , ot Washington Territo ry, having a special refei ence to an “apprehended conflict between our citizen? and the British subjects on the Island of S*n Joan.” To prevent th's’ the Governor was instructed “that the officers of the Territory shou'd abstain from all acts on the dispu ted grounds which are calculated to provoke any conflicts, so far as it can be done without implying the concession to the authorities of Great B Stain of an exclusive right over the premises. The title ought to be ee'iled before either party ahouii at tempt to exclude the other by force, or exercise complete and exclusive sovereign rights within the fairly disputed limits.” In acknowieeging the receipt on the next day of Mr. Marcy’e note, the British minister expressed entire concurrence “in the propriety of the course reoommended to the Governor of Washington Territory by your [Mr. Me cy’sj instructions to that officer, ’ andstating that he had “lost no time in transmitting a copy of that document to the Governor-General of British North America,”and had "earnestly recommended to ids Excellency to take such measures as to him may appear best calculated to secure, on the part of the British local auttorities and the inhabitants of the neighborhood of the line in question, the exercise of the eame spirit of forbearance which is inculcated by you [Mr. M arc) ] on the authorities aud citizens of the United Sta'ee.” Tbue matteis remained upon tbo Lith of this ar rangement until the 9th July last, when General llarney paid a visit to the Island, lie found upon it twenty five American residents with their farni lies, and also an establishment of the Hudson’s Bay Company for the purpose of raising sheep. A short time before his ar.ival one of the residents had shot an animal belonging to the Company, whilst trespassing upon his premises, for which, however, he offered to pay twice its value; but that was refused Soon after “ the chief factor of tne Company at Victoria, Mr. Dallas, son in law of Gov. Douglas, came to the Island In the British sloop of war Satellite, and threatened to take "this American (Mr Caller) by force to Victoria, to an swer for the trespass he had committed. The Ame rican eeized bis rifle and told Mr Dallas if any such attempt was made he would kill him on the spot. Thu affair then ended.” Under these circumstances, the American set tlers prssented a petition to the General, “through the United States inspector of customs, Mr. Ilubbs, to place a force upon the Island to protect them from the Indiana as wed as the oppressive inter ference of the authorities of the Hudson Bay Com pany at Victoria with their rights as American cit izens.” The General immediately responded to this petition, and ordered Captain Geo E. Pickett, 9th infantry, " to establish bis company on Belle vue, or San Juan Island, on some suitable position near the harbor at the southeastern extremity.”— Tlris order was promptly obeyed, and a military post was established at the place designated. The force was afterwards increased so that by the last, return the whole number of troops then on the is land amounted in the aggregate to 691 men. Whilst I do not deem it proper on the present occasion to go further into the subject, and discuss the weight which ought to ba attached to the state ments of the Brit : sh colonial authorities, contesting the accuracy of the information on which the gallant General ected, it was due to him that I should thus present bis own reasons for i-suiug the order to Capt. Pickett. From these it is quite clear his object was to prevent the British authorities on Vancouver’s Island from exercising jurisdiction over American resident on the island of San Juan, as well as to protect them against the incursions of the Indiaus. Much excitement prevai ed for some time through out that region, and serious danger of collision between the parties was apprehended. The Br tisb had a large naval force in the vicinity , and it is but an aot of simple justice to the admiral on that station to state that he wisely and discreetly forebore to commit any hostile act, but determined to refer the whole affair to his government and await their instructions. This aspeot of the matter, iu my opinion, demand ed serious attention. It would hare been a grfat calamity for both nations had they been precipita ted into acts of hostility not on the question of title to the island, but merely concerning what should be its condition during the intervening period whilst the two governments might be employed in settling the question to which of them it belongs.— For this reason Lieutenant General Scott was dis patched on the 17th September last to Washington Territory to take immediate command of the United States forces on the Pacific coast should he deem this necessary. The main object of his mis sion was to carry out the spirit of the precautionary arrangement between ifce late Secretary of State and the Bdtish minister, and thu3 preserve the peace and prevent collision between the British and American authorities pending the negotiations between the two governments. Entertaining no doubt of the validity of our title, I need scarcely add that, in any event, American citizenp were to be placed on a footing at least as favorable as that of Bnti-h subjects, it being understood that Capt Pickett’s cempany should remain on the island. It is proper to observe that, considering the distance from the scene of action, and in ignorance of what might have transpired on the spot before the Gene ral’s arrival, it was necessary to leave much to Lis dis c. etion, and I happy to s‘ate the event 1 es proven U at this discretion con’d at neve been ; int urred to more competent hard?. Gen. Scott | has recently returned from his mieeion, having sac j cesslnlly acocmplislud its object?, urd the re ia no [ louder any good reason ttf appro heed a collision | between th- forces of the two c ountries during the penJertcy cf the existing negotiations. MEXICO. I regret to inform you that there has been no i improvement in the affairs cf Mexico since my last annual message, arid I am agaiu obliged to ask the earnest attention ot Congress to the unhappy con dition of that republic. The constituent Congress cf Mexico, which ad journed in the 17th of February, 1857, adopted a constitution and provided for a popular election. This took piece ia the following July, [1857,] and General Comonfort wes chosen President, almost without opposition. At the eame election a new Congress w as chosen, whose first session commenced on the 16th of September, [1857.] By the constitu tion of 1857, the presiden’ial term was to begin cn the Ist of December, [1857 ] and ccntinue for four vetra. On that day General Comonfort appeared before the assembled Congress in the city cf Mex ico, took the oaik to support the new constitution, and was duly inaugurated as President. Within a mrnth afterwards he had been driven from the capita!, and a military rebellion had assigned the supreme power of the republic to General Zaloaga The constitution provided that in the abseuoe of the President his office should devolve upon the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, and General Comonfort having left the country, this functionary, General Juarez, proceeded to form, at Gunajuato, a coistitutson&i government. Btfrne this was offi cially known, however, at the capita*, the govern ment ot Zuk-sga had been recognized by the entire diplomatic corps, including the minister of the Uni ted Stale- 1 , as the rie facto government of Mexico. The ci H.-itiLutiona! President, nevertheless, main tainad his petition with firmness, and was aco i established with his cabinet at Vera Cruz. Mean while, the government ot Zaloaga was earnestly resisted in many p r s of the republic, and even iu the capital, a portio n of the army having pronounced agates: it, i s fui. cions were declared terminated, and en assembly of ci' /.»ns was invited fjr the choice of a n w President. This assembly elected j General Miramon, but tat officer lepudia’ed the pirn under which he was chosen, and Zu'oaga was thus restored to Lis previous position. He assumed if, however, only to withdraw from P, aud Miramon, Laving become, by bis appointment, “ President Substitute,” contiiuep, with that title, at the heed of the insurgent party. Iu my la=t annual rute-age I communicated to Congress the circumstances under which the late minister of the United S’ates suspended his official relations with the Central government, ana with drew from the country. It was impossible to maintain friendly intercourse with a government, eke that at the capital, under whose usurped au thority wrong* were constancy committed, but never redressed. Had thia been an established government, w ith its power extending, by the con sent ot the people, over the whole of Mexico, a re sort to bostilitits ageinst it would have been quite justifiable, and indeed necessary. But the country was a prey to civil war, and it was hoped ihat the success ol the Constitutional President might lead to a condition of things less injurious to the United States. This success became so piobable that, in Jauuary las’, I employed a reliable agent to visit Mexico, and report t me the actual c ondition and prospects of the 000 terming parties. Iu conse quence ot Lie report, and from information which reached me from o'her sources, lavorebie to the prospects ol t 0 constitutional cause, I felt justified i in appointing anew minister to Mexico, who u.ight j embrace the earliest suitable opportunity of restoring j our diplomatic rein'lone with that Republic. For j this ; urpose a die inguished citizen of Maryland j was seeded, who proceeded on his mission on tba ! 8 h of March las , wi'h discretionary authority to j rtc guise the government of President Juarez, if, | on his arrival in Mexico, he should find it entitled ■ such recognition, according to the established [ practice of 'ha United .Slates. On the 7th of April following, Mr. McLa ie pre ! sented his credentials to President Ju irez, having no hesitation “iu pronouncing the government ot i Juarez to be the only ex song government of the \ Republic.” He was cordial y received by the au j thorities at Vera Cruz, aud they have ever since | manifested the most iriendly disposition towards ; the Uuited .States. Unhappily, however, the con 1 titutionai government lias not been able toe=,ab.irh j its power over the whole republ c. it is supported j by a large majority cf t ie people and the States, I but there are important parts of the country where . |i- can enforce no obedience. General Miramon i maintains himself at the capital, «r,d in some cf ' 1 the distant provinces there are military governors 1 j who pay little respect to the decrees of either gov- ; i ermneDt. In the mean time theexo* ssea which &!-■ I way s attend upon civil war, especial,y in Mexico, i are constantly recurring. Outrages of the wore; ’ description are committed, both upon persons and ! j property. There is ?. nicely any ferm of injury j j which Las not been suffsred by our citizens ia Mex- I ico during the last tew* year a We Lave been c- mi- j cal y at peace with ihat Republic, but “so far as i the interest? ot cur commerce er of <ur citizens i who h ive visited the country rs merchant*, el ij* ! masters, or in other capacities, are concerned, we ; might as well have bt-en at war. ’ Life has been j insecure, property unprotected, and trade impossi ble except at a ri-k of Rus which prudent men can not be expected t> incur. Important contracts, in volving large expenditures, entered into by the Central geveremeut, have been set at btfiance by the local governments. Peaceful American res’i deu’s, occupying their rightful possessions have been suddenly exuded the country, ia defiance ot treaties, and by the mere force of arbitrary power. Even the course cf justice has not been safe from control, and a recent decree of Miramon permits the intervention of government in all suits where either party is a foreigner. Vessels of the United States have been seized without law, and a consu lar officer who protested against such seizure, has been fined and imprisoned for cisrespect to the au tborities. Military contributions have been levied in viola tion cf every prin iple of right, and the American w.. 0 resisted the lawless demand has had his pro perty foicib'y taken away, and has been himself banished. From a conflict of authority in d ffVrent parts of the country, tariff' dimes which have been paid in one p’aci* have bsen exacted over again in another p ace. Large numbers of our citizens have beeu arrested and imprisoned without any form of examination or any opp&rnuity for a hear icg.ard even when when released have only ob tained their liberty aft. r much suffering and injury and without any hope of redrees. The wholesale massacre of Crahbe and his associates without trial in Sonora, as well as the seizure and murder of four sick Americana who had taksn shelter in the house of ati American, upon the roll of the United States, was communicated to Congress at i.s last session. Murders of a still more atrocious charac ter have been committed iu the very hem of Mexi co, uud r the authority of Miramon’e government, during the prese t year. Some ot thc3e were only worthy of a barbarous age, and, if they had uot been clearly proven, would have seemed Impossi ble in a country which claims to be oivilized. Os this description was the brutal massacre in April last, by order of Gen. Marquez, of three American physicians, who were seized in the hospital at Ta cubaya while attending upon the sick aud the dy ing pf both parties, and without trial, as without crime, were hurried away to speedy execution Little less shocking was the recent fate of Ormond Chase, who was shot in Topic on the 7tb of August by order of the same Mexican General, not only without a trial, but w ithout any corjeeture by bis friends of the cause of his arrest. lie is represen ted as a youug man of good character aud intelli gence, who had made numerous ’needs in Tepic by the courage and humanity which he had displayed on several trying occasions, and his death was as unexpected as it w’as shocking to the whole com muuity. Other outrages might be enumerated -, but these are sufficient to illustrate the wretched state of the country and the unprotected condition of the persons and property of our citizens in Mexico. In all these cases our ministers have been constant aud faithful in'heir demands for redress, but both they and this Government, which they have sue oessfully represented, have been wholly powerless to make their demands effective. Their testimony in this respect, and iu reference to the only remedy which, in their judgments, would meet the exigen cy, has been both uniform and emphatic “No h ing but a manifestation of the power - f the Gov ernment of the United Sta’es, (wrote our late minister in 1556 ) and of its purpose to punish these wrongs will avail. I assure you that the universal belief here h that there is nothing to be spprenend ed from the Government of the United States, aud 1 that local Mexican officials can commit these ■ outrages upon American citizens with absolute impunity.” “I hope the President (wrote our present minister in August las’) will feel authorized to ask from Congress the power to enter Mexico with the military forces of the United States, at the call of the constitutional authorities, in order to protect the citizens and the treaty tights of the Uuited States. Unless such a power is conferred npou him, neither the one nor the other will be respected in ihe existing state of anarchy and disorder, and the outrages already perpetrated will never be chastised ; aad, as I assured you in my No. 23, all these evils must increase until every vestige-of order and government disappears from the country.” I have been reluctantly led to the same opinion, and, in jaatiee to my countrymen who have suffered wrongs from Mexico, and who may still suffer them, I feel bound to announce this conclusion to Congress. The case presented, however, is not merely a case of individual claims, although our just claims against Mexico have reached a very large amount. Nor is it merely the case of protection to the lives and property of the few Americans who may still remain iu Mexico,although 'he life and property of every American citizen ought to be sacredly pro tected in every quarter of the world. But it ;s a question whicti relates to the future as well aa to the present aad the past, end which involves, indi rectly at least, the whole subject of our duty to Mexico aa a neighboring State. The exercise of the power of the United States in that country to redress the wrongs and protect the rights of our own citizens, is none the leas to be desired, because efficient aud necessary aid may thus be rendered at the same time to restore peace and older to Mexico itself. In the accomplishment of thi3 result the people of the United States must necessarily feel a deep and earnest interest. Mexico ought to 1 he a rich and prospe rs -and powerful i'ep r ! v j’ ! c^ i bbe pi,-'.Bdeised oo cxtititiife territuty, a > ! and an iai&lcaiab’e stur’ 1 < f •nics rai * eaun Die ! occupies an Ur pOitan pc i- u btl'.= •:•• n toe K’J » | and the ocean tar tracer r< fofts and ior oomojorc*;. ' Is it posdblt* that auch a c - Bn'ty m thin e»o b» 1 given up to anarchy and rum w i bout an til >tt from any quarter for iSa rescua and its safety 1 Will the commercial Dati .na cf ibe world, wr icn have ao maDy interests connected with it, rennaia wholly indifferent to such a result? Can the l -si ted States, especially, which ought to share most largely ia its commercial intercourse, a'low the’r imrned ate neighbor thus to des'roy itee’t and injure them ? Yet, without support irom some quar ter, it is impossible to perceive how Mexico can resume her position amcDg nations and enter upon a career which promises any good results. The aid which eh-'- requires, and whieb the into rests of all commercial countries require that she should have, it belongs to this Government to ren der, not only by virtue of our neighborhood to Mex ico, along whose territory we have a continuous frontier of nearly a thousand miles, but by virtue, also, of our eateblished policy, which binc-nsistent with the intervention of any European Power in the domestic concerns of that republic. The wroegs which we have suffered freta Mexico are before the world, and must deeply impress every American citizen. A government which ia 6 ther unable or unwilling to redress each wrongs is derelict to it 3 highest duties. The difficulty con sists in selecting &t. r l enforcing the remedy. We may in vain apply to the constitutional government at Vera Cruz, aim ugh it is well ditpored to do ua justice, for adequate redrera Whilst ita authority is acknowledged in all the imoortant porta ar.d throughout the sea coasts of the Kepub.ic, its power doea not extend to the oily of Mexico and the States in its vicinity, where neariy ail toe recent outrages have been committed on American eit zens. We moat penetrate into the interior bes re we can reach the offender?, and thia can only be done by passing through the territory in the occupation of the con stitutional government. The moat acceptable and least difficult mode of ac ompiisbing the object wi.l be to act in concert with that government. Their C r nrent and their aid might, I believe, be/rbtaiced ; but if not, our obligation to protect our own citizens in their juat rights, secured by treaty, wonid njt be the less imperative. Fur theae reaaots, I recom mend to V agrees to pass a law authorizing the President, under Buch condit ora as they may deem expedient, to employ a pi tliaient military force to enter Mexico for the pmpoce cf obtaining indemnity for the past andser fity for the future. I purposely refrain from any suggestion as to whether th b force r biil! conaiat of reguiir roop? or volunteers, or both. This question may be most appropriately left to the decision cf Congrt-a. I would merely observe that, should voUmtec-ra be selected, auch a force could be easily raised in tb.a conn ry among those who sympathize with the sufferings cf our unfortunate fellow- KizeDS in Mexico, and with the unhappy condemn of that republic. — Such an accet- lon to the forces of the const itatbDfcl government v-uid enable it soon to reach the city of Mexico a-i extend its power over the whole republi -. Ir> .oat event there is no reason to doubt that be just claims cf our citizens would be sa'ieri -ii and adequate redresa obtained for the injure i H cted upon them The constitutional goverrnr.-nt have ever evinced a strong desire to do us ju ! ice, and this might be secured in advance by a preliminary treaty. It us y be said that these measures will, at least indirectly, beinccDsia eat wi h our wise and seltled policy not to interfere in the domestic concerns of foreign nations. Bat does not the present ease fair ly constitute an exception t An adjoining republic ia in a state of anarchy ar.d confusion from whieb she Las preved wholly unable to extricate herself She is entirely des'itute of the power to main ain peace upon her borders, or to prevent the inerr eioua ot banditti it,to our territory. In her fate and in her fortune—inker power t> raSahlieh and maintain a settled g vernment —we have a far deeper interest, socially, commercially, and pokii cally than aDy other nati n. She is now a wreck upon the ocean, drifting about as she ia impelled by different factions. As a good ne ghbor. shall we not extend to her a helping hand to rave her ? If we do not, it would not besuipri-ing should acme other nation undertake the task and thus furej as to in terfere at last, under circumstances cf increased | d fficuity, for the maintenance of oar ea.abiished : podey. ARIZONA. I repeat the recommendation contained in my last annual message, that authority may be given to the President to establish one or more temporary military posts across the Mexican line in Sonora and Chihuahua, where theae may be necessary to protect the lives anu props: ty of American at»d Mexican citizens against the incursions and depre - dat’ous of the Indians, as well as of lawless rovers on that remote region. The establishment cf one such post at a point tailed Ariapa, in Sonora, in a Country now a most depopulated by the hostile in ! roads of the Indiana from our side of ihe ime. j would, it is believed, Lave prevented much injury j and maiiy erusl’ies during the pv*t season A state of lawlessness and violence prevails on that distant frontier. Life and property are there wholly insecure. The population of Arizona, now num bering more than ten thousand souls, are praeti cally destitute of government, of laws, or cf any regu’ar administration cf justice. Murder, rapine and other crimes are committed with impunity I. therefore, again rail the attentiona»f Congress to the necessity fer establishing a territorial govern ment ever Arizona. CENTRAL AMERICA. The treaty with Nicaragua of the 16th February, IBf>7, to which I referred iu my last annual message, failed to receive the ratification of :he government of that republic, for rea uns which I need not enu merate. A similar treaty his been since concluded between the parties, bearing ca'e ou the 16tu March, IS 9, which lias already been ratified by the Niea aguan Congre s This will be immediate ly submitted to the Senate for their ratification Its provisions cannot, I think, fail to be acceptable to the people of both countries. Our claims against the governments of Costa Rica and Nicaragua remain unredreesed, though they are pressed in an earnest manner, and not without hope of success. I deem it to be my duty one 9 more earnestly to recommend to congress the passage of a iaw author izing the President to employ the naval force at his command for the purpose of protecting the lives and properly of American citizens, passing in tran sit across the Panama, Nicaragua and Tehuantepec routes, against sudden and lawlsss outbreaks and depredations. I shall not repeat the arguments em ployed in former messages in support of this meas ure. Suffice it to say that the lives of many of our people, aud the security of vast amounts of trea sure passing and repassiug over one or more of these routes between the Atlantic and Pacific, may be deeply involved iu tne action of Congress ou this subject. PROTECTION OE AMERICAN COMMERCE. I would, also, again rc<- immtiui to Congress that authority be given to the President to employ the nival force to pr-tect American merchent vessels, th(i>-crews and cargoes, againit violent end law le?s seizure and confifcatiou in the ports of Mexico aud the Spanish American States when these coun tries may be in adistwhstl aud revolutionary c n d.tk ii. The mi-re knowledge that etch an aaihori ty bad been een'erred, as I have already stated, would of itself, in a gieat degree, prevent the evil. Neither would this require any additional appro priation for the naval service. The chief object urged aga iid the grant of this authority is, that C-n ress, by c irerring it, would violate the (Jonatitutu n- that it would be a transfer of the war making, or, strictly epeak'ng, the war deo'aring power to the Executive. It this were well founded, i- wou.'t. of corns*, be conclusive. A very brief txrnuia.. ;i, however, will place this objection at rest Congress posio-s-cs th >ole and exclusive power, under the (bmst.tutK n, ‘"to declare war.” They alone can “nice and support armies,” and “pro vide and maintain a navy.” But after Congress shall have declared war, and pr vided the force necessary to carry it on. the President as Com mtnde.’ m-Ckief of the Army and Navy, can alone employ this force iu making war against the enemy. I his is tho plaia language, and history proves that it was the w.H known intention of the framers of the Constitu ion. ft will not be denied that the general power to declare war is without limitation and embraces within itself not only what writers on the law of the nations term ti pub lic or perfect war, but also au imperfect war, and iu short every species ot hostility, however confined or limited Without the authority of Congress the President cannot tire a hostile gun in any case, except to repel the attacks of an enemy. It will not be doubted that under this power Congress could, if they thought proper, authorise the President to employ the force at Bis command to seize a vessel belonging to an American citizen which had been illegally and unjustly captured in a foreign port and re store it to its owner. Hut can Congress only act after the fact—after the mischief has been done t 'Have they no power to confer upon the President the authority in advance to furnish instant redress should such a case afterwards occur ? Must they wait until the mischief has been done, and can they apply the remedy onlv when it is too iate / Fo confer this authority to meet future cases under circumstances strictly specified, is as clearly within the war declaring pow*r, as such an authority conferred upon the President by act of Congress after the deed had been done. Iu the progress of a great na tion many exigencies must arise, imperatively requiring that Congress should authorise the President to act promptly on certain conditions which may or mav not afterwards arise. Our history has already presented a number of such cases. I shall only refer to the latest l ndor the resolution of June 2d, ISSS, ‘ for the adjust mont of difficulties with the Republic of Paraguay " the President is “authorised to adopt such measures, aud use such force as in his judgement may be necessary aud ad visable in the event ot a refusal of just satisfaction by the government of Paraguay.' -Just satisfaction" for what ! For “the attack on the United States steamer Water Witch," and “other matters referred to iu the annual message of tho President.” Here the power is expressly granted upon the condition that the Govern ment of Parageay shall refuse to render this just satis, faction. In this and other similar cases Congress has conferred upou the President power iu advance to em ploy the army and navy upon the happening of contin gent future events; and this most certainly is embraced within the power to declare war. Now, if this conditional and contingent power could be constitutionally conferred upon the President in the case ot Paraguay, why may it not lie conferred for tho purpose ot protecting the lives and property of American citizens in the event that they may be violently and unlawfully attacked in passing over the transit routes to and from California, or assailed by the seizure of a ves sel iu a foreign port t To deny this power is to reader the navy in a great degree useless for the protection of the lives and property of American citizens in countries where neither protection nov redress can be ootherwise obtained. POSTPEEICE DEPARTMENT i 7£i«y-Flfth C.'mgrew terminated « a l -B. without ha ving passed the . A appropriation f or the of’*hVp * 1 ”hb U th « 5™ seethe origin of the Federal' ernment, now wore than seventy ! Congre went out of existence Vithom a.I the general appropriation hills necessary to l the Government until the regular period f« the V° n «.f a new Congress. This event imposed on tv > " tm S tb. ; a grate responsibility. It presented a chofcf"} Had this omission o duty occurred at the fir •* •» ■ of the as: Congre i the remedy would have I might then have nsuntly reialied them to : °- their work—and this without expense to tie n m? ment. Hut on the -ith of Man h iau there w.-l r^«r, €ra ' of ha Guriy-three States which hid not „> e .“f*® 63 represeotat ves to the present Congress. Hpa ar>y been called to,e: er immed.ately these S*->*s nßfr, ? s have been virtually disfranchised. If an *,nT» P IIP a d period had been selected, several of the Su-l Z have been comp-Red ohold extra es.,ions of theo. 0 , 81 * 1 gisia ures. at great inconvenience and ex Den e t,e v. for elections at an eariie day than that prev owlv fixed by law. In the regu ar cmr-e, tenot these 1 »“ a ' d cc> ‘- el « rt nan! as er the begmoing of Amra.t i five of these ten not uutii October and November ’ 1 On the other hand, when I came to exam ae cireb-r. the cond.ti&n of the Post Office Departsne— 1 did y meet as many o as great urfficalties as I u , tended Had the bill which - led been couLeTto ajpropnat.cts forth- fi talye rtedirgon the -ftth , ■ June next, there would have oeen no reason of nresL. 1 importance for the call cf au extra session Nothin! would oecome due on contract* (those with ra lruad’csn i pan es oniy excepted.) f. r carrying the mail for thefi-o ■ quirt-ro the present fiscal vea-, commem- ng on i 2s« of July, until the Ist of Ovceabw-les. ?h« on e week b-fore the meeting of the present Congre is tv . teiaon U that the mail com actons for this the current year dm not complete their first q-aatt-rs service : the 30th September last ; and by the terms ofTh e r n ‘ tracts i xty days more are allowed for the settlement their actornts oefore the Department conld be cai 1 on for payment f' [ The great d.fficuity and the great hardshp consists • in the faJnre to provide for the parmen- of the dert.-iej cy in the fiscal year ending the 30;h June 1C69 Th . Department bad entered into contracts, in of ed^cri, exi-tmg for the servic of that fiscal yea- and th 1 contractors were fairly entit ed to their comp n-a'ma a, It became due. Tm deficiency as stated m the bill amounted to eJ,o3“,7te, but after a -areful k« i tremeat < f ail these a counts, it has been ascerta , that it amonats to $4 296.0J9 With the scanty mean. ■ at command the Postmaster General has mima-td tn pay that portion of thia deficiency which ofe rred^in , the first two quarters of the pan fiscal year, enaius <1 tke3lst December last. In them antime the contra fora themsc ves, under these trying circumstances, j. av _ haved in a mane er worthy of ail commendation Tfc-v i had one resource in tte m d-t of their embar.a-s me n.: 1 A ter the a out.at due to esehof them h.d been ascer' tain-d and final:y ret lei according to law, thi3 becamn ' a specific debt of recod agamstthe United s £& t- 3 which er abied them *o borrow money on this unqu-g-i.*’. able-ereriry Still they were 00l ,ed t pay i u ter st v , conaeqn * .ceof th- d ;aultof-fongress, am o e e-y pri icipUo: j o c on tt t • r,eeiv« icte.est from ti e Govt-Tc.—. cu. ' -*i.s T:--. slioUid commence iro -be i date when a war:ant womd naie beta issued for , pay nent o'the principal h«d an appropriation been i madefr this parpo-.e Ca.ualateo cp to last Decembe*- ! it »i - not exceed S >6 660—a sum not to he taksa n’o’ accouct w hen contracted with the great difficulties and i embarmaanrenu of a p _blic and private bo h to thepi opie and the Sta.ca, wh ch would have n-’su tea from convening and holding a speeial sesj.ou-of con gress. For these reasons, I recommend the passage o' a b'!l at as early a day as may be practicable, to provide for the oaym-nt of the amount, w.th interest, due to these las; mentioned contractors, ss well as to make the ne cessary a;' propriatiocs for the service of the Postoffice Departm-nt for tee current fisea year. '1 he tai urn to pa-s the Postoffise bi.lnecevsariiy gives birth t >sr;oua refiections Coogress by reiusing to pas- the general appropr at on bias nccer;ary to car y <>c the Government, may not oniy arrest its act #3 but might even destroy it. existence ihe army, ibe navy, the indiclary, in short, every department of the tiovern ment, can au longer perf .rm their functioDs if Congre;s refas - the motey necesaary for their support, if this failure shonla t-ach the coun-ry theneces.-ity of e ec inz afj! Cor g--. s in suffi ient t me to enable the preside t to conven - them in any emergency, even immeaiaiely after the ola Congress has ex red. it will have been productive of great good. In affine of sadden and alarm lag dan. er, foreign or dot--: c whi.ha i Lations must expe t to encounter in t *1: p-ogress, the very salva t'ou r-f onr iust.tat-.oos cay c- -used sh«' assein b‘. ligof Coagr. =8 wi.uca: dray If uuiersach circum »t»n-:«, the President thru.d find Himself in the condi tion .a which he was place Ja: :-e c’.o ? e of the last Con gress v. ith ne»ry halt ;he Sta:-s of the Union desti tute of r- j -esan a-.ves, tnecocsequeaces might be dis astrous 1,-tnere ore, recommend to C -ogress to carry into etTect the provision* of the Uonsfitatioa on this subject, and to pas? a law appointing some fay previous to the ith of March in etch year of odd turner for the e eenon of representatives throughout all the States, fhrv hive a ready appoint* 1 a day for the election of s ectors for President and Vice-President, and this mea sure ha? been approved by the country. PACIFIC RAILROAD. 1 would again express a most decided opinion in fa \x cf the construction of a Pacific railroad, f >r the ret ions stated la my two last annua! messages. When I re fiect upon whs r w aid be the def-mceieas ennditi >n of car S atessnd Terri lories ivust of the Rocky mountains ia c:s? “fa war w.th a naval p wer suffi.- eat y strong to iatempu all interc urse w .th them by the mutes across th - Isthmus. I am still more convinced than ever of the vast importsn.ee cf this rail-oad I have never doubted tLs constitut or!»1 competency of Congress to provide f r it* construction, but this exclusively under the « a '-making power. B?sdes. the Constitution ex pressly requires, as an imp-ritive duty that • the United State* shall protect each 1 f them (the’States) against in vastou.” lamat a loss to conceive h-w this protection can ce afforded to California and Oregon against such a naval power by any other means. I repeat the opin on contained in my la; t annual message, that it would be iaexp; d ent for the Government to undertake this great work by agents cf ita own appo-'n’meot and under its di rect and exclusive control Th s would i crease the pat ronage of the Executive to a dangerous -xteit, acd w. aid foster a sysiem of jobbing and crrcp'ion which no vigilance cn the part cf the Federal officials could prevent. The construction of this toad ought, therefore, 10 be tm ted to in orporated companies, oroth-r agen cies. who would exercise that active and vigilant srper visfon ..ver it which can be inspired alone by a sense of corporate and individual interest I venture to assert that the additional cost of transporting tr. ops, muni ions of war, and necessary sup, lies for the army across ;hs vast int-rve-ing plains to our possessions on the Pacific coast would be greater in such a war than the while amount required to construct the road. And yet th s r, sort would, after all, by inadequate for their deience and protect on. financial. We have yet scarcely recovered from the habits of ex travagant expenditure, produced by our overflowing Trea sury. during several years prior to the corumanceruent of my administration. The financial reverses which we have since experienced ought to teach us all to scrutinize our ex penditures with the greatest vigilance, and to reduce them to the lowest possible point. The Executive Departments of the Government have devoted themselves to the accom plishment of this object with considerable success, as will appeßr from their different reports and estimates. To theso I invite the scrutiny of Congress, for the purpose of reduc ing them still lower, if this be practicable, consistent with the great public interests of the country. In aid of the policy of retrenchment 1 pledge myself to examine closelr the lulls appropriating lands or money, so that if anv ot these should inadvertently pass both Houses, as must some times be the case. I may afford them an opportunity for re consideration. At the same time we ought never to forget that true public economy consists, not iu withholding the means necessary to accomplish important national objects confided to us by the Constitution, but in taking care that the money appropriated for these purposes shall be faithful ly and frugally expended. It will appear from the report of the Secretary of the Treasury that it is extremely doubtful, to say the least, whether we shall be able to pass through the present aud the next fiscal year without providing additional revenue. This can only be accomplished by strictly confining the ap propriations within the estimates of the different Depart ments, without making an allowance for any additional ex penditures which Congress may think proper iu their di*- cretion, to authorize, and without providing for the re demption of any portion of the $20,000,800 of Treasury notes w hich have been already issued. In the event of* deficiency, which 1 consider probable, this ought never to be supplied by a resort to additional loans. It would be s ruinous practice in the days of peace and prosperity to go on increasing the national debt to meet the ordinary expenses of the Government. This policy would cripple our resour ces aud impair our credit in case the existence of war should reader it necessary to borrow money. Should sucii a deficiency occur as I apprehend, 1 would recommend that the necessary revenue be raised by an increase of our pre sent duties on imports. 1 need not repeat the opinion# ex pressed in my last annual message as to the best mode rrd manner of accomplishing ibis object and shall now merety observe that these have since uudergouo no change. The report of the Secretary of the Treasury will explain in detail, the operations of that Department of tho Govern ment. The receipts into the Treasury from ail sources during the fiscal year ending 3- th June, li>s9, including the loan author ized by the act cfllth June, l&So. and the issue of Treasury notes authorized by existing laws, were $61,692,471 1 which sum with the balance of $6,598,3i6 10, remaining >« the Treasury at the commencement of that fiscal year, mad l ; an aggregate lor the service of the year ofof 88,039,787 11. The public expenditures during the fiaearyear endingSCtii June. 1853, amounted to $83,751,511 57. Os this sum. #l'.' 405,285 44 were applied to the payment of interest on p u!l lie debt and the redemption of tiie issues of Treasury not**- The expenditures for all other branches of the public a *7‘ vice during that fiscal year were, therefore, $66,356,-J> The balance remaining in the Treasery on the 1« 1853, being the commencement of the present fiscal y ear > was *4,333,275 54. ,■ The receipts into the Trcasnty during the first quarter 0 the present fiscal year, commencing July Ist, 1853. w pr $211,618,81)5 85. Os this amount $3,821,3v0 was tec*' 1 e< ?fo account of the loan and the issue of Treasury not*® • amount of $16,797,565 85 having been received “ unn *q-j !S quarter from the ordinary sources of public revenue. - estimated receipts for the remaining three <Ji* art ® r! '” so present fiscal year to 30th June, 1860, are .so-ed this amount it is estimated that $5,756,400 w-ik be ret for Treasury notes which mav be reissued under tn* section of the act of 3d March last, and $1,170.01- count of the loan authorized by the act ot June 14, making $6,926,400 from these extraordinary source# “ public revenue—making an aggregate, with the t>ai the Treasury on the is. July, 1853, of $75,384,511 89 >“ r estimated means of the present fiscal year eudmg - lbtit), _ , The expenditures during the first quarter 01 tM P fisc a year were $20,007,174 76. $4,664,306 76 ot J“. “i. ivi re applied to the payment of interest on the put** ,y e and the redemption ot the issue of Treasury notes, remainder, being. $15,342,808, were applied to ° r ,j,[ Urt -i penditui-es dunng the quarter. The estimated expeu during tiie remaining three quarters, to June 30. 1 \ (or $40,995,558 23. Os which sum $2,886,621 34 are esu»» 180 , . the interest ou the public debt. The ascertained mated expenditures for the fiscal year ending 3tt f 0... 1860, on account of the public debt, are, according 550,988 10, and for the ordinary expenditures ot me 2 ment $53,451,744 89, making an aggregate ,%r’scih ot leaving an estimated balance iu the Treasury on t June, 1860, of $14,381,808 40. . e ndief The estimated receipts during the next fiscal y .efl 30th June. 1861, are $66,225,000, which, withtheW* uU timated, as before stated, as remaining in the a ger yice the doth June, 1860, will make an aggiegate tor tne of the next fiscal year of $80,6<i6,308 40. ~ j r e*r The estimated expenditures during U at ending Soth June, 1861, are $66,714,928 79 Ot tbt tb a $3,386,621 34 will he required to pav ri’.e _‘ u “ f t |, e es public debt, leaving the sum ol $b3,3f0,307 4- c „,;iug timated ordinary exqendituresduring thefisca so ps 30th June. 1861. I'pon these estunaiea 8 1^;*" t t ? # jAS9l.- left in the Treasury on the 30th Juue, t»bl, But tliis brhuice, as well as that estimated to appvo treasury on the Ist July, Dfo, will be reduced ctria a priatious as shall be madefy law to cany ked for by j'' Indian treaties during the present fiscal vc •, s - <t atid«V“ Secretary of the Interior, to the U esendee etj; ” tiie estimates of tin- Postmaster General tor wt # I-epamuent th* last fiscal y ear, ending 80th J^e,