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PUBLISHED DAILY AND WEEKLY,
BY W. S. JONES.
FRIDAY ITIORN’G, NOV. 23, 1860.
HON. B. H. HILL’S SPEECH.
[correspondence.!
Milledgkville, Nov. 16, 1860.
Hon. B. H. Hill : —Dear Sir—The UDdersigned,
fully appreciating the questions involved in our
present political divisions, and having listened
with pleasure to tie able address delivered by
yourself la3t evening at the Representatives Hall,
believing as we do, that “we should fully under
stand the issue in order to meet it,” and desiring
that other citizens of our State should have the
gratification of reading what many of us have
beard fall from your own lips, we, therefore, re
spectfully solicit a copy of your able, eloquent,
and patriotic address, tor publication, hoping you
will comply.
We are respectfully, yours,
B. L. McWhorter, T. J. Hightower,
W. F. Holden, Sam’l L. \\ llhams,
T. W. Alexander, John Mcßae,
C. C. Patton, W. S. Wallace,
M. M. Mintz, T. J. Smith,
Wm. 11. Brantlv, A. Colvard,
A. E. Tarver, ‘ Geo. T. Barnes,
W. H. Pilcher, H. W. Howell,
Cicero Gibson, R. C. Humber,
John Thrasher, James Parks,
H. L. Taylor, J. F. Usry,
Alien Kelly, J. M. Brinson,
J. R. Wilson, Neill McLeod,
B. J. Evans, E. C. Hood,
T. O. Wicker, S. Y. Jameson,
R. U. Ward, E. A. Flewellen,
J. M. Bonds, K. H. Davis,
Jno. J. Thrasher, Phil Cook,
A. J. Cloud, S. F. Alexander,
B. R. Reed, Thomas F. Wells.
T. L. Guerry,
Gentlemen :—Since the reception of your letter
I have hastily written out the speech to which
you refer. I could not recall the exact language,
but the argument, such as it is, is herewith sub
mitted for your disposal.
I see nothing in the remarks inconsistent with
anything heretofore written by me. There is a
prudent and imprudent way of accomplishing the
same good. I think some of our friends are hasty.
Let us keep right and “make haste slowly.” I
have discussed a policy of resistance, but I am
ready to yield it lor a better when I can find it.—
That policy which can most cordially unite our
people, and most effectually redress our griev
ances, is the one I shall prefer.
Yours, very respectfully,
B. H. Hill.
November 19, 1860.
SPEECH.
Ladies a : Friends :—While lam speaking to
you to-night, I earnestly beg for perfect quietness
and order. It seems to be a general idea that
public speakers feel highly complimented when
their opin’ons are received with boisterous ap
plause. Ido not so feel on any occasion, and cer
tainly would not so regard such a demonstration
now. The occasion is a solemn ands riousone,
and let us treat it in no light or trivial manner.
One more request. I have invoked good order.
o I yet more earnestly invoke your kind and con
siderate attention. No people ever assembled to
deliberate a graver issue. This government is
the result of much toil, much blood, much anxiety
and much treasure. For nearly a century we
have been accustomed to speak and boast of it as
the best on earth. Wrapped up iu it are the
lives, the happiness, the interest and the peace of
thirty millions ol freemen now living, ana of un
numbered millions in the future.
Whether we shall now destroy that Government
or make another effort to preserve it and reform
its abuses, is the question before us. Is that ques
tion not entitled to all the wisdom, the moderation
and the prudence we can command? Were you
ever at sea in a storm ? Then you know the sailor
often finds it necessary, to enable him to keep his
ship above the waves, to throw overboard his
freight, even his treasure. But with his chart
and his compass he never parts. However dark
the heavens or furious the winds, with these Le >
can still point the polar star, and find the port of !
his safety. Would not that sailor be mad who !
should throw these overboard ?
We are at sea, my friends. The skies are fear
fully darkened. The billows roil threateningly.
Dangers are on every side. Let us throw over
board our passions, our prejudices and our party ;
feelings, however long or highly valued But let !
s hold on—hold onto reason and moderation, j
These and these alone point always to the fix and
sur of truth, by whose guidance we may yet
safely come to shore.
We must agree. We do agree if we but knew j
it. Oar people must be united to meet this crisis.
Divisions tow would not only be unfortunate, but
exceedingly disastrous. If divisions arise they
cannot be based on our interests or our purposes,
for these are and must be the same. Divisions
must find their origin in our suspicions and jeal
ousies. Let us give these suspicions and jealous
ies to the winds. Let us assume as the basis of
every argument that we are all equally honest,
and equally desirous in our various ways, of se
curing one end—our equality and rights. There
must be one way better than all others. Let our
ambition be to find that way, and unite our people
in the advocacy of that way.
I have listened with earnest attention to the elo
quent speeches made by all sides, and I believe a
common ground of agreement can be foimd if not
for universal at least for very general agreement.
Those who hold that the Constitution is wrong,
and the jUnion bad per se, of course will agree to
nothing but immediate disunion, and such 1 shall
not be able to affect.
In the first place what are our grievances ? All
the speakers, thus far, even the most ultra, have
admitted that the mere constitutional election of
any man is no ground for resistance. The mere
e e non ol Mr. Lincoln is on all sides admitted not
t > b the grievance. Our State would not be
thrown on a talseissne on this point.
We complain in general terms, that tUe anti
slavery sentiment at the North, has been made
an element of political power.
Fn proof of this we make the following specifica
tions :
1. i’hat a large political party has been organiz
ed in the Northern States, the great common idea
of which is to prohibit the extension ol slavery by
Congress, and hostility to slavery generally. “
2. That this party has succeeded in getting the
control of many ot the Northern States Legisla
tures and have procured the passage of acts nul
lifying tbe fugitive slave law, encouraging the
rescue of fugitives, and seeking to punish as
telocb citizens of our Southern States who pursue
their slaves in the assertion of a plain constitu
tional right.
9ca 8. That this party has elected Governors in
Northern States who refuse, some openly and
others under frivolous pretexts, to do their plain
Constitutional duties, when these duties involve ]
the recognition of property in a slave.
4. That Northern Courts chosen by the same
party, have assumed to declare the fugitive slave
law unconstitutional in the teeth of the decisions
of the United States Courts, and of every depart
ment of the United States Government.
5. We complain that the Northern States, thus
controlled, are seeking to repudiate every Consti
tutional duty, or provision in favor or in recogni
tion of slavery—to work the extinction of slave
ry, and to secure to the negro social and political
equality with the white race ; and, as far us pos
sible they disregard and nullify even the laws of
the Southern States on this subject. In proof of
this complaint we show that Northern Governors
have actually refused to deliver up fugitives from
justice, when the crime charged against such fu
gitives recognized under State laws property in
slaves.
Thus, a Northern man married a Southern lady
having a separate estate in slaves. He deceived
the lady, stole her negroes, sold them and pocket
ed the money, and fled to a Northern State. He
was charged with larceny under the laws of the
Slate in which the crime was committed. A true
bill was obtained and a demand was properly
made for his return, and the Governor of the
State to which he fled refused to deliver him up
on tlft?ground that to commit larceny a man muat
steal property, and as slaves were not property
according to the laws of the Northern State, it
could not be property according to the laws of the
Southern State; that therefore the Southern
Court, Jury and Governor were all wrong in obey
ing the Irws of their own State, insuad of the
laws of the Northern State ; that the defendant
was not guilty and could not be guilty, and should
not be delivered up.
The same principle was involved to shield sev
eral of the conspirators in the John Brown raid.
The inexorable logic of this party, on such a
premise, must array them against the whole Con
stitution of the United States ; because that in
strument in its very frame work is a recognition
of property in slaves. It was made by slavehold
ing States. Accordingly we find this party a dis
union party, and its leaders—those of them who
follow their logic to its practical consequences—
aisumonists per se. I would not quote from the
low aDa the ignorant of that party, but I will quote
from the learned and the honored.
One of the most learned disciples of this party
says i
“ The Constitution is the cause of every division
which this vexed question of slavery has ever oc
casioned in tnis country. It (the Constitution)
has been th ejountam and th z father ot our trou
bles, by attempting to hold together, as reconciled
two opposing principles, which will not harmo
nize nor agree. The only hope of the slave is
over the ruins of the Government. The dissolu
tion of the Union is the abolition of slavery
One of the ablest, and oldest, and long honored
Senators of that party—-a Senator even Before the
existence of the Republican party—said to the
nominating Convention of that party : “ I be
lieve that this is not so much a Convention to
change the administration of the Government, as
to say whether there shall be any Government to
be administered.'’ You have assembled, not to say
whether this Union shall be preserved, but to say
whether it shall be a blessing or a scorn and hiss
jug among the nations.
I could quote all night, my friends, to show that
the tendency of the Republican party is to dis
n iiion That to be a Republican is to be logically
nraclicallu against the Constitution and the
ZZd Complain that this party is war
ring upon us, and at the same time, and in the
same way, and by a necessary consequence, war
ring upon the Constitution and the Union.
67 \Ye complain in the last place, that this party
having thus acquired the control of every depart
ment of Government, Legislative, Executive, and
Judicial —in several of the Northern States, and
having thus used every department of tbe State
Government so acquired, in violation of the Con
stitution of the United States, in disregard of the
laws of the Southern States, and in utter denial
of the property and even liberty of the citizens of
the Southern States—this party I say, with these
principles, and this history, has at last secured
the Executive department of the Federal Govern
ment, and are seeking to secure the other two de
partments—the Legislative and the Judicial.
Here then is a party seeking to administer the
Government on principles w hich must destroy the
Government— proposing to preserve the Union
upon a basis on which the Union, in the very na
ture of things, caunot staud; and offering peace
on terms which must produce civil war.
Now', my friends, the next question is, shall
these grievances be resisted ? I know of no man
who says they ought not to be resisted. For my
self, 1 say, and say with emphasis, they ought to
be resisted—resisted effectively and at all hazards.
What lesson have we here? We have seen dif
ferences running high—even apparant bitterness
engendered. Passion gets up, debates become
jeers and gibes aud defiance. One man says he
will not resist Lincoln. His adversary pronounces
that treason to the South and the man a Black Re
publican. Another man says he will resist Lincoln
and demand immediate secession. His adversary
pronounces that treason to the Constitution and
the man a disunionist.
What do you mean by Lincoln ? Stop and de
fine. The first means by Lincoln the man elected,
the second means by Lincoln the issue on which
he is elected. Neither will resist the first, both
will resist the latter, and so they agree and did
agree all time they were disputing!
These grievances are our real complaint. They
have advanced to a point which makes a crisis ;
and that point is the election of Lincoln. We
dare not, we will not let this crisis pass without a
settlement. That settlement must wipe out exis
ting grievances, and arrest threatened ones. We
owe it to our Constitution, to our country, to our
peace, to our posterity, to our dignity, to our self
respect as Union men and Southern men, to have
a cessation of these aggressions and an end to
these disturbances. I do not think we should wait
for any further violation of the Constitution. The
Constitution has already been violated and even
defied. These violations are repeated every day.
We must resist, and not to attempt to resist aud
u >t do so effectively—even to the full extent of the
evil, will be to bring shame on ourselves, and our
State and cause. *
Having agreed on our complaints, and discover
ed that all our suspicions of each other are un
founded, and that our disputes on this joint had
their origin in hasty conclusions and thoughtless
mistakes, let us with an encouraged charity and
forbearance advance to the next step of this argu
ment. m
Who shall inaugurate this resistance? Who
shall determine the mode, the measure and the
time of this resistance ?
Mv reply is: The people through their delegates
in convention du y assembled.
It is not necessary for me now to urge this
point. Here again we have had disputes without
differences.
I haw- the pleasure of announcing to-night that
the prominent leaders of all shades of opinion on
this subject came together this day and agreed
that it was the right” aud privilege of the people
in convention to pass on these questions.
tnis point we have disputed for a week, and ‘to
day acting as Georgians should act; we came to
gether in a spirit ofkindness, and in fifteen min
utes our hearts were all made glad by the discov
ert- that our differences of disputes were founded
on groundless suspicions, ana we are agreed-. W e
are ail for resistance, and we are all for the people
in convention to say how and where, and by what
means we shall resist.
I never beheld a scene which made my heart
rejoice more sincerely. Oh, that I could the see
same spirit of concord on the only remaining
question of difference. With my heart full of
kindness I beg you my friends, to accompany me
now to that question. ’ I do bebeve we cau agree
again. My solemn conviction is that we differ as
little on this as vve did on the other point, in eve
ry material view. At least nearly all the quarrels
of the world in all ages have beeu founded more in
form than substance.
Some men are honest, wise aud prudent. Others
are equally honest and intelligent, but rash and
impetuous. The latter are otten to be loved and
encouraged ; but the first aloDe are to be relied on
in emergencies.
We often appeal to the history of our fathers to
urge men to indignation and hasty resentment ot \
wrongs. Let us study all that history. Let me <
show you from that history, an example of metal j
| aud over confidence on the one hand, aud of cool
ness and wisdom on the other.
During our colonial history, the English Gov
erniaetH sent Geuerul Braddock to America to
dislodge and drive back the French and Indians.
| The General in arranging the campaign assigned
I to his own cormnandTthe duty of recovering the
Ohio Valley and the great Northwest. It was ne
cessarv to capture Fort Duquesne. He never
thought of any difficulties in the way of success.
He promised Newcastle to be beyond the moun
tains in a very short period. Duquesne he thought
would clop him only three or four days, and there
was no obstruction to his march to Niagara, lie
declare ‘ the ludians might frighten the raw
American Militia, but could make no impression
on the British regulars. This was Braddock.
One of tout raw American militia who had join
ed Braddock s command, was the young Washing
ton, then only about twenty-three years old. lie
became one of Braddock’s aids. Hearing his
General’s boasts, and Seeing his thoughtless cou
rage, Washington quietly said to him, “ We shall
have more to do than to go up the hills and down.”
Speaking of Braddock to another, Washington
said, “fij was incapable of arguing without
warmth, or giving up any point he had asserted,
be it e er oO incompatible with reason or common
sense.”
Braddock was considered on all hands to be a
brave, gallant, and fearless officer.
Ueie then are two men, both brave, noble and
intelligent, engaged together to accomplish a com
mon enterprise for the good of their country.
The one was rash, thoughtless, never calculating
difficulties, nor looking forward to aud providing
against obstructions.
lie ai ranged his express and sent forward the
news of his victory beforehand. But the other
was cool, calculating, cautious, wise and moderate.
He was a man who thought before he acted and
then he acte i the hero.
Now, lor results : Braddock was surprised be
fore he reached the For* His British regulars
fled before the yelling Indians, and the raw Ame
mad militia were blain by them. Braddock him
self lought bravely and he was borne from the
field of his shame leaving more than half his little
army dead, and himself senseless with a mortal
wound. After trie lapse of a day he came to him
self, and his first exclamation was, “ who would
have tho’t it!” Again he roused up and said :
“ We shall better know how to dual with them
another lime.” Poor General, it was too late, for
with that sentence he died! For more than a
century be has slept near Fort Necessity, and his
only history might be written for his epitaph—He
was brave, but rash; gallant but thoughtless ; no
ble but bigoted He fought hastily, died early,
and here Le lies.
The young Washington was also brave, aud in
the thickest of the fight. Horse after horse fell
from under him. The bullets of the Indian whis
tled around him and through his clothes, but
Providence spared him. Even the Indians de
clared some Gods protected him. So cool, so
brave, so wise aud thoughtful was the conduct of
this young officer, before, during and after the
battle, that even then a distinguished man “points
him out as a youth raised up by Providence for
some noble work.” Who does not know the his
tory of Washington ; yet, who can tell it ? Our
florious revolution, that wise Constitution, this
appy, wide spread and ever spreading country—
struggling millions fired on by the example of his
success, are some of tbe chapters already written
in that history. Long chapters of yet unrealised
glory, and power, and happiness shall be endless
ly added, if the wisdom ot him who redeemed our
country can be continued to those who inherit it.
The last hour of Constitutional liberty, perpetua
ted to the glory of the end, or cut short in the
phrenzy of anarchy, shall wind up the history of
Washington. Behold here the sudden destruction
of the rash man and his followers, and the still
unfolding success of the cool and thoughtful man,
and then let us go to work to meet this crisis that
is upon us.
Though there are various modifications of opin
ions, there are really but two modes of resistance
proposed. One method is to make no further ef
fort in the Union, but to assume that the Union
either cannot or ought not to be preserved, and
secede at once and throw ourselves upon the con
sequences. The other method is to exhaust cer
tain remedies for these grievances in the Union,
with the view of preserving our rights and the
Union with them, if possible; looking, however,
to, and preparing for secession as an ultimate re
sort, certainly to be had, if those grievances can
not be remedied and completely remedied aud
ended in the Union.
Irreconcilable as these differences at first view
seem to be, I maintain a point of complete recon
ciliation can be reached.
Now, let us look to the reasous urged by the
advocates of these two modes of redress.
The advocates of the first inode declare that
these grievances are the fruits of an original,
innate anti-slaverv fanaticism That the history
of the world will 6bow that such fanaticism is
never convinced —is never satisfied, never reasons
and never ends but in victory or blood, lhat ac
cordingly this fanaticism in the Northern States
has been constantly progressive, always getting
stronger and more impudent, defiant and aggres
sive ; and that it will never cease except iu our
subjugation unless we tear loose from it by dis
solving the Union. These advocates say they
have no faith in any resistance in tbe Union, be
cause, in the nature of the evil, none can be
effectual.
The advocates of the second mode of resistance
of whom lam humbly one, reason after another
fashion: We say in the first place, that while it is
true that this anti-slavery sentiment has beoome
fanatical with many, yet it is not necessarily so in
its nature, nor was it so in its origin. Slavery has
always existed in some form. It is an original in
stitution. Besides we say the agitation now upon
us did not originate in fanaticism,or philanthropy,
but in cupidity.
England owned the West Indies and there she
had some slaves. She had possessions in East In
dia which she believed adupted to tbe growth of
cotton and which article of produce she desired to
monopolize. |
The Southern States were her only dangerous j
competitors. She desired to cripple or break
down the cultivation of the cotton plant in the
South. The South could not use her own soil
and climate in the successful production of cot
ton without the African slave. England therefore
must manage to set free the slave and turn the
South over to some inadequate peasantry sys
tem something like the coolie system. To this end
England raised a great cry of philanthropy in
behalf of the poor negro. Asa show of sincer
ity she abolished slavery in the West Indies near
us, thinking thereby to affect the same institu
tion in her Southern neighbor. She taught her
lessons ot false philanthropy to our Northern
pulpits and Northern papers, and thus to our
Northern people.
At this time the Northern politician saw in this
inflammable subject fine material for political agi
tation, party success and self-promotion. The
Southern politicians raised the counter cry, leap
ed on the counter wave and met the Northern po
liticians—in office. As long as the people answer
ed the politicians called, and the result is what
we now see. The subject is interminable in
politics, because utterly illegitimate as a political
issue. Thus it has never approached, but preced
ed from a political solution, and increasing in ex
citement as it has progressed, all statesmanship
North and South is dwarfed to a mere wrangling
about African slaveiy. Slavery will survive, but
the Constitution, the Union, and peace may not.
The Southern States will continue to raise cotton,
but the hoping subject of tyranny in the earth
may not continue to point to the beautiful suc
cess of the experiment ot self-government in Ame
rica. .
While the stolen which England raised in Ame
rica has been going on, England has beeu trying
to raise cotton in India. She has failed. Her
factories are at home, but her cotton can’t come
from India. She must have cotton. Four millions
of her people can’t live without it. The English
throne can’t stand without it. It must come trom
the Southern States. It can’t be raised in the
South without slave-labor. And England has be
come the defender of slavery in the South.
I will frankly state that this revolution in Eng
lish sentiment and policy has not yet reached the
Northern people. The same causes must slowly
produce it.
But while the anti-slavery sentiment has spread
in the North, the pro-slavery sentiment has also
strengthened in America. In our early history
the Southern statesmen were anti-slavery in feel
ing. So were Washington, Jefferson, Madison,
Randolph, and many ot that day, who had never
studied the argument of the cotton gin, nor heard
the eloquent productions of the great Mississippi
Valley. Now our people not only see the justice
of slavery, but its Providence too. The world
can never give us slavery until it is ready to give
up clothing and food. The South is a magnificent
exemplification of the highest Christian, excel
lence. She is feeding the hungry, clothing the
naked, blessing them that curse her, aud doing
good to them that despitefully use and persecute
her. . , . ,
We say again that even the history of the slavery
agitation iu this country does not justify tbe very
conclusion that abolitionism has been always pro
gressive. Whenever popular sentiment in politics
has condemned the agitation, abolitionism has de
clined. Many instances could be given. In 1848
the abolition candidate for the Presidency receiv
ed about 800,000 votes. At the end of Mr. Fill
more’s Administration in 1802, the candidate of
that party received about half that vote, and a lu
gitive slave could be .recovered almost without
opposition in any Northern State. Even the Act
ot Massachusetts nullifying the fugitive slave law
of 1703, had not been applied to the new fugitive
slave law of 1850, and was not so applied until
1855, after the agitation had been revived.
These, and many other similar reasons, we urge
for believing that all the enumerated grievances—
the result of slavery agitation —are curable by
remedies within the Union.
Bat suppose our reasoning all wrong ? How
shall we be convicted ? Only bv the experiment;
tor in the nature of the case, nothing but a trial
can test the virtue of the remedies proposed. Let
us try these remedies, and if we fail this failure
will establish tbe truth of the positions of the ad
vocates of immediate secession, and we shall all
join iu that remedy.
For let it be understood, we are all agreed that
these grievances shall be resisted —shall be reme
died —most eflecively remedied, and if this can
not be done in the Union, then the Union must go.
And we must not let this crisis pass without lor
ever solving this doubt. If the Union and the
tcace of slavery cannot exist together, then the
nion must go ; for slavery can never go, the ne
cessities of man and the laws of Heaven will nev
er let it go, and it must huve peace. And it has
beeu tantalized and meddled with as long as our
self-respect can permit.
But what remedies in the Union do we propose? !
I will answer :
TANARUS: e grievances enumerated are of two kinds—
existing and threatened. The existing actual
grievances are all violations of the Federal Con
stitution and Federal laws, either by Northern
citizens or Northern States. Now what does
good statesmanship, good logic aud common
sense naturally suggest V Why, that the Federal
Government shall enforce its laws. No State can
enforce or punish for the violation of a Federal
law. The power offended must adequately pun
ish the offender. The punishment must be such
as to redress the past and by certainty aud terror
secure the future. The Federal law is offended.
The Northern States and people are the offenders.
The South is damaged by the otfence. This gives
her the right to demand the redress at the hands
of the Federal Government, and if that Govern
ment for want of will or power shall not grant the
redress, then that Government is a demonstrated
failure. And when governments end, self-defence
begins. We can then take redress in our own I
way, and to our entire satisfaction.
Let the Georgia Convention meet. Let her not
simply demand but command that this war on
slavery shall cease—that these unconstitutional
acts and proceedings shall be repealed aud aban
doned by the States, or repudiated aud redressed
by the Federal Government. Let her invite all
the States to join in this demand. If no others
will come to their duty and meet with us, let the
fifteen Southern States join in this demand, and
let the penalty of refusal even to the demand of
one State, be the abandonment of the Union, and
any other even harsher remedy each State may 1
think her rights and honor required.
We have an instance before us, a President ‘
made at the instance of the North. When, in 1833,
South Carolina was refusing to obey a Federal law
in the execution of which the Northern States had
an interest, Congress passed a Force bill, and put
it in the hands of a Southern President for en
forcement even with the army and navy and the
militia if needed.
Let us turn this battery against Northern reb
els. The constitutionality ot the act which South
Carolina resisted was doubled. A Southern State
never nullified, nor refused to obey a plain con
stitutional law. But here are tbe Northern States,
and people nullifying and setting ut defiance the
plainest constitutional provisions and laws passed
in pursuance thereof; and, instead of demanding
of the Federal Government the enforcement ot its
laws for the protection of our rights we are spend
ing our breath, and wasting our strength in vain
boastings of wrath and hurtful divisions of our
own people.
Some of our wisest Southern statesmen think
we have laws already sufficient for this crisis, if
enforced. We have an act in 1795, aud one in
1807, aud perhaps others, to execute the laws, to
suppress insurrections, aud repel invasions. If
these and other enactments are sufficient, let us
have them enforced.
A voice—The Presidents we have already had
won’t enforce that law.
Mr. Hill. —Then you ought to have dissolved
loLg ago. If the grievance has beeu been by men
of our own choosing, why have we not complain
ed before. Let us begin now. Let us begin with
Mr. Buchanan. A few days ago, and perhaps
now, a fugitive is standing protected by a North
ern mob in a Northern State, in defiance of the
U. S. Marshall. Let us demand now that Mr. Bu
chanan enforce the law against that rebel and
against that State which protects him, or suffers
him to be protected on her soil. Let us have out
the army and navy, and if they are not sufficient,
let there be a call for volunteers. Many of us say
we are ready to light, anxious to fight. Here is
a chance. Let us tender our services.
If the laws now existing are not sufficient, let
•us have them sufficient. It is our right. We are
entitled to a force bill for every clause in the Con
stitution necessary to our rights. What have our
statesmen been after that these laws are not suffi
cient. Some of these nullifying grievances have
existed since 1843, aud is it possible that our
statesmen have been all asleep, or lost and forget
ful in wrangling about slavery? Let us begin
now. We can yet have all needed laws under Mr.
Buchanan. We have all the departments of Gov
ernment. It is three months from the meeting
of Congress to the fourth of March. Let us begin
now and perfect our laws for the enforcement of
every constitutional right, and against every rebel
enemy. Let the Convention add to the contin
gencies of disruption in the Georgia Platform.
Let the refusal to enforce the laws granted for our
protection, and defence be one contingency, and
the refusal to grant the laws needed for that pro
tection aud defence be another contingency.
A Voice—How long will you wait?
Mr. Hill —Until the experiment is tried aud both
the demands enumerated may be tested and the
contingencies may transpire before the fourth of
March next. If they do not, if a larger time shall
be needed, Mr. Lincoln cannot do us damage.—
As you beard last night, he cannot even form
his Cabinet unless he make it acceptable to a
democratic Senate. And I go further and say
that he cannot get even his salary—not a dime
to pay for his breaklast—without the consent of
Congress.
Nor would I have the Southern States, nor even
Georgia, to hesitate to demand the enforcement
of those laws at the hands of Mr. Lincoln if we
cannot test it before. The North demanded of a
Southern President the execution of the law against
a Southern State in 1833. Now let the South com
pel a Northern President to execute the laws
against a Northern people ; yea, the very rebels
that elected him. .
A Voice—Do you believe Lincoln would issue
his proclamation?
Mr. Hill —We can make him do it. It is bis oath.
He will be a traitor to refuse, and we shall have
the right to hang him. He dare not refuse. He
would be on Southern territory, and for his life
he dare not refuse.
A Voice —The “ Wide Awakes ” will be there.
Mr. Hill—Very well, if we are afraid of the
“Wide Awakes” we had better surrender without
further debate. The “Wide Awakes” will be
there if we secede, and. if they are to be dreaded,
our only remody is to hide. No, my friends, we
are not afraid of any body. Arm us with the
laws of our country and the Constitution of eur
fathers, and we .fear no enemy. Let us make war
upon that Constitution and against those laws and
we will be afraid of every noise in the bushes. —
He who feels and knows he is right is afraid of
nothing, and he who feels and knows he is wrong,
is afraid of nothing too.
We were told the other night by a gentleman
urging immediate secession, that we had never
had a member in Congress but who was afraid to
demand the laws for the enforcement of these
Constitutional rights. And this is true, but whose
fault is that ? Sname upon us that we have been
afraid to demand our rights at the hands of our
government, administered to this hour by men of
our own choice, and yet insist on our courage to
sustain us in seceding from that government in
defiance of its power. No, we have a right to go
out, but let us Know we must exercise that right
before we go, and how can we know it unless we
ask first? The Declaration of Independence,
which you invoke for an example, says a decent
respect to th# opinions of mankind requires us to
declare the causes which impel us to the separa
tion. When we separate and allege our griev
ances as onr causes, and mankind shall ask us if
we attempted, even demanded a redress of those
grievances in the Union before we went out, shall
we hang our heads and say no ? A people who
are afraid to demand respect for their rights, can
have no rights worthy to be respected. Our
fathers demanded, yea, petitioned, and warned
and conjured, and Dot until the Government was
deaf to the voice of justice and consanguinity, did
they acquiesce in the necessity which denounced
their separation. It is not the cowardice ot fear,
but the courage of right and duty to demand re
dress at the hands of our Government.
I confess lam anxious to see the strength of
this government now tested. This crisis is on us,
not of our seeking, but in spite of our opposition,
and now let us meet it.
I believe we can make Lincoln enforce the laws.
If fifteen Southern States will take that Constitu
tion and the laws and his oath, and shake them
in the face of the President, aud demand their ob
servance and enforcement, he cannot refuse.—
Better make him do it than any one else. It will
be a magnificent vindication of the power and the
majesty of the law, to make the President enforce
the law, even to hanging, against the very rebels
who have chosen him to trample upon it. It will
be a vindication that will strike terror to the
hearts of evil doers lor a century to come. Why,
Lincoln is not a monarch. He has no power out
side of the law, ant none inside of the law except
to enforce it. He is as much subject to the law as
you or myself. The law is onr king oyer all.—
From the President to the humblest citizen we
are the equal subjects of this only ruler. We have
no cause for fear except when we offend this only
sovereign of the republican citizen, and have no
occasion for despair until his protection is deniea
us.
I am also willing, as you heard last night, that
our Convention or State should demand of the
nullifying States the repeal of their obnoxious
laws. I know this idea has been characterized us
ridiculous. I caunot see wherein. You would
make such demands of any foreign power inter
fering with your rights, and why do less towards
a confederate State ?
But in my opinion, the wisest policy, the most
naturul remedy, and the surest way to indicate our
honor and self-respect, is to demand the uncondi
tional observance of the Constitution by every
State and people, and to enforce that demand.—
And if it be necessary, call out for this purpose
the whole power of the Government even to war
ou the rebellious State. Aud when a State shall
allow a fugitive to be rescued in her jurisdiction
and carried beyond the reach of the owner, re
quire her to indemnify the owner, and make the
Government compel that indemnity, even to the
seizure of the property of the offending Stale,
and her people. One such rigid enforcement of
the law will secure univeisal obedience. Let the
law be executed though the Heaven’s fall, for
there can be no government without law, and law
is but sand, if not tnforced. It need be, let the
State continuing in rebellion against the Constitu
tion be driven from the Uuion. Is this Union a
good ? If so, why should we surrender its bless
ings because Massachusetts violates the laws of
that Union? Punish the guilty. Drive Massa
chusetts to tbe duties of the Constitution or from
its benefits. Make the General Government do
this, and abandon lhe Government when it shall
take sides with the criminal. It would be a tro
phy to fanaticism, above all her insolence, to drive
the dutiful out of the Union with impunity on its
part- Let us defend the Union against its ene
mies, until that Union shall take sides with the
enemy, aud then let us defend ourselves against
both.
In the next place let us consider the benefits of
this policy. First, let us consider its benefits if
we succeed ; and then its benefits, if we fail.
If we succeed we shall have brought about a
triumph of law over the tell spirit of mobocracy,
never surpassed in the world’s history, and the
reward of that triumph will be the glorious vindi
cation of our equality and honor, aud at the same
time the establishment of tbe Union in its inte
grity forever. Aud I tell you, my friends, we owe it
it our history, to ourselves and our posterity, yea,
to constitutional liberty itself, to make this trial.
Can it be possible that we are living under a gov
ernment that has no power to enforce its own
laws ? We have boasted of our form of govern
ment. We have almost canonized its authors as
saints, for tlieir patriotism and wisdom. They
have reputations world-wide. They have been,
for nearly a century, lauded as far above all anti
quity, aud all previous statesmen. Their faces
and their forms have been perpetuated in brass
and marble for the admiring gaze of many gene
rations made happy in the enjoyment of their la
bors. In verse and song, in history and philoso
phy, in light literature and graver learning, their
j names are eulogned, and their deeds couimemo
j rated, and their wisdom ennobled. The painter
has given us the very faces and positions of the
great counsellers, as they sat together deliberating
in the formation of this Constitution. The pulpit
has placed their virtues next to the purity and
inspiration of the early apostles. The Senate
Chamber has invoked their sayings as the test of
good policy. The fireside has held up to its juve
nile circle their manners as the models of good
breeding. The demagogue on the hustings has
falsely caught at their mantles to hide his own
shame.
* Ail this, because we have been accustomed to
I believe that they succeeded in framing the best
I Constitution, and iu organizing the best Govern
ment the world ever saw. Is that government,
after all, a failure ? Who shall give us a Jbetter,
and how shall we commensurate the worth ofcsuch
wiser benefactors ? But if this govenment cannot
enforce its laws, then it is a failure.
We have professed to feel and realize its bless
ings. Eloquence has portrayed in magic power
its progress in all the elements of power, w ealth,
greatness, and happiness. Not a people on earth,
since we achieved our independence, has shown
symptoms of a desire to be free, that we have not
encouraged by our sympathies, and as the suffi
cient evideuce of all success in self-government,
we have pointed them to our example. There is
not a people ou earth who do not point to America
and sigh for a government like that of the United
States. Shall we now say to all these ; Stop, you
are mistaken. Our reputation is not deserved.—
Be content with your numoie ru.e. Tbe people
are not capable of self-government. This very
government, which you admire, and which we
have thought was a model, is unable to protect
our own people from tbe robber, the thief, the
murderer and the fanatic !
Fellow-citizens, before vve settle down in such a
conclusion, let us make the effort and put this
government to the test.
Another advantage to bo derived from success
is, that we shall thus end the agination of slavery
forever. Its agitation in politics was wrong from
the beginning. Debate its morality and justice as
much as you please. It will staud the argument.
But don’t drag it down into a party political issue.
Show me the man who agitates slavery as a polit
ical party question, and I will show you the true
enemy of slavery and the Union, I care not wheth
er be lives North or South. The safety’ and peace
of the slaveholder and the Union demand that
this agitation should no longer be allowed.
But, in the second place, if we fail, we cannot
be damaged, but great benefits will be secured bv
the effort.
In the first place, we shall have time to get rea
dy for secession. If we secede now, in what con
dition are we ? Our secession will either be peace
able or otherwise. If peaceable, we have no ships
to take off our produce. We could not get aud
would not have those of the government from
which we had just seceded. We have no treaties,
commercial or otherwise with any other power.
We have no postal system among our own people.
Nor are we prepared to meet any one of the hun
dred inconvemencies that must follow, and all of
which can be avoided by taking time.
But suppose our secession be not peaceable. In
what condition are we for war? No navy, no
forts, no arsenals, no arms but bird guns for low
trees. \et a scattered people, with nothing divi
ding us from our enemy but an imaginary line,
aud a long sea and gulf coast extending from the
Potomac to Galveston Bay, if all should secede.—
In what condition are we to meet the thousand
ills that would beset us, and every one of which
can be avoided by taking time. “We have more
to do than to go up the nills aud come down.” —
Secession is no holiday work.
While we are seeking to redress our wrongs in
the Union, we can go forward making all neces
sary preparations to go out if it should become
necessary. We can have a government system
perfect, and prepared, ready for the emergency
when the necessity for separation shall come.
Again, if we fail to get redress in the Un
ion, that very failure will unite the people of
our State. The only real ground of difference
now is, some of us think vve can get redress in
the Union, and others think we cannot. Let
those of us who still have faith make that effort
which has never been made, and if we fail, then
we are ready to join you. If you will not help us
make that effort, at least do not try to prevent. —
Let us have a fair trial. Keep cool and keep still.
If we cannot save our equality, and rights, and
honor in the Union we shall join you and save
them out of it.
A Voice—When you fail to save your rights in
the Union, if you refuse to go with us then, what
will you do.
Mr. Hill—But we will go. We will allow no ifs
to our condnct in that connection. IF, when we
come to join you, you get stubborn and refuse to
go, then we shall go without you.
Now, my secession friends, I have all confidence
in your zeal and patriotism, but simply let us
take time and get ready. Let us work for the
best, and prepare for the worst. Until an experi
ment is made, I shall always believe that the Con
stitution has strength enough to conquer ail its
enemies—even the Northern fanatic. If it proves
to have not that strength, I will not trust it anoth
er hour.
I
A third benefit to be derived from the failure
of an honest effort to redress our grievances in
the Union, is the Union of all the Southern
States. Some of the States will not secede now.
Some of the States who suffer most from the
grievances we have enumerated will not secede
now. Because they think these grievances can
be redressed in the Union. If this idea be a
dream, let us wake up to the reality by an actual
experiment. . ........
A further benefit to be desired is, that if all the
Southern States get ready and secede together,
we shall be allowed do so peaceably. Certainly,
it is our right to go peaceably dv way. The
Government, though having the right to enforce
its laws against all the world, has no right to
coerce back a seceding State. But the attempt
might be made and the peace broken, if only one
State should secede, or even a few. But let all
the Southern States get ready and go together,
and no earthly power would interfere or molest.
My own opinion is that every Western and North
western* State, and the Middle States, and per
haps all but the New England States, would go
with us. And the glorious result at last mignt
be that we should hold the Government with all
its power, and thrust off only those who have
been faithless to it.
But the Southern States alone with the terri
tory naturally falling into our hands, would form
the greatest government then on earth. The
world must have our products; and after peace
was once secured to us, the world would furnish
our navies aud our army, without the expense to
us of a ship, or a soldier.
Finally my friends, we shall have secured, by
this policy the good opinion of all mankind and of
ourselves. We shall nave done our duty to histo
ry, to our children and to Constitutional liberty,
the .great experiment of self-government. We
shall have also discerned the defects in our pres
ent government, and will be prepared to guard
against them in another. Above all we shall have
found good consciences, and secured that, either
in the Union or out of it, which is dearer to us
than any Union, and more to be desired than all
Constitutions however venerated —that which is
the end of all our efforts, and the desire of all our
hearts, our equality as States, our rights as citi
zens, and our honor as men.
Convening tiie Legislature. .
At the present juncture and in view of the con
vening of the Legislature by the Governor, it may
be of interest to refer to the Inaugural Message
of Gov. Letcher, delivered January 7th, 1860. —
After setting forth the unfriendly legislation upon
slavery of various non-slaveholding States, and
the events threatening a dissolotion of the Union,
he asks, “what can be done to avert the danger?”
and says:
“The only mode, therefore, of remedying the
evil, that occurs to me under the Constitution, is
provided in the fifth article thereof. Summon a
Convention of all the States, that a full and free
conference may be nad between the representa
tives of the people, elected for this purpose, and
thus asevrtain whether the questions in contro
versy cannot be settled upon some basis mutually
satisfactory to both sections. If such a Conven
tion shall assemble, and after free and full consul
tation and comparison of opinions, they shall find
that the differences between the slaveholding aud
non-siaveholding States are irreconcilable, let
them consider the question of a peaceable separa
tion, and the adjustment of all questions relating
to the disposition of the common property be
tween the two sections. If they can be reconciled,
let them adjust the terms aud give them such
sanction as will render them effective.
“I suggest, therefore, that you adopt resolu
tions in lavor of the call of such a Convention,
and appeal to the Legislatures of the several
States to unite in the application proposed to be
made to Congress, in pursuance of the provisions
of the article aforesaid. 11 the non-slaveholding
States shall fail or refuse to unite in the applica
tion, such failure or refusal will furnish conclu
sive evidence of a determination on their part to
keep up the agitation, and to continue their ag
gressions upon us. If the Convention shall meet,
and the question cannot be satisfactorily adjusted,
the people of the South will clearly understand
what they are to expect in the future.”
The sth article, to which reference is made in the
above extract, is as follows :
“The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both
Houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose
amendments to the Constitution; or, on the ap
plication of the Legislatures of two-thirds of the
several States, shall call a Convention for propos
ing amendments, which, in either case, shall be
valid to all intents and purposes, as part of the
Constitution, when notified by the Legislature of
three-fourths of the several States, or by counties,
in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other
mode of ratification may be proposed by Con
gress ; provided, that no amendment which may
be made prior to the year 1808, shall, in any man
ner, affect the first and fourth claims in the ninth
section of the first article; and that no State,
without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal
suffrage in the South.” (The first clause in the
ninth section, here referred to, is that which, at
the instance of Massachusetts, was adopted, de
claring that the slave trade shall not be prohibited
by Congress prior to 1808 ; the fourth directs that
no capitation or other direct tax shall be laid, un
less in proportion to the census or enumeration
herein before directed to betaken.)
SPECIAL NOTICES.
Masonic Notice.— A Called Meeting of Social Lodge,
No. 1, will be held THIS (Frida}') EVENING, 23d Inst., at
‘o’clock.
By order of the W. M. C. DWELLE, Sec’y.
nov23
!1T Augusta and Savannah Railroad.— Augusta,
Nov. 21, IB6o.—During the Fair at Macon, commencing Doc.
3d and ending Dec. 22d, Tickets to go and return FOR ONE
FARE, can be procured at this Office, as follows:
Dec. Ist and sth, to return on 7th ;
Dec. 10th aud 11th, to return on 15th ;
Dec. 17th, to return on 20th ;
Dec. 20th, to return on 24th.
Articles for Exhibition will be charged regular freight to Ma
con ; if not sold, will be returned free to station from whence
shipped. [nov22J W. C. JONES, Agent.
2XI <JtTg.E3_
VST The Pews In St. Paul’s Episcopal Church, will be
RENTED on MONDAY, the26th Instant, at 3 o’clock P. M.
Persons wishing to retain Pews, will please be particular to
notify the Secretary, by or before that time.
A, C. FORCE,
nov22-dlt and Treasurer.
Lecture.
B3T” Rev. A. J. Huntington will deliver an Address be
fore the bons of Temperance, at the Young Men’s Christian
Association Rooms, on FRIDAY NIGHT, commencing at 7 %
o'clock.
The public are respectfully invited to attend. nov2l-3t
ZW Headquarters Ist Brigade, 2d Dlv. Georgia
Militia, Augusta, Ga., Niov. 12, IB6o.— Elections will
be held on the 10th DECEMBER, 1860, by the persons and at
the plaee* appointed by law, In Columbia and Warren coun
ties. In the former for a COLONEL, to command the 11th
Regiment, and in the latter for a COLONEL to command the
12th Regiment of Georgia Militia ; and for the purpose of fill
ing ail other vacancies now existing in the Battalions and Com
panies of the Regiments. Officers holdlrg Commissions in the
11th and 12th Regiments, will take due notice, and have all
vacancics',in their respective Commands filled on or before the
10th ol December next.
By order of Brigadier General Harris.
JOS. B. CUMMING,
nov2l td Aid~de-Camp.
ORDERS NO. 10.
Hxadquakters 10th Regiment, G. M„ )
November 12th, 1860. )
X3T Pursuant to orders of Brig. Gen. K. Y. Harrlss, to
organize the 10th Regiment G. M., an Election will be held at
the I’n ted States Hotel, on MONDAY", December 10th, 1860,
Jfor Lieutenant-Colonel and for Major, to command the Ist and
2U Battalions 10th Regiment G. M. Lewis Levy, Esq., Edwin
Richards, Esq., and Mr J. A. Van Winkle, are hereby appoint
ed Managers to superintend said election.
J. L. KNIGHT,
novl3-dtd Ctolonel 10th Regiment G. M.
XW Richmond Hussars, Attention !—Attend meetings
for Sword Drills, at the Drill Room, on TUESDAY, THURS
DAY and SATURDAY NIGHTS, until further notice,
by order of the Captain.
novl3 TWEEDY, O. S.
SI?” Headquarters Augusta Independent Volunteer
Battalion, Nov. lOth, IB6o.— An Election for a LIEUT.
COLONEL, to cotnmam this Battalion, will be held at the
Oglethorpe Infantry’s Drill Room, on SATURDAY EVEN
ING, Dec. Ist, next, at 7 o’clock.
By order ofOapt. I’latt, commanding.
novl6 ALLEN, Adjutant,
tW~ Sealed Proposals will be r. celved at my Office up to
the 10th of December next, at 12 o’clock, M. for the Paving the
SIDE WALK on the west side of Campbell street, from Walk
er to Talcot street. S. H. (IRUMP,
novll-dlm Clerk Connell.
X3T” Bryan’s Tasteless Vermifuge.—Half the sufferings
of children which are attributed to other causes, really arise
from the presence of worms. This preparation kills and brings
them away within twenty-four hours. It contains no mineral,
and is so pleasant, as well as harmless, that no child rejects it.
bold in Bottles, price 35 cents, by
novlO-lm PLUMB St LEITNKK, Druggists.
fff” McLean’s Strengthening Cordial is receiving the
unanimous recommendation ol the press, n#t only at Bt. Louis
but all over the country. This remedy la evidently the result
of close observation and study. Wherever it has been used, It
has been recommended with the highest encomiums of praise.
Persons can have no conception of its efficacy, without giving
It a trial. Once more we warmly recommend this remedy as a
superior tonic and novlQ.d&w2w
XT Warranted Purely Vegetable.—(s,ooo,ooo) Five
Millions of Boxes of BRANDRETH'S PILLS are sold yearly
The sale steadily increases, aud yet thousands die from colds
and fevers, which i hese Pills could certainly cure. Brandeth’s
Pills are simple, but unmatched for efficacy. How Important
that we at once secure an advantage over sickness when it can
he had at an outlay of only 25 cents.
Mr. J. C. Kappelyea, of Monmouth county, N. writes
March 19,1859:
“ 1 was troubled In January last with costiveness for several
days, aud took ten grains of calomel to obtain relief. I caught
cold, 1 suppose ; at any r’te, a severe diarrhea set in, which my
medical attendant found 1 impossible to arrest. This was fob
lowed by dysentery. My strength was all gone Everything
passed through me as I took it. A friend irom New Y ork, Mr,
George Lewis, fortunately called on me, and advised Bran
dreth’s Pills, I thought In my weak condition, one pill would be
enougn, but he administered four, and the next morning four
more. Much Impurity came from me, and, to my surprise, the
soreness and pain diminished. One box cured me fully. 1 am
now hearty, with a good appetite.’’
Office, 294 Canal street, ana sold by all Druggists.
ocU-dawlm
ANNOUNCEMENTS.
CF” We are authorized to announce HENRY’ P.
WALKER as a candidate for Tax Collector of Richmond
county, at the election in J anuary next. novl4*
We are authorised to announce Dr. JAMES T.
BARTON as a candidate for Tax Collector of Richmond coun
ty, at ths ensuing election in January next. nov7-dtd
|W We are authorised to announce JAMES BRAN
DON, Jr., Esq., as a candidate for Tax Collector of Richmond
county, at the election in January next. Mast Voters.
oct26*
SPECIAL NOTICES.
BARRETT, CARTER & CO..
PT W holesale and Retail Druggists, always having
on hand as LARGE AND WELL SELECTED A STOCK as
any demands require, will sell as low as any one could desire to
purchase. oct26-d3m
Rock Bridge Alum Water!
HT Just received, Fifty Cases, direct tre m the Spring.
BARRETT, CART R & CO.
Pamphlets sent gratis, upon application to us, con fining full
particulars. ia octz dim
LASI’ CAXiL I
DT Come and pay your State and County TAXES, and
save me from discharging au unpleasant duty. My office is on
Ellis street, in rear of the United States Hotel.
oct26-lm A. DEAS, Tax Col. R. C.
ONION SETTS.
tW~ W’e have just received our stock of Fresh ONION
SETTS. Dealers supplied as usual.
oct27-swtjanl PLUMB & LEITNER.
PT Dutch Bulbous-Roots !—Now in store, HYA
CINTHS, forty choicest varieties; TULIPS, fifteen varieties
GLADIOLUS, four varieties; CROCUS, seven varieties;
IMPERIAL, five varieties ; LILIES, four varieties; NAR
CISSUS, seven varieties, etc., etc. Just received by
PLUMB A LEITNER,
oct4-dtf A ugustu, Ga.
tW“ Fresh Garden Seeds.— W e expect to receive eur
stock of GARDEN SEEDS this season, much earlier than
usual. The assortment will be more extensive and mors com
plete than formerly, having added several new and choice va
rieties to our already large catalogue.
octl2 PLUMB & LEITNER, Druggists.
IF” Removal. The subscriber begs to inform his custom
era, and the public generally, that he has REMOVED from his
old Store, opposite the Augusta Hotel, to the Store recently oc
cupied by O’Donohoe & Wray a few doors above the Planters’
Hotel, where he is now ready to fill orders from his old cus
tomers, aud all who may favor him with their patronage
His stock consists of choice old BRANDIES, WINES,
WHISKEYS, ALE, CIDER and SEGARS. The MONTE
BELLO CHAMPAGNE WINE constantly kept on hand.
oct3-dtf THOMAS WHYTE.
XW~ Notice.—All persons indebted to roe, either by note or
account, will please call and settle, as.l wish to close up my old
books,.having formed a co-partnership with John C. Chew, on
the 10th of last month. [oct4-dtf[ 11. J. JONES.
XW Boggs dc Parker, Auctioneers, have this day
REMOVED to the Store formerly occupied by D’Antignac &
Weems, 292 Broad Street. Persons requiring the services of an
Auctioneer, would do well to give us a call.
Oct2 BOGGS ft PARKER.
XW The Oxygenated Bitters.— For years medical aci
ence has been taxed and tne skill of the physician exhausted in
the hope of discovering some remedy available to cure that
most distressing of all diseases—Dyspepsia, as well as its long
train of evils under their various names.
No medicine existed which could speedily, permanently, ef
fectually and radically cure and expel these diseases from the
system until Dr. Green made known his discovery of the OXY
GENATED BITTERS. Such is its remarkable power and
peculiarity, that cases which for years have baffled the most
potent medicine and the highest professional skill, yield to this
remedy as readily as if the disease were but of a day's standing.
For all diseases of the Stomach and digestive organs, and for
Geneial Debility it is equally salutary and certain.
[From W. A. Harp, Esq., Editor of the Covington (Ga.) Times.]
Coviztgton, April 7,1860.
Messrs. S. W. Fowle ft Co.—Gentlemen ; Having derived
benefit from the use of the Oxygenated Bitteis, I am glad to do
the public a favor by recommending them. For Dyspepsia and
its attendant evils, I consider it a remedy of inestimable value.
W. A. Habf.
Hon. Wm. W. Lamb, formerly Mayor of Norfolk, Va., has
just rendered the following testimony of the reeults produced
by the use of the Oxygenated Bitters:
Messrs. Seth W. Fowle & Co.—Gentlemen ; One of my ser
vants suffered for several years with Prolapsus Uteri, and. was
so much prostrated by the disease as to be confined to her bed,
expecting to iie. She then took the Oxygenated Bitters and
recovered her health. Wm. W. Lamb.
Prepared by Seth W. Fowle A Cos., Boston, aud for sale by
HAVILAND, CHICHESTER & CO., Wholesale Agents;
also, BARRETT & CA*RTER, PLUMB ft LEITNER, and
by Druggists generally nov!6-dftw4w
fW~ Brandreth’s Pills are growing more in favor with th
public. It is now conceded they are the best purgative yet put
firth from the world of medicine. The time will surely arrive
when they will supersede all other purgatives whatever. The
ingredients of which they are composed can scarcely be obtain
ed by druggists or the makers of other pills. Dr. Brandreth
has them gTown and prepared without regard to the expense.
And this care to make a popu ar purgative Is appreciated, as
their sales indl'ate. Other purgatives are dragging a flickering
existence. And yet they may have some merit. But BRAN
DRETH’S PILLS are safe and sure—safe, because they ope
rate solely on impure humors. No valuable fluid Is touched;
only effete or worn-out material, which, when taken out of the
body leaves it stronger. They are as pleasant as a truly effec
tive medicine can be. To say that they will not sometime give
pain would not be crue, but the pain they give is only because
they remove those trude and bad humors trom the blood which
are the occasion of disease. They open nature’s avenues, and
this ca r not always be done pleasantly.
Sold by all respectable dealers in medicines.
nov2-dftwlm
IF” Chills and Fever ! Chills and Fever I!—One
of the greatest remedies that has ever been laid before the pub
lic, for Fever and Ague, and which have received the highest
encomiums from the press and the people, is DR. J. HOSTET
TER’S CELEBRATED BITTERS Who would endure the
torture arising from this terrible disease, when it can be so
easily cured ? Who would endure sleepless nights, burning
fevers and icy chills alternately, when a remedy can be obtained
for a mere trifle ? And yet how many fami ies linger out a
painful existence under this deadly blight, and do nothing but
gulp down quinine, until it becomes as common as their daily
meals and yet they are not relieved. None but the foojish and
weak would hesitate to procure these valuable Bitters, ar.d save
themselves intense agony.
Sold by Druggists and dealers generally everywhere.
novl6-dftwlm
XW Read the Evidence.— Read the following letter from
a clergyman, well known in West Tennessee, North Alabama
and Mississippi:
Messrs. Clark, Gregory A Cos., Nashville, Tenn.—ls I did not
think you were troubled with more testimonials than you find
time to read, I would send you word in relation to what your
Ambrosial Oil has done for me. Siflice it to say, that 1 had
been suffering with horseness, or obstruction in the Branchial
tubes, for many years, and it was getting so bad that I could
scarcely fill my appointments. Your Ambrosial Oil perfectly
restored me, and I now can work without difficulty.
Okalona, Miss. Rev. A. L. HUNSAKER.
For sale by
novlß-dftw2w TUTT, Augusta, Ga.
XW Mrs. Winslow, an experienced Nurse and Fema
Physician, hasa SOOTHING SY'RUP for children Teethinge
which greatly facilitates the process of teething by softening the
gums, reducing all inflammation—will allay all pain, and is
sureto regulate the bowels. Depend upon it, mothers, it will
give rest to yourselves and relief and health to your Infants.
Perfectly safe in all cases. See advertisement In another
oiumn. mm— mhl6-dftwly
BT A Valuable Medicine.— Dr. WILSON’S Tonic,
Cathartic and Anti-Dyspeptic PILLS, were invented by a
regular physician aud thorough chemist, who, after years of
study and experience, elaborated the medicine and introduced
it successfully In his private practice. Its surpassing efficacy in
Dyspepsia, Headache, Dysentery, Bilious Fever, Ac., soon
spread it# fame beyond the private practice of the Doctor, and
it now enjoys unprecedented celebrity as a safe and reliable
medicine. novl6-dAwlw
mm
XW Dp. McClintock’a Pectoral Syrup.— ln the name
of its inventor, (second In celebrity to no member of the pro
fession In America,) we ask all who have the symptoms of con
sumption, bronchitis, or any other dangerous pulmonary com
plaint, to try this remedy. Life or death is In the balance. The
first dose will relieve.
Pricesl. For sale by PLUMB A LEITNER. *
novlO-lm Druggist*.
IF” Dr. McClintock’a Cold aud Cough Mixture—
Is a combination of nature’s vegetable autidotes to the irrita
tion and disturbance of the breathing apparatus, which pro
duce colds, coughs, hoarseness and sore throat. It removes in
a very short time every vestige of inflammation trom the lungs
and throat, and renews the free respiration of perfect health.
Price 25 cents. For Bale by
novlO-lm PLUMB ft LEITNER, Druggist*.
XW Lunch ! Lunch!— The usual popular and substantial
LUNCHES will be served up at tho WINTER GARDEN
every day, at 11 A. M. and 10 P. M. Gentlemen will find
something to suit their taste. novfi-tf
bbls. Extra Family FLOUR ;
| Q 9 bbls. Pure old Tennessee Rye WHISKEY.
Just received aud for sale by
nov!8-6t J. C. ft D. B. JONES.
TO RENT,
A LARGE, convenient, comfortable HOUSE, on Broad
street, nearly opposite the Planters’ Hotel, belonging to
Mr. Pleasant Stovall. It has all the necessaries about a yard
that are required ; a good garden, carriage house and stable,
Apply to the above gentlemen, or on the premises. oct9
NOTICE.
ALL persons are hereby cautioned against trading for three
certain Promissory NOTES, made by us to Moses Cohen,
or order, for twenty-four dollars each, dated 10th August, 1860,
and payable two, lour and six months after date, respectively!
The consideration of said Notes having failed, we hereby notify
all persons of our determination to avoid payment.
A. J. DAVIS,
nov!6-6t* A. M. BRODIE,
J.C.&D.B. JONES,
LATE OF CHATTANOOGA, TENN.
General Commission Merchants,
BROAD STREET,
NEARLY OPPOSITE PLANTERS HOTEL, AUGUSTA.
novlß-6m
FOR SALE _
A NY person wishing to purchase a LOT, well improved,
JCm. and a good location for the practice of medicine, can do so
by inquiring at this office. The location is a flourishing coun
try village. oct7-wßt
fIEW Ain Litl iM!ziViL4\ 15).
GEORGIA WESTERN RAILROAD
0„,,5*7*“ o
a meeting of the Board of Directors, held this’ day, it
Resolved, That, taking into consideration the threatening
aspect of political affairs, and the consequent stringency in tfc!l
money market, the Board of Directors deem iv prudent to
>ostpone the proposed letting of Contracts on the Georgia
ern Railroad until March cr April next, of which duenoticc
Resolved, That an instalment ot one dollar per chare be ca’Yrt
in, payable on the first day of December next, at the office nt
the Com: any In Atlanta, in lieu of the ten per cent called i,
payable at the aforesaid lime and place.
Resolved, That the Chief Engineer be instructed to continue
in service the corps of Assistant Engineers, in order to
the whole work for letting between Atlanta and &
terminus [nov23 tdeclj W. P. ORME SeCy
mmm organs.
rpHE immense resources of the house of Alexandre have
A enabled them, after twenty years of unceasing experiment
and the most lavish outlay or money and labor, to solve the
great musical problem of the present century: the productbm
of an Instrument, which, while it should answer the 5/,
°F'be most exacting of artists, should still be within the reach
or all for cheapness and facility of performance. Such has been
the success of the house of Alexandre, Pere ft FLs, Pari tw
several thousands of these Instruments are annual l ? sent’ fron
tneir Warero- ms. With the ’percussion” and the “eim™’
I°h re!*V he . Ale^ lldre i* a complete Orchestra
and it tor the Drawing Room, by the depth and sweetness o- <ts
tone, it has become the marveloure interpreter of the most ter
der inspirations, it is no less, by its majestic chords and power
ful combinations, the noblest instrument of praise in the Hr use
of God. There Is no kind of music which is beyond the re
sources of this Instrument not even the most briffian and elab
rate. Hence it is ihai all lovers of good music, whatever betl e
peculiar characteristic of each, are equally enraptured with th-
Alexandie. Pure in tone, unlimited in power, flexible to the
slightest shade or expression, this instrument has be.u pro
nounced by the greatest artists to have rra ised thel.- highest
idea of perfection. Several of these Instruments have been im
ported and are for sale by the ‘gent.
GEO. A. OATES,
nov23-dftwlt 240 Broad Street.
EXEIIiTOR’S SALE.
OX Tuesday, the Ist day of JANUARY next, at the Court
House door, In Waynesboro’, Ga., within the legal hours
or public tales, by virtue of an orer of the Court of Ordinary
or Richmond county, and also, in pursuance of an Interiocti
tory decree in Chancery, lately granted by the Superior Court
of said county, will be sold, about
Eighty Negroes,
Men, Women and Children, accustomed to Plantation work
aud most of them likely and valuable.
ALSO,
t. h e following dav, (Wednesday, the 2d.) at the Plantation
Ot tue late Cel. John McKlnne, in Burke county, about three
miles from Green’s Cut, will be Bold, the Faming Utensils
Com, Vodeer, Horses, Mules, Live Stock, and other pertain; u
property on said Plantation.
Terms—For the Negroes, notes, with approved personal re
cunty, payable January 1, 1862, with Interest fiom date For
the perishable property, a eredie until January, 1862, for ai>-
rroved paper will be given. CHAS. L JENKINS
WM. A. WALTON,’
Executors of John McKinne, deceased
novs3-twiwtd
FEATHERS.
QAAA LBS. prime FEATHERS, in store an-j for sal-
Ol M/U by [nov22-dtoftw2t] CHAS. riAKEIi
VOCE MUSIC-
Cfj*. M VLI.KTTF.’H Ladies and Gentlemen's Class in
• VOCAL MUSIC, will commence at his Academv, Di..
sth. at 7Xo’clock P. M.
PRIVATE LESSONS on the Cultivation of the Voice, will
be given at his Academy, or at residences. nov22
EDW. F, B. LANGSTROm
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
AUGUSTA, GA.
PARTICULAR attention given to collection of Claims
and drawing up of legal instruments. Office No. 9
Washington street, between Broad and Reynolds.
Refers to Gov. John Miiton, Marianna. Fla.; Col. John Do
zier. Augusta, Ga.; Profs. H. F. ft R. Campbell. novl6
SALT! SALT!!
Qi iAA SACKS new SALT, on consignment, will be
01/"” iande iby steamer Amazon to-mnrr w. For sale
by [dov3o-2w j JOHN B. GCIEU.
DISSOLUTION.
THE firm of D’ANTIGNAC ft WEEMS, is this day dis
solved by mutual consent. The unfinished business will
be sett 1 and by H. H. D’ANTIGNAC, wr.o is alone authorizes
to use the name of the firm for that purpose.
IT H. D’ANTIGNAC,
* JOHN B. WEEMS,
Augusta, Nov. 19, 1860.
P. H. H. D’ANTIGNAC can be found at the office of
D’Aniignac, Evans 4 Cos., on Reynolds street. nov2o-dl<k
MESSRS. BIGGS ft CANS,
Axxouxce to the people of Augusta and vicinity, that
their second and
LAST COURSE L\
DAMGIHG,
WILL COMMENCE ON
SATURDAY NEXT
THE 2iTH A'OYLMBER.
In this Course will be taught the New and Fashionable
Dance, called
Tlie TDanisli Dance,
THE MAZURKA, HIGHLAND FLING. HORNPIPE,
CHAOHUCA, CRACOYIENNE,
And all Fashionable Waltzes.
novl6-dtd
TO RENT,
ADWELLIXG HOUSE, with three rooms and a Kitchen,
on Ellis street, near Ceutre. Apply at this office
nov2l-d2t
By BOGGS & PARKER, Auctioneers,
ADMINISTRATOR'S SALE.—WiII be sold the
Lower Market House, it the city of Augusta, on the firs,
Tuesday in DEC EM BEK next, within the lezal hours ot sale,
under an order of the Court of Ordinary of Richmond county,
all those two Lots of Land with the improvements thereon;
one fronting forty feet and the other forty-three teet six inches,
on Ellis street, and running ba k half way to Greene street.
Said Lots bounded on the north by Ellis street: south by lots
of Broome and Reufern ; east by .ot of Hubbard, ar.o west by
lotofC’avender. Sold as the property of the estate of WilUam
H. Jones, deceased, for the benefit of the heirs and creditors of
said estate. HENRY T. PEAY, Adm’r.
Get. 16,1360.
By BOGGS ft PARKER, Auctioneers.
EXECUTORS’ SALE.
IX” pursuance of the last will and testament of Isaac Ramsev.
late of Columbia county, deceased, w ! U be sold at Appling,
Columbia county, within the usual hours of safe, on the first
Tuesday in DECEMBER next,eighty to ninety Negroes, be
longing to estate of said deceased. Among them are nine supe
rior Boot and Shoe Makers aud an excellent Tanner, several
Wagoners, Cooks, Sempstresses and Laundresses, and Field
Hands. Nearly all young and likely. Terms made known on
day of sale. PHOCION RAMSEY,
WILLIAM S. MOUGHON, FrT -,
WILUAM H. BONNER,
Oct. 7,1860. GEORGE L. D. RICE,
By BOGGS ft PARKER, Auctioneers.
Executors’ Sale of
PERISHABLE PROPERTY
V\TE will sell at public outcry, the Perishable Property of
VT the late Isaac Ramsey, deceased, consisting of Com.
Fodder, Wheat, Oats, Kyt, Peas, Hi.rises. Mules, Brood Mares,
Cattle, Sheep. Hogs, Carriages, Wagons, Carts. Shoemakers*
and Tanners’ Tools, Household and Kitche i Furniture, Farm
ing Implements. &c.. Ac. Commencing at Mount Vernon on
TUESDAY. Nov. 27th ; at Shady Grove on WEDNESDAY,
2Stn ; at Kiokee on THURSDAY, 29th ; and at the Dawson
place on SATURDAY", the Ist of December. Sale positive,
aud to be continued from day to day until all is sold. Terms
made known on day.
PHOCION RAMSEY,
WILLIAM S. MOUGHON,
WM. H. BONNER, >Exrs.
Oct. 7, 1860. GSO. L. D. Rli K,
CITY SHERIFF’S SALE.
ON the first Tuesday in JANUARY next, will be sold,
at the Lower Market House, in the Cltv of Augusta,
within the legal hours of sale ;
Alj that lot or parcel of Laud, with the improvements there
on, situate in the city of Augusta, btwee.i Twiggs sireot and
Washington street, Doumlea north by a lot formerly owned by
Edward Thomas, south by Fenwick street, east by Washlngton
street, and west by Twiggs street, and occupied at this time by
Augustus H. Roe : Levied on as the property of Au ustus H.
Roe, to satisfy an execution in favor of the City Council of Au
gusta vs. Augustus H. Roe, for City Tax for the year 1860.
ALSO.
At the same time and place, will be sold, all that lot or par
cel of Laud, with the improvements thereon, situate in the city
of Augusta, fronting on Fenwick street, between Centre and
Washington stre.-ts, bound north by said Fenwick street, south
by a lot of James L. Coleman, east by a lot of Abner P. Ro
bertson, and west by a lot of James B. CalviD, and occupied at
this time by Francis L. Markey: Levied on as the property of
James L. Coleman to satisfy ah execution in favor of the City
Council of Augusta, vs. James L. Coleman for City Tax for the
year 1860. ISAAC LEVY", Sheriff C. A.
November 2, 1860.
RICHMOND SHERIFF’S SALE.
OX’ the first Tuesday in DECEMBER next, wiU be sold, at
the Lower Market House, in the city of Augusta, with
in the legal hours of sale,
A Negro Woman slave, named Comfort, aliout 65 years of
age : Levied on asih? property of Ebenezer Carey, to sat.sfv
an execution issued from the Superior Court of Richmond
county In favor of George G. McWhorter, vs. Ebenerer Carey a
principal and Jose ph H. Stockton security.
ALSO.
At the same time and place, all that lot or pa-cel of Land,
with the improvements thereon, situate in the city of Augusta,
fronting 27 feet, more or less, on Fenwick street,between Cen
tre aud Washington streets, and bounded north by said Fen
wick street, south by a lot of James L. Coleman, east by a lot
James B. Calvin, and west by a lot of Abner P. Robertson, ana
occupied at this time by Francis L Markey: Levied • n as the
property of James L. Coleman, to sati fy au execution issued
fr. m the Mi per or Court of Richmond county in favor of Fer
dinand Phlnlzy, executor of Hays Bowdre, deceased, vs.
James L. Coleman, maker, Tho > as Dunnegan and John Me
Klnne, Jr., endorsers. WM. V. KER, Sheriff R. C.
November 4, 1860.
By BOGGS & PARKER, Auctioneers.
A DMIXISTRATOR’6 HALE.--Will be sold on the
firat TUESDAY in December next, at the Lower Market
House, In the city of Augusta, within the legal hours of sale,
under an order of the Court of Ordinary of Richmond county,
all that Lot with the improvements thereon, lying and being m
the city of Augusta, fronting forty feet on D Antignac stTWC
and running back one hundred and twenty feet; bounded norm
by D’Antignac street, south by lot of W. H. Harison, east t>v
lot of George Newman and West by lot of Nicholas A. Foru
Sold as the pfopcity of the estate of William B. Bussey. ®*’
ceased, for the benefit of the heirs and creditors of said estate.
oct9 SHIMUEL N. YoIINQBLOOD. Adm r.
ADMINISTRATOR’S SALE.
A GREEABLY to an order of the Court of Ordinary, of
A. Richmond county, will be sold at the Lower Market
House In the city of Augusta, on the first Tuesday in JAN WA
RY’ next between the legal hours of sale, a Negro oman,
named Eliza, about 60 years of age. Bold as property belong
ing to the estate of Mary PlerceTiate of said county, deceased.
Nov. 21, 1860. G. W. HALL, Adm’r.