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&jpiuclt fc Sentinel
PUBLISHED DAILY AND WEEKLY,
BY W. 3. JONES.
THUBSDAV WORN’G) DEC. 13, 1860.
IiKTI’KB FHOU HON. JOHN BELL.
Nashville, Dec. 6th, 1860.
Dear Sir Could I have flattered myself that
tisiv argument 1 could address to the Mass Meet
ing appointed for the 2lth ult., at Vicksburg,
wunld contribute in any important degree to aid
mu and your compatriots in staying the progress
<>! ihe sentiment which threatens to precipitate
v.<iu* State into a political vortex, which iu my
judgment would be no less fatal to her own in
terests than ruinous to those ofher neighbors, I
would, at any personal sacrifice, have obeyed the
summons of my friends ; but feeling no such con
fidence in my ability to serve them as you ascribe
to me in your letter, I have yielded to the force of
circumstances which claimed my attention at
home.
So far as my views and opinions may have any
weight or influence in determining the course of
any portion of the people of Mississippi in the
present critical juncture, they may be stated on
paper, and I suppose would be as effective for the
purpose intended, as they would be if communi
cated in a speech.
The question of chief importance to be consider
ed and answered, is, whether the election of Mr.
Lincoln to the Presidency, considered in all its
Mgnificancy and bearings, together with all pre
cedent and existing grievances, would justify
Mississippi, or any other State or States, in with
drawing from the Union ? In form, the electiou
, as in strict accordance with the regulations pre
scribed by the Constitution and laws. The ob
jection to it is that it was effected by a purely sec
noual party, organized upon the principle of hos
tility to slavery, and having for its prime object
the repression of slavery, as a permanent admin
istrative policy, with a view to its ultimate ex
tinction. It cannot be doubted that an adminis
tration ol the Government, based upon this pol
icy, could operate far more effectually in bringing
about the extinction of slavery iu the South,
t irough official influence and patronage, than by
an v more direct mode of attack.
ilut is clear that the Federal Government was
established for no such purpose or object : for,
however strongly many of the framers of the Cou
utution were opposed to slavery, it is notorious
i hat it was owing to their forbearance to insist
upon their the clause in the instru*
at providing for the rendition of fugitive slaves
to their owners, that we have any Federal Union.
It was upon this question that the Convention
was, at one time, upon the point of breaking up
iu confusion. The policy of making the Govern
ment an instrumentality for the repression or
i vt motion of slavery, as is now attempted by the
party which is soon to be in power, was never
contemplated by the framers of the Constitution.
j have often expressed the opinion that the Suc
re ~s of a purely sectional party, organized upon
any principle, sentiment or policy, iu strong an
tagonism to the interests and sentiments of the
opposing and defeated section, would deeply im
peril the Union ; nor did I believe, until the re
sult of the October elections became known, that
a majority of the Northern people would ever so
far disregard the counsels and warnings of Wash
ington as to elect the candidate of such a party to
ihe The election of Mr. Lincoln, by
a sectional party, organized and sustained upon
the distinctive principle of opposition to slavery,
as it exists in the Southern States, and avowing
the policy of its repression, and final extinction,
( by prohibiting its extension into the Territories,)
v. as a bold experiment upon the temper and for
b a ranee of the South, and upon the strength of
iher loyalty to the Union. This experiment, if
not conceived in a spirit of disunion, was made
wit ; a recklesss disregard of consequences. No
greater strain upon the ligaments which bind the
iv. o great sections of the country together could
devised, than the attempt to establish or inau
_ urate a permanent Government policy upon such
principles. The late Harrison Gray Otis. of\Bos
ion, one of the most distinguished ana able of
New England statesmen, when called upon, in
IX’ >, to give the weight of bis name and influence
in checking the further progress of a rabid aboli
tion spirit, then beginning to diffuse itself over
Massachusetts and other States of the East and
the North, in a speech delivered in Faneuil Hall,
did not hesitate to express the opinion that the
plans and designs of the Abolition Societies, or,
as they were then called, Anti-Slavery Associa
tions, Contemplated such an interference with the
■ unestic policy and institutions of the South as
would be a violation both of the spirit and letter
of the Constitution, and were in fact revolution
ary in their character and tendency.
I am not able to discriminate between the ebar
, -ter, spirit and tendency of the anti slavery prin
• pie and the slave repression policy of the Re
publican party, considered in connection with the
, torrent of inflammatory publications and invec
tives against the domestic institutions and social
relations of the South which is daily poured forth
;G v Republican journals and orators, and the cliar
#inter, tendency and designs of the Abolition So
cieties, und the incendiary publications which find
-their way to the public under their auspices. The
jtmly essential diflerence I can perceive between
the spirit aud tendency of the doctrines and
avowed policy of the Republican party and those
of the doctrines and avowed policy of the Aboli
i. Societies, is in the extent and degree of the
mischiefs which may be inflicted upon the South
Ly one or the other, and the deliberate intention
to inflict them by the Abolition Societies, which it
would be unfair and unjust to impute to the whole
i .y of the Republican party. But both are ob
noxious to the charge of pursuing a policy which
ip,in violation of the spirit, if not of the letter of
i id Constitution, aud revolutionary iu its tenden
<y. The policy of both tends strongly to stir up
internal strife in the Southern States, to excite
dissensions and insurrections among the slaves,
to produce alarm and a sense of iusecuritt’, both
as :o life and property, among the white popula
tion of every Southern State, and fiqally to influ
ence the whole South to revolt against the Gov
-8 eminent. The degree and extent ot the mischief
which the Republican party may be able to inflict
by its anti-slavery policy, it will be readily ac
knowledged, will be tenfold greater than any
which the Abolition Societies have it in their pow
er to inflict.
That ldo not unjustly charge the Republican
party with having udopted a policy which, in its
character, tendency and practical operation, is in
conflict with the spirit, if not the letter, of the
(’(institution, can be made manifest in a very few
Vi i is : One of the important objects to be accom
pli-bed by the adoption of the Constitution, as
die .ired in Fie preamble, was to “insure domes
tic tranquility,” and the power was expressly giv
en to the Federal Government by that instrument,
*t > “suppress insurrections.” The simple an
i. mneement to the public that a great party at the
b erth, opposed to slavery, has succeeded in elect
ing its candidate for the Presidency, disguise it as
may, is well calculated to raise expectations
i ng the slaves, and might lead to servile insur
i. inns in the Souther n States. If such an event,
which is more than possible, should really happen,
it might become the duty of Mr. Lincoln to res
tore the tranquility which the policy of his party
h id disturbed, and to suppress an insurrection
vv inch the same policy had excited.
In stating the exceptions which may be fairly
t ib- n by the South to the election of Mr. Lincoln,
j have purposely presented, in the strongest light,
the dangers to which Southern rights and inter
ests are exposed, that it may not be supposed that
i I. and not considered or comprehended the full
t xfc-nt of the injurious consequences which may
result from the present menacing attitude of the
North upon the slavery question, before I formed
mi opinion upon the grave question, whether the
el eiion of Mr. Lincoln, in all its bearings, togeth
er with all the precedent grievances of which the
South have a right to complain, furnish any sufli
e; or cause to justify the surrender by the South
ern States of their interest in the rich and glori
ous Heritage of the Union, and to seek safety and
to” undisturbed enjoyment of their rights in a
Southern Confederacy. With this explanation, I
am now prepared to say, unhesitatingly and une
--ivocally, that it would not; and the confidence
1 feel in the soliaity of the grounds upon which I
give this answer will be justified by the following
considerations :
Ist. Mr. Lincoln, it is well known, does not hold
cVrerae opinions on the subject of slavery. It is
ci: tain that he has expressed a decided opinion
that the South has a constitutional right to de
mand the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave
Li,.v ; and that under certain circumstances he
w ild feel it his duty not to oppose the adniis
m .1 of anew slave State jmto the Union. His
declaration on this point is little satisfactory to
8 t . • .south ; but neither that declaration, nor the
s <“ .nion expressed by him on the subject of the
F gitive Slave Law, is at all satisfactory to the
e xtremists of his own party,
% Upon the whole, if Mr. Lincoln’s public declara
tioßt on the subject of slavery are to be consid
ered as the true exponents of his future policy,
i.mi if he possesses the moral courage to adhere
to them in opposition to the counsels of the ex
t.i ;<-,e men of his paity (and it is just and fair to
pr surne that lie does possess that virtue,) no se
x ious mischief need be apprehended during his
administration, except the usual evils attending
the perpetual agitation of the slavery issues.
But it is assumed by some that Mr. Liucoln
has disguised his true sentiments ; that his true
character has not beeu understood; and that lie
will be under the control of the worst men ff his
party. Ido not think so. I have every confi
dence that his future policy will be found to be in
strict conformity with his past declarations. But
apart from this, it is now generally known that
he will be powerless for mischief, except to a very
limited extent, during the first two years of Ins
administration, unless the Southern Senators and
elected to the next Congress
sjoulu *~uiy, a nd, as I think, inexcusably resign
t.icir Mat* or Mom Congress, and thus vol
untarily surrender the : and th ii nil „ pq
the Republican party, which J, ° t
do. With both Houses opposed to hW,
coin cannot appoint his Cabinet ministers of” 1 !?;
anv offices of high grade, without the assent of
the Senate, or indeed of any inferior grade above
that of acleik or petty deputy postmaster. He
will be able to carry no measure connected with
the subject of slavery which does not commend
itself to the South and the conservative members
from the North. , _ ...
•x j© any apprehensions that the Republican
party, encouraged and stimulated to further ef
forts by their late success, may be so strength
ened in the result of the election of Senators and
Representatives, in the mean time, as to obtain a
majority in both Houses of the 38th Congress—
that is, during the last two years of Mr. Lincoln’s
administration -.—while it may be well to regard
such an event as possible, the strongest reasons
exist for the confident belief that no such unfor
tunate result will attend the elections in the North,
which are to decide the complexion of the 38tli
Congress.
Ot the whole number of votes cast for Mr. Liu
coln in the recent election, from my own personal
knowledge, and from information received from
other sources, of the sentiments of the South, and
especially of those of the Middle States, and the
States north of the Ohio, I am sure I hazard no
thing in stating that a large number—at least one
third—are devoted to the Union, and, although
opposed to*blavery in the abstract, have but little
sympathy with the Republican party, and would
be sincerely glad to see the slavery controversy
between the two great sections of the country
speedily terminated. They supported the Repub
lican candidate in the late election, mainly influ
enced by their strong and inveterate feelings of
opposition to the Democratic party—believing
that Mr. Lincoln was the only available candidate
in the field to defeat that party.
I am, also, well satisfied that not more than
one-third of Mr. Lincoln’s supporters are so ex
treme in their anti-slavery sentiments, and are
animated by so intense a hatred of the South, as
to be either wholly indifferent to the effect upon
the Union of the policy of the Republican party,
or actually desirous of a separation of the free
from the slave States.
Os the remaining third of Mr. Lincoln’s sup
porters, I think I am warranted in saying that
they are attached to the Union, though anti-slave
ry in their sentiments. They joined the Republi
can party as a retaliatory measure, adopted in re
sentment of the repeal of the Missouri Compro
mise, which they regarded as little less sacred and
binding than the Constitution, and in further re
sentment of the attempt to force the Lecompton
Constitution upon the people of Kansas. But
now that they have so signally triumphed in the
late election, aud in view of the evils already in
flicted upon the country, and the still greater
evils to be apprehended, they will be content to
cease the war upon Southern interests and feel
ings.
For the foregoing reasons, I feel confident that
the 38th Congress will exhibit a falling off’ in the
strength of the Republican party, instead of an
increase.
4. All es the existing grievances of which the
South may justly complain, can be redressed in
the Union. As to the indignity, not to say insult,
offered to the South, of nominating and electing
the candidates for the two highest offices of the
Government by a sectional party on principles
which practically excluded the Southern States
from a voice in the election, contrary to estab
lished usage, and in violation of the spirit of the
Constitution : —they may be pardoned for the sake
of peace and harmony, and in consideration that
the South has not been guiltless of having con
tributed, and that in no small degree, to increase
the violence and asperities of the slavery contro
versy between tlie two sections.
In expressing the opinion that all grievances
may be redressed in the Union, I intended to ex
clude other greater offences which have been ap
prehended from Republican domination, and
which ure of possible occurrence. How they shall
be redressed, should they unhappily occur, will
call for new counsels; but “sufficient unto the
day ils the evil thereof.”
The existiug grievances are the obstructions
interposed by some of the non-slaveholdiug States
to the prompt and faithful execution of the Fugi
tive Slave Law, by what are called Personal Lib
erty Laws, and the refusal of the Governors of
several of those States to surrender fugitives from
justice from the slaveholding States in those cases
in which the crime imputed to the fugitive is the
abduction or stealing of slaves. Some further
legislation by Congress may be required to secure
the surrender of such fugitives, but the due en
forcement of the Fugitive Slave Law is all that is
required to redress the grievances arising from
the escape and abduction of slaves from the South
ern States. The President is armed with suffi
cient power and means to enforce this law, in de
fiance of all obstructions which may be thrown in
the way to defeat it. If he neglects or fails to see
it executed, he is liable to impeachment.
The next subject which I purposed to myself tq
notice briefly, is the doctrine or theory of seces
sion, which, as I understand it, is the right claim
ed to exist under and by the Constitution, in the
exercise of which a State may withdraw from the
Union, whenever a majority of the citizens may
decide to do so, for any cause whatever. For it
is quite immaterial whether any grievance or
wrong sustained at the hands of the co-States or
by the action of the Federal Government, is set
up to justify the exercise of this right or not, in
asmuch as the people of the seceding State, under
this theory, claim to be the sole tribunal or judges
to decide whether any such grievance or wrong
has been inflicted, and upon the extent and suffi
ciency of the wrong. In fact, the theory of seces
sion implies the right of a State to dissolve its
connection with the Union at discretion; and the
whole question resolves itself into this : whether
the Federal Union, as it now exists, and as it was
intended to be by its framers, is anything more
than a voluntary association of States for common
defence aud other objects of vital importance to
their interests and prosperity, carrying with it no
binding obligation upon any one of the States to
yield obedience to the Federal Government any
longer than such State should consider it expe
dient. I propose to enter into no elaborate argu
ment to demonstrate the unsoundness of this
theory, and to show that no such right was re
served by the Constitution either to the States or
to the people. That has often been done by abler
pehs. I must be permitted, however, to say that
when its nature is pYoperly defined and its logical
and neccsary consequences are candidly stated,
its absurdity must strike the commonest under
standing. Its unreasonableness and folly, aside
from its absurdity, will be illustrated by a single
example :
The possession and control of the mouth of the
Mississippi was held to be of such vital importance
to the interests of the people inhabiting the val
ley of the Mississippi, it being the great outlet to
market of the rich products of their soil, as to
make its acquisition, either by purchase or con
quest, a great political necessity. The purchase
was made by the United States for that reason, at
a cost of fifteen millions of dollars. It was stipu
lated in the treaty of cession that the territory
thereby acquired should bo admitted into the
Union as a State, or States, with all the rights
and privileges of the other States of the Union.
But can it be supposed that Mr. Jefferson and the
other great statesmen of that day, if they inter
preted the Constitution as the advocates of the
theory of secession now do, would have been so
ineffably stupid aud blind to consequences as to
have assented to such a stipulation ? Far wiser
and better would it have been to have paid five
times the price, and to have held the country as a
subject province, having first amended the Con
stitution so as to authorise such a holding. And
should Louisiana now secede from the Union and
set up an independent Government, in the exer
cise of the right of secession, even supposing the
right to exist, can there be any doubt that the
same commercial and political necessity which
led to its original acquisition, would lead to its
subjugation by the Government of the United
States, or bv the States interested in the naviga
tion of the Mississippi and its tributaries ?
After due consideration of the subject, with be
coming deference to the opinions of others, I am
forced to the conclusion that secession is but an
other name for an organized resistance by a State
to the laws and constituted authorities of the
Union, or, which is the same thing,for revolution.
The theory appears to me to have been conceived
and propagated in a spirit of disaffection to the
Union, and can serve no other purpose than to
lead the unsuspecting aud credulous into the sup
port of the scheme of disunion, under the delu
sive expectation that they would ouly be thereby
exercising a right reserved to them under the
Constitution, and that they would be in no danger
of incurring the penalties es treason, or of ex
posing themselves aud their country to the ca
lamities of civil war.
In the preceding pages of this letter, I have at
tempted to show that the friends of the Union in
the South, should not despair of obtaining redress
from the North of all existing grievances, and
that the prospecte of being able to avert the great
er ones, of which there may be some apprehen
sion iu future, are so eucouraging that it would
be the extreme of rashness aud folly to think of
resorting to any means of redress not warranted
by the Constitution. What gives me the greatest
concern at present is the painful conviction that
the movement in favor of secession in Mississippi
and other States of the South, is led, for the most
part, by men of distinguished ability and influ
ence, with whom the expediency of secession is a
foregone conclusion and a settled conviction—
men who can be reached by no argument or re
monstrance —men who do not want to be con
vinced of the insufficiency of existing grievances
to justify a disruption of the Union—men whose
imaginations have been taken possession of, and
their judgments led captive, by the dazzling, but,
as I think, delusive vision of anew, great, and
glorious Republican empire, stretching far into
the South. The scheme of disunion, as I have
reason to believe, has been long cherished by
some of these leaders, and they have only waited
a pretext more plausible than any heretofore pre
sented to attempt the accomplishment of it.
What between the inflammatory appeals and
highly colored and exaggerated story of wrong
and oppression already endured, and the still
more intolerable oppression to be anticipated from
the fanatic spirit of the North, on the one hand,
and the glowing pictures and seductive represen
tations of the grandeur, power and prosperity of
the new Republic, on the other hand, it is not sur
prising that a body of highly gifted men, strong
ly excited and carried along by their own fancies,
have been able to mislead many thousands of a
peculiarly excitable aud impressible population
again the dictates of their sober judgments. And
it is a sad reflection that upon the speedy return
of this class of Southern citizens to wiser and
more temperate counsels may depend the fate of
the Uiaion. May no hope be indulged that a lit
tle time for calm thought will suffice for the
change of what seems to be their present purpose
and determination ?—-a little time for reflection
upon the nature aud amount of evils which are
to attend a revolutionary movement, and
evils UTH other and more appalling contingent
its beginning'&X and probably will arise between
I do not forget tfiay tarnation ?
you, brave men who are through
tion of their honor or in defence of*vj.m vindica
lieve to be their rights. Ido not appeal td'v.Jie
feara. I
. But whatever may be the filial decision of the
people of Mississippi upon the gravest question
ever presented to their consideration, and which
must deeply affect the relations existing between
them and the people of Tennessee, and of every
other State of the South,U can not bring myself
to the conclusion, all the existing evidences to the
contrary, that Mississippi will take upon herself
the responsibility of doing an act that would ex
pose the peace and security of her sister States of
the South to a direct and imminent danger, and per
haps decide their destinies for weal or woeTorev*
er, without previous consultation with them, and
lirßt exhausting every peaceable mode of redress
tor the grievances of which she complains. In a
community of independent States or sovereign
ties, if any one of them should pursue a course
which would put in imminent peril the peace and
security of the other States, without first exhaust
ing every means of peaceable redress for any
grievances of which she might complain, they
would be justified by the law of nations in making
common cause against her, and in preventing her
by force, if necessary, from pursuing such course.
Such being the responsibility attaching to the ac
tion of one of a community of separate and inde
pendent States, how much greater would be the
responsibility incurred by one of the Southern
States of this Union, in adopting the desperate
measure of breaking up the Union, aud thereby
putting in jeopardy the highest and dearest inter
ests of them all, without first taking solemn coun
sel together! These interests are common to
them all, and the grievances complained of are
common to all. Could the evil consequences cer
tain to ensue be confined to the State adopting
the rash measure of secession, the other States
might not feel called upon to protest against it.
But that caunot be. The consequences—and who
can foresee their extent?—must be felt by all.
Viewing the subject in every light iu which it
can be presented, 1 anveonstrained to say that by
no principle of Public Law, by no code of morals,
by no law of Earth or Heaven, would Mississippi
or any other State be justified, under existiug
circumstances, in .withdrawing from the Union.
I confidently believe that the happiest consequen
ces would result from a conference of all the
Southern States. las confidently believe that a
majority of the people of the North are this day
prepared to agree to any fair and reasonable plan
of adjustment which such a Conference of the
Southern Slaws would propose. I purposely ab
stain from suggesting what, in my opinion, should
be the basis of such plan of adjustment.
After what I have written ou the preceding pa
ges of this letter, it is scarcely necessary to say
that lam resolved to adhere to the Union. I wiil
not say that in no possible contingency would I
consent to a separation of the States. But I
would exhaust every constitutional means for the
redress of our grievances, before 1 would think of
dissolving the Union. lam not willing that oue
State should be withdrawn from the Union—that
one star should be stricken from the bright clus
ter which now emblazons the national flag.
I have long foreseen the probable occurrence of
a crisis like the present, and sbruuk from the pos
sible issue of it; and I could never contemplate
the destruction of tho Union without sensations
not unlike those which I imagine would overwhelm
me on beholding the last going down of the sun—
never to rise again forever.
With the highest consideration and esteem,
x I am your fellow-citizen,
John Bell.
To A. Burwell, Esq., Vicksburg, Miss.
Augusta, Ga., Dec. 3, 1860.
Editors of the National Intelligencer :
Gentlemen : —Knowing well your attachment to
the Federal Union, and your sympathy with the
Southern States ot the Confederacy,iu these peri
lous times, I ask the privilege of presenting,
through your valuable journal, a few suggestions,
which, if they serve no good purpose, will at least
be harmless. A carefuTand anxious observer of
the progress of events, menacing the stability of
our Government—a Uuiou man from early man
hood, yet profoundly sensible of the wrongs done
and threatened to that portion of the country to
which I am native, I am now neither young
enough to find attraction in change of Govern
ment, or congeniality in highly-wrought popular
excitement, nor old enough to heed the sugges
tions of timidity, counselling the surrender of
cherished birth-rights, rather than encoun
ter the perils, small or great, that wait upou their
spirited maintenance. I would not, even under a
sense of wrong—of grievous wrong —abandon the
Government trained by our Revolutionary fore
fathers, until every hopeful experiment for re
dress within it had been tried in vain. Bat who
is the Southerner who can now wrap his mantle
about him and lay himself calmly down to sleep
under the delusive \v hispers of peace, peace, when
there is no peace?
I have applied to the times iu which we live the
epithet perilous, and he must bo fatally blinded by
passion aud prejudice who does not see the perils
that environ the Federal Union. The sectional
controversy out of which the perils spring, after
a steady progress through more than half the
years of the Republic, is now culminating in a
crisis, whose alternative results must be either
immediate reaction or irreconcilable disruption.
The prevailing feeling at the riouth now is vastly
different from that which obtained in the commo
tions of 1832 and 1850. In those times conserva
tive men rose, in the strength of patriotic zeal, to
beat back aud put down as political adventurers,
as disturbers of the public peace and tranquility,
all who talked of disunion as a remedy for our
wrongs. Now they realize that Southern forbear
ance has been abused ; they declare that the ces
sation of agitation ou the subject oj’ slavery is
both a right and a necessity of the .South ; they
ure resolved to achieve it, within the Union if
they’ may, without it if they must. The only
question is whether the thoroughly-awakened
spirit of our people can be moderated to oue more
effort in the former, or whether they will instant
ly advance in the latter mode of redress.
This is no exaggeration ; it is a faithful repre
sentation of the state of feeling in the more South
ern States, and the sooner it is realized by the
border Southern States, and all others who value
our present political status, the better. They
who would preserve this Union, even for one
brief year, must be up and doing. There must
be no thought of “ masterly inactivity.” That
may sometimes foil the machinations of wily di
plomacy, but as a barrier against the onward,
desolating course of civil discord, of sectional con
troversy, its type is the spider’s web before the
sweep of the tornado. Let there, then, be neither
speech nor thought of quiet submission. 8o at
least say’ tens of thousands in this latitude, who
are denominated “submissionist” by the advo
cates of immediate extreme action.
It were bootless to pause here to enumerate
Southern wrongs, or to indicate the change which
one brief year has wrought in the aspect of politi
cal affairs. These are apparent to the intelligent
observer. The engrossing problem is, the reme
dy to be adopted. It is not proposed, in this con
nexion, to address one word to our Northern con
federates. It will be seen how and by whom the
writer would have them addressed. To the peo
ple of the .Southern States he would speak—with
them he would take counsel.
The extremes of opinion, regarding appropriate
Southern action, are immediate secession and
entire non-action. Those occupying the former
position are intelligent, patriotic, and numerous
—filled with a zeal (in my humble opinion) not
according to knowledge, but well-nigh if not ab
solutely irrepressible. They who maintain the
latter are too few in number to man effectively a
stronghold if they had one. But there is a mid
dle ground, and they too who occupy it are nume
rous, intelligent, anil not the less resolved or the
less reliable, because they are moderate. And
here it may not be inappropriate to remind Geor
gians and othe r Southerners, who agreed to stand
with them upou what is called the Georgia plat
form, that from that platform, constructed ten
years since, not a plank has been torn by the fiery
zeal and the strong arm of fanaticism. There it
stands to-day, inviolate. Other modes of annoy
ance and aggression have been devised, but not
one of those we declared we would not tolerate
has been perpetrated. This is note worthy. But
refeieuce is made to that solemn declaration of
sovereign will and intention for another purpose.
After enumerating aggressions, then threaten
ed, Georgia said that upon the perpetration of
any one of them she would—do ivhat ? Forth
with secede from the Union ? No. But that she
would “ resist, even (as a last resort ) to the disrup
tion of every tie that binds her to the Union.”
Mark, now, firstly, that platform has not been in
fracted ; and, secondly,that had it been, Georgia
was pledged to ultimate resistance by secession,
only when that became “a last resort.” Freemen
and Patriots of the South, in the emergency pres
sing ou you to-day, this is not the only “resort.”
There is nn untried experiment, short of that
“last resort,” full of hope, worthy as well of the
faithful devotee of the Union us of the zealous
champion of Southern rights. That experiment
is joint action of the entire South, to be obtained
by a Convention of the Southern States, and,
through that Convention, to be exerted, firstly,
for the vindication and assurance of our rights
within the Union-, and failing this, then, secondly,
for their simultaneous, dignifed, and peaceable
withdrawal from the Union. This Convention
should present to the Federal Government, and
to the people of the non-slaveholding States, with
unanimity, and with all possible distinctintness,
their ultimatum of adheience to the Union.
What that ultimatum should be the writer will
not venture to suggest. Let that be the work of
wiser heads, of statesmen long tried and fully
proven. Practical wisdom, aided by the lights of
experience, can certainly devise safeguards which,
if accorded to us, will accomplish the end propos
ed. Let it be well considered and put forth with
out menace or bluster, in the calm, dignified lan
guage ®f settled purpose. If it be heeded, well. —
The tide of fauaticism rolled back, peace and har
mony restored, this great Republic, returning to
its aqeient usages, acting withm the scope of its
constitutional limitations, will go on to illustrate
the grand theory of popular sovereignty, and to
Serpetuate the unexampled prosperity, iu all
ranches of human industry, this day enjoyed by
our people, and acknowledged by the civilized
world. If unheeded, then, conscious of having
done all that forbearance can counsel, wisdom
suggest, or patriotism demand, to save from de
molition the noblest governmental structure rear
ed in all the course of time, the Southern States
assuredly will, nay, of necessity, must withdraw
from a Confederacy no longer compatible with
their interest or their honor. They may then
take counsel together for the construction of a
new Government, framed of homogeneous mate
rials, large enough in territory, strong enough in
population, and rich enough in resources ; thus,
fear, and without reproach,” claiming
from other nations the recognition of a separate
nationality.
I * What objections exist to this course of action ?
I —'d. firstly, that tha South cannot be united
upou it. This is gratuitious assumption. The ob
jection can never be substantiated until the trial
shall have been made. If not in this, in what
other way can the South be united ? Breathas
.there, in all of the slaveholding States, a far-see
(ing, inflecting man, who would not concede that,
in the adoption of this extreme action, it is in the
last degree desirable that there should be Among
them?perfect unity of action? Look for a moment
at-the alternative —partial secession. Who is wise
enough to foretell, with the degree of certainty
indispensable to action so momentous, the num
ber, names, aud relative localities of those who
will promptly, and without concert, elect to take
it ? Will there be two, or three, or four ? Who
knows? Will they be coterminous: Who can
tell? Ah ! if this Confederacy is to be disrupted,
let it not be hastily broken into fragments, alike
incapable of consociation, of strong self reliant
nationality, and of perpetuating republican gov
ernment.
But, giving to the objection the most respectful
consideration, and claiming from the objectors
the like for our proposition, we ask, how much
time will be required to test the practicability of
unitingthe Southern States in the proposed plairiof
action ? At most only a few months, and what are
they iu the life of the contemplated separate nation
ality? How will this trivial delay iu oue scale
weigh against the great desideratum of concerted
and simultaneous action among the aggrieved
States placed in the other? Will not all men
worthy to be trusted with the mighty work of
breaking up one of the greatest Governments of
the nineteenth century .and of reconstructing
others pause upon this suggestion ? But it is
further objected that this action, if taken, will
avail nothing; that we shall at last be driven to
secession by the unheeding onward course of
fanaticism. Here, again, we have to meet gratui
tous assumption. Heretofore resistance has been
offered by heated discussions in the halls of Con
gress, or by resolutions adopted in State Legisla
tures, ‘or Conventions acting separately. Con
gressional speeches of Southern Representatives
have failed of success, because each, differing
often in tone and in matter from others on the
same side, was the utterance of but one man, and,
though üblo and patriotic, usually fulminating de
nunciation, defiance, and menace. These, though
well meant and perhaps irrepressible, but lanned
the flame. They but furnished the pabulum ou
which fanaticism feeds and fattens. The other
mode heretofore tried lacked the powerful ele
ment of concert, of co-operation ; and even in its
singleness, as before remarked, has not been un
heeded. But it is not the repetition of these we
now propose.
Imagine the whole South, by a regularly or
ganised Convention, speaking with ouc voice to
the entire North, listening with the newly awaken
ed attention appropriate to so grave a movement;
remember the large and respectable minorities in
many ot the Northern States, composed of good
and true men who have never bowed the knee to
Baal, and then compute the tens of thousands in
the ranks of the majorities who love the Union
aud have never contemplated its dissolution as the
probable result of their crusade; who have gone
on, step by step, deluded by the assurance of am
bitious leaders that the South would never ven
ture upon the extreme measure of disunion; re
view calmly these elements of reactionary force,
and say is it extravagant to assume that the for
mer would go forth again with renewed hope
and energy, their arms incalculably strengthened,
to do battle lor the Laws, the Constitution and
the Union? Is it utopian to anticipate that the
latter, in view of our ultimatum, would retrace
their steps ?
But, let us look on the dark side of the picture ;
let us suppose the attempt to fail, as fail it may,
what then? Why, then, I repeat, we shall by
brief delay have secured that which probably can
be secured in no other way — united action of the
South. Now, do not ihe promptings of prudence,
of fraternity, (among the aggrieved,) and of pa
triotism commend the proposition to all Southern
hearts aud minds ?
It has been said that Virginia will probably
propose such a conference, and a voice from
South Carolina has ventured the prediction that
no Southern State will second her movement.—
But this is not the voice of South Carolina speak
ing to Virginia. It may well be hoped that she
will return no negative response. Let those who -
ride on the whilrwind and direct the storm of pop
ular excitement remember that success in the
mighty enterprise they have in hand demands
that they unite, first, the masses, constituting the
several sovereignties involved; and, secondly, the
sovereignties themselves. Let them consider
whether any other plan of action so surely promis
es the hearty co-operation of all hearts aud all
minds in the work of pulling down and recon
structing governments. Let them beware how
they despise either the scruples or the reasonable
requests of others as patriotic, as firmly resolved
ou redress, and nearly as numerous as them
selves. If there be either individuals or States
claiming to wield an influence so potential, essay
ing to speak in a voice so commanding in the
exodus, what may we expect in the transit
through the wilderness, what upon our entrance
into the promised laud ? All profess to'aim at re
dress. Hence, in two words, the secret of,gut
cess, gently whispered, “Frstina lente.”
Onward, then, Virginia—venerable mother of
States, noble Old Dominion ; invite your sister
confederates of tlie South to* meet you in confer
ence, and if there be any hope of the future, in or
out of the Union, if we be not doomed to anarchy
and misrule, they will come at your bidding. And
thou, too, gallant South Carolina, whose chivalric
sous are always “animis opibusgveparati,” act if
you will, but, in the name of fraternity, first talc
counsel with us. Southern sister States,’ all hear
the appeal, and, iu view of your grave responsi
bilities, answer it. All have a common interest,
a common destiny. Let each hear all the others
touchjpg the former; let the shaping of the latter
in every stage, from first to last, be the work of
all. Should divided counsels finally prevail—
should some stay whilst others go—let this be an
inevitable result, not a foregone conclusion.
Lowndes.
5 EC AL NOTICES.
Funeral Bf otioes.
tF” Tin* Friends and orquaiiiinncea of Mr. and
Mrs. Samuel Dickey, are respectluUy invitid to attend the
Funeral of their Infant Daughter, ANNA MARIA, from their
residence on corner of Reynold and Gumming street ?, THIS
(Thursday) EVENING, at3 o’clock, detl3*
Augusta & Savannah Railroad, Dec. ft, 1860.
—Wanted to Hire, Fifty able-bodied NEGRO MEN, to work
on track. Apply to M. O'l’ONN ER, Supervisor, or to
dec6 C ‘ JONES * Agent.
2SI OTXCE.
ty Office Inferior Court Richmond County.— Sealed
Proposals will be received at this Office, until Saturday, the
16th inst., at 10 o’clock A. M., for Keeping the County Poor
House, and for Working the Public Roads, furnishing Hands,
Ac., for the ensuing year.
For Information, apply to the undersigned.
By order of the Court.
decS-td B. F. HALL, Clerk.
8W Augusta and Savannah Raitrond.—Augusta,
Nov. 21, iß6o.—During the Fair at Macon, commencing Dec.
8d and emflpg Dec. 22d, Tickets to go and return FOR ONE
FARE, can be procured at this Office, as follows i
Dec. Ist and 6th, to return on 7th ;
Dec. loth and 11th, to return on 15th ;
Dec. 17th, to return on 30th ;
Dec. Both, to return on 2ttli.
Articles for Exhibition wili be charged regular freight to Ma
con ; if not sold, will be returned free to station from whence
shipped. [novg] W. C. JONES, Agent.
BARSETP, CARTER & CO..
JiT Wholoanle and Retail Druggists, always having
ou hand as LARGE AND WELL SELECTED A STOCK as
any demands require, will sell as low as any one could desire to
purchase. octSO-dtiin
JIT Dutch Bulbous liootai—Now in store, lIYA
OTN'nIS, forty choicest varieties ; TULIPS, fifteen varieties
GLADIOLUS, four varieties; CROCUS, seven varieties;
IMPERIAL, five varieties; LILIES, four varieties; NAR
CISSUS, seven varieties, etc., etc. Just received by
PLUMB & LEITNKR,
oct4-dtf Auguata, Qa.
CJT” Have you Headache !—Try WILSON’S PILLS, a
specific remedy for Headache, from whatever cause ; they in
variably give immediate relief; agreeable to take, either be
fore, durmg, or after meals ; their eflects are almost magical
The sufferer who lias been Indulging too freely in stimulating
drinks, si.otrid by all means try this speedy and certain cure.
deeS-dAwlw
tW~ Mrs. Winslow, an experienced Nurse and Kema
Physician, baeaSOOTHINO SYRUP for children Teethlnge
widen greatly facilitates the processor teethingby softenlngthe
gums, reducing all Inflammation- will allay all pain, and is
suretoregujate the bowels. Depend upon it, mothers, it will
give rest to yourselves, and relief and health to your Infants.
Perfectly safe in all cases. See advertisement in another
olurun. mh!6-d&wly
SIT Dr. J. float otter’s Bitters.—These Bitters are uni
versally acknowledged to be a sure preventive and cure for
Fever and Ague, Flatulence, Heaviness of the Stomach, or any
other likeafftctlon. Their ellect upon tlie system is most mi
raculous ; they give a healthy tone to the system, remove all
morbid matter, aiidln fad thoroughly cleanse the system of all
Impurities. The proprietors, in presenting this preparation ti
the public, assure then? that In no single case, when it has been
used according to their directions, has it been known to fail, but
on the contrary, new virtues have been found in its use. To
those afflicted with uny of the above ills of the body, the
BITTERS are offered as a speedy and certain cure. Try them
and form your own opinion.
For sale by Druggists and dealers generally everywhere.
decß d&wlw
RT Fever and Ague, and all Fevers, are cured by
perseverance with
y BRANDRETH’S PILLS,
which takes all poisons, of whatever nature they may lie, from
the circulation.
Mr. John Y. Haight, Supervisor of Newcastle, Westchester
county, New York, says, Nov., 1868 : “I was two years ago
attacked with Fever r.nd Ague, which, notwithstanding the
best medical advice, continued sorely to afflict me for six tedi
ous months ; I became as yellow as saffron, and reduced to
skin aud bone. Medicine aud physicians were abandoned in
despair. As an experiment, I concluded to try a single dose of
six of Brandeth’s Universal Vegetable Pills, on an empty
stomach, early in the morning. The first dose seemed to atouse
all the latent energies of my exhausted frame. I feared the
worst—their purgative effect was different from anything l had
ever used or heard of. At ieDgth this effect ceased, and I sxm
ed lighter and breathed freer. That evening I was indeed sen
sibly better and slept soundly all night. The next day I fol
lowed the same coarse, and continued to take the Pills In this
way about three weeks, when I found myself entirely cured.
My health has been surprisingly good ever since.”
Price 56 eents per box. Sold by all respectable dealers In
medicine. deci-dewlm
NEW ADVERTISEMENTS.
“WANTEp y j
A COMPETENT Classical TEACHER, to take charge
of the Colombia County Academy, for the next year.
None need apply but those who can come well recommended.
Apply to C. H. SHOCKLEY, or m obawfor^
deow4t Appling, Ga. g
yltlit%# Co p |
10 barrels
HAVANA ORANGES,
FOR SALE BY
R. ALDWORTH.
dec!3 It* .
TEACHER WANTED.
THE Trustees of the Waynesboro’ Academy, will hold an
Electioh for a TEACHER, for the ensuing year, on the
2d dav of January next. For particulars, address THOS. H.
BLOUNT, at Waynesboro’, Burke county, Ga.
decl2-tjanl WM. U, ST URGES, Sec’y.
NOTICE
THE undersigned Commission Merchants of Augusta, do
hereby give notice, that from and after this date, we shall
each require CASH ON DELIVERY of all purchases under
Fifty Dollars ; and above that sum, approved Bankable paper
will be required on delivery of the purchase.
J. A. ANSLEY & CO.,
stovall, McLaughlin & co.,
CHAS. BAKER,
T. \V. FLEMING & CO.,
J. C. & D. JONES,
R. J. BOWE A CO.,
F. WOODRUFF,
Augusta, Dee. 11,1860. decl2-d&w2w
JOHN A. BAKER,
Manufacturer of and Dealer lu
MILITARY GOODS,
NO. C3 WALKER STREET,
IST 33 W 72T O IR, .
HATS, CAPS, SWORDS, SASHES, BELTS,
HORSE EQUIPMENTS,
AND ALL ARTICLES FOII THE MILITARY,
FURNISHED AT SHORT NOTICE.
SIT New Style French FATIGUE OAF on hand and made
to order. decl2-dßm
A FREE LUNCH
WILL BEj'SET EVERY MORNING,
.A.T 11 O’CLOCK,
AT SCHNEIDER’S.
der.ll-lt ___
UNITED STATES HOTEL,
Broad-street, Augusta, Ga.
MOSHER & CREWS, Proprietors.
.
T IRIS large and long established HOTEL, having been
thoroughly re fitted and re-turnished this Summer, is now
prepared to satisfy all the wants of the traveling community,
on the most reasonable terms. From its central position in the
healthiest part of the city, the “ United States” lias always en
joyed a large share of the public patronage, and the proprietors
are determined to spare neither pains nor expense fully to sus
tain its ancient leputation as a first class Hotel.
The undersigned, having disposed of his interest in the above
Hotel to Mr. THOMAS CREWS, returns his sincere thanks
to the public for their liberal patronage, and recommends the
new firm to their continued favor and patronage.
decll-dtf JOSEPH ROSAMOND.
GLOAMING NURSERY,
CLARKSVILLE, GA.
1860.
riTHI&i old and established NURSERY, Is well supplied
with FRUIT TREES of all and scriptions, as well as
VIN ES of the most desirable varieties of Grapes, which will be
disposed of on liberal terms to customers. Our stock of AP
PLE and PEACH TREES Is of of unusual excellence and
variety.
Catalogues of varieties and prices will be sent to all appli
cants gratis. foct3o-d&w2m*] J. VAN BUREN.
Suspended Banks of So. Carolina.
Having entire confidence in the suspended Banks of
South Carolina, we will receive their bills at par, either
for Groceries or for Notes due us.
G. W. WILLIAMS & CO.
Charleston, S. C., Nov. 29. 1860. nov9o-lm
ROOMS TO RENT.
If \VO ROOMS, suitable for young gentlemen, within three
. minutes’ walk of the Post Office, can be hired at a reason-
I able rent. Apply at this office. dees
LOST,
OX the night of the Pd inst., between the Bank of Augusta
and the corner of Centre and Reynold streets, a FITCII
CUFF . The finder will pltase leave it at the office of tills
paper. decs ts
BOARDING.
AEW boarders can be accommodated with Board
by applying at IC9 Reynolds street.
_ novaO-8t MARY CALDWELL,
Rio Coffee.
Kt W k HAGS K o COFFEE, for sale by
dectilw WILCOX tt HAND. (I
Important Notice, j
THE PATRONS and BOARDERS of the Imperial Lunch I
and Dining Saloon, will be furnished with Meals on SUN- f
DAYS, until further notice* from 7 to 10 o’clock A. M., Break- i
last : from Ito 3 I*. M., Dinner; and from sto 8. Supper.
decSdtf JOHN BRIDGES, Agent, j;
ORGAN MlffiSf,
CHARLESTON, S. C. >
rriHE undersigned is now fully prepared to Build Church ‘
X oi Parlor ORGANS, of any size, from SPOO up to SIO,IXIO. i
Having had twenty-five years’ experience in Organ Building, J
I am prepared to produce a3 good an instrument as any in the
United states I have all materials on hand of the best quality
—and properly seasoned wood, Ac.
! can pi t since the best testimonials as to capability and faith
fulness. Organs enclosed in any style of case desired, or to
suit the architecture of the building or room.
All orders promptly and faithfully executed, and all my ‘
work WARRANTED TO GIVE SATISFACTION.
Address JOHN BAKER,
au29-d3m* Organ Builder, Charleston, S. O.
CORN, BACON, FLOUR, &c.
1000 bushels Tennessee and Wester* CORN ;
2000 >ounds Tennessee BACON ;
barrels Tennessee LARD, (new.)
Also, FLOUR, IRISH POTATOES, APPLES, Ac.
For sale by J. C. A I. U. JONES.
____ _____
mO barrels Choice Eating POTATOES;
barrels Choice New Orleans SYRUP. i
For sale by FLEMING A ROWLAND.
decs-.tw
~RUBBER AND LEATHER
Gr ,
All Widths, 1 to 14 Inches, always on Hand.
ALSO,
Rubber and Hemp
STEAM PACKING,
RUBBER HOSE,
LACE LEATHER, RIVETS, &C,
For sale by
CARMICHAEL A BEAN.
aop4-dAwßm
ON CONSIGNMENT,
17 hhds. Choice CLEAR SIDES ;
20 Ads. Prime LARD;
150 bales Choice Eastern HAY ;
000 barrels FLOUR, all grades ;
500 kegs assorted NAILS, prime tjnality and order ;
1300 coils BALE ROPE, “ Machine Spun.”
For sale .by
dec7-5t J. A. ANSLEY A >3O.
GROVER & BAKER
SEWING MACHINE,
At Reduced Prices,
NO. 255 BROAD STREET, AUGUSTA.
I ssvfcs sra ss
reduced, and they are now within the reach of every far dl* 1
have, and shall keep on hand, all the different styles, with the
MACHIN^ oVeme,lto ’ lnc udlnK the Fa -MILY SHUTTLE
Persons purchasing, can have their choice between the, Shut
tie and the bpool Machine.
are warranted to do coarse and fine Sewing of e\ rery de
hfachines will be furnished to Clergymen with fam dies, and
to all religious and charitable societies, where the Machines
are to be used for purposes of charity, at a discount . if twentv
five per cent from retail prices. J l I
SEWING, of every description, done with neatnc ss and de
spatch at the Sales Room. 88 anu ue
lot 11 ordere frMn the country wlu meet wltL pro nipt atten
-A.* nt.
decß-lm ®
NOTICE.
“PROPOSALS will be received at the (,fflce of the Gas
oonls^f Is S J®?’** for one tho usand
cords of LIGHTW ODD and eighthundred, cords of PIN E. to
docl GFO - A HOOKEY, Sup t.
Mechanics’ ]3arik.
”= STATEMENT
Os tu. Condition of the Mechanio.’ Bank, Augusta, Oa.. and it, Agenolea on Tees
d!y Deoember* 1860. in oonfonnity twiih Ihe teqmt.Uon of the
Governor of the. State of Georgia. ■
LIABILITIE . *500,000 09
Capital Stock 242,455 00*
Circulation 253,323 81
Deposits 74,465 36
Amount due Banks.. 8.090 00
Dividends Unc1aimed................ *8,105 34
Reserved Fund and undivided P.onts •• • 0 91
Balance with Agencies
„ , |1,173,852 42
Total
DIRECTORS:
ri AN FORTH JAMES B BISHOP
T. S. METCALF, DAAFOKIH, WM . s. ROBERTS,
ALFRED BAKER. rH^A'ROWLAND, ROBERT C, kLKIU
JOSIAH SIBLEV, CHAS. A. ’
STOCKHOLDERS -
No. Shares.
Allen, Robt. ATrustee Mary E. Martin 6 jj
Adams, Sarah 6
Adams, Sarah S 100
Blodget, Foster, estate of
Blodget, Foster, Jr ‘
Jilgnon, Joseph, Adm’rP.S. Sitgrav.s
Berii, W. A........
Cun.iniug, Mirah jqq
Carhart, J . 100
Davison, John jq
Dauforth, Jacob —; — 35
Doughty, E.
Gould, Arteinas 7
guardian Anna B. Adams * _
** “ George M. Adams i
• “ John M. Adams 2
*• Jos. 11. Adams * j
Hibler, W. 4
Hibler, 4
Hibler, Louis 4
Hibler, Geo. 4
Holden, Jtne 4
Hughes, Martha yoo
Hatch, Milo 50
Henkel, Edward j 10
Hand, J. M 20
Jones, L. J . xos
G B’ lu%Ttlor a rnhlmSraTd'chikiren:... 30
& VLLamar, trustees Mary A. Sum-
Metcalf, Thos. ’ ‘ 100
Metcalf, Celia G
r THOMAS 8. METCALF, President.
I MILO HATCH, Cashier.
decl2-d&wlt ‘ ————
PANIC SALES- 1
CHEAPEST
dry goods
EVER RROEIIIiT 10 AB6BSTI.
BBAUTirm.
ALL WOOL DELAINES,
In New and Elegant Styles and Colors,
50 cts., worth. T£sc.
JOURIN’S BEST
FRENCH KID GLOVES,
IN ALL NUMBERS,
75 cts. 9 worth SI.
Large Supply Cloth and Velvet
CLOAKS,
FULLY 25 PER CENT BELOW
USUAL PRICES.
.FUNTE
DOUBLE SHAWLS,
35, worth
CHEAP DEESS GOODS, |
A LARGE SUPPLY,
“VERY CHEAP.
JUST RECEIVED,
FROM THE PANIC SALE, AT
Gray&Tnrley’s.
f dec7
100 Barrels Kentucky
EX. FAMILY FLOUR.
:
From New Wheat,
IN STORE AND FOR SALE BY
I. A. Ansley & Cos.
j dec7-6t ’
i Mi&OSMBURG agency.
<2O halos Ansorted YARNS
S’
-f) balee 7 and 8 oz. OSN ABU RGS, from Newton Manu
facturing Company.
dec7-10t J. A. Ansley & Cos.
SEW LAIU).
. s*> j f CANB choice New LARD, for sale bv
dec7 5t J. A. ANSLEY & CO.
Heavy W oolen Plains
FROM RICHMOND FACTORY,
FOR SALE BY
Fleming & Rowland,
1 decs-lw
5000 pounds Choice BACON SIDES ;
5000 pounds Choice SHOULDERS.
For sale by FLEMING A ROWLAND.
I dec6-lw
MACHINE
CRACKER BAKERY!
THE subscriber, having added nevoral improvements to hi-
A, BA.KERY, is now prepared to furnish thecommunitv
with any aud everything in the Bakery line, at the lowest prices.
On Hand, Made Every Day,
FAMILY B HEAD.
i:rac:rb.hß- biscuit
Viutter, Soda,
Extra Butter, Boston,
Water, Wine,
Fancy, Milk,
Ginger, Seed,
Lemon. Sugar.
T?ilot JBread.
Fine CAKES and PIES, FRESII EVERY DAY, o(
all kinds. JAMES BOWEN,
No. 841 Broad Street,
octl9 Augusta, ua.
SOUTHERN
TOBACCO DEFOT!
We are Agents for the best
class of Virginia and North Caro
lina TOBACCO manufacturers,
and have now in store 700 boxes
o/ all grades, and prices ranging
from Ten Cents per Pound to
One Dollar and Fifteen Cents per
Pound; and we ask the atten
tion of all dealers and consum
ers to a stock as perfect as can be
found in any market. These
are fox sale low, and we invite
an examination.
J. A. ANSLEY & CO.,
No. 300 Broad Street.
dMt-lOt
assets.
Specie belonging to this Bank ,l 2 ,
Ss^mmtedatdSpecial Loans.! ” Sa&M 64
Bills and Notes lying over (doubtful *15,000,)
Heal Rs^ate... • • p’fjoo on
Stocks and Bonds ’
Total $1,173,882 42
No. Shores.
yanxes. iga
Metcalf, Owen
Miller, Elizabeth 6
Moore, Fanny, estate of
Nesblt, Thomas LT
Olney A
Parm deee. A . ln .
Padelford, Edward ‘r:
Pratt. W.
Rathbone, J. Henry...
Roberts, Wm. S., trustee ■
Roberts, Thos. fX
Rowlan h Chas. A
Sibley,
Smith,
Smith, Charles :.
Smith, William V
Strickland, Henry £
Sims, Mary Jane “V V ‘t,V -c : Jl!
Mms, Margaret C., Adm’x estate W . Sims 10
Scranton, E.
Thomas, Martha J <>
Thomas, Henry, Jr. 6o
Trustees Lorano D. Martin 2,10
“ Marla 11. Metcalf yl
“ Marv E. Metcalf 91
“ Sarah P. H bbon 54
“ Nath. G. Metcalf.. : ; 57
Tutt, Wm. H., trustee Priscilla Sistrunk 19
Walker, James B 25
Walker, Reliecca ‘• 30
Whitfield, M 60
I
Total number of Shares
!_ PUBLIC SALES
By BOGGS & PARKER, Auctioneers,
SALE.
TTNDER and by virtu : of a decree in Chancery of the Hon.
U W. W. Holt, Judge of the Superior Court of the county
of Richmond, I shall, on the first Tuesday in JANUARY next,
at the Lower Market House, iu the city of Augusta, at public
outcry, offer for sale a certain Negro Boy, turned Joe, aged
about twenty-five years, a Camlv Maker. Sold as the property
of Rosella C. Zlnu and lit r children.
Dec. 1,1860. UE.iRY L. LEON, Trustee.
CITY SHERIFF’S SYLE.
ON the first Tuesday in JANUARY - next, will lie sold,
at the Lower Market House, in the City of Augusta,
within the legal hours of sale :
All that lot or parcel of Land, with the Improvements there
on, situate in the city of August;), between Twiggs street and
Washington street, bounded north by a Jot formerly owned by
Ed ward Thomas, south by Fenwick street, eart by Washington
street, and west by Twiggs street, and occupied at this time by
Augustus H. Roe : Levied on as the property of Augustus li.
Roe, to satisfy an execution in favor of the City Council of Au
gusta vs. Augustus H. Roe, for City Tax for the year IS6O.
ALSO,
At the same time and place, witl be sold, all that lot or par
cel of Land, with the improvements thereon, situate in the city
of Augusta, fronting on Fenwick street, between Centre and
Washington stre. ts. bound north by said Fenwick street, south
by a lot of James L. Coleman, east bv a lot of Abner P. Ro
bertson, and west by a lot of James B. Calvin, and occupied at
this time by Francis L.Markcy: Levied on as the property of
James L. Coleman to satisfy an execution in favor of the City
Council of Augusta, vs. James L. Coleman for City Tax for trie
year 1860. ‘ ISAAC LEVY, SheriffC. A.
November 2, 1860.
CITY SHERIFF’S SALE.
ON tbe first Tuesday ln JANUARY - next, will be sold at
the-Lower Market in the city of Augusta, within the legal
hours of sale.
All that lot or parcel of Land, situate, lying and being in the
city of Augusta, on the south side of the Augusta Cana), be
tween Campbell and Marburystreets, bounded north by D’An
tignac street, upon which It fronts 2oo feet, more or less ; east
by Carrie street, on which it fronts 104 feet, more or less; south
by lot of William A. Walton ; and w t bt by Cumming street :
Levied on as the property of Herbert Stallings, to satisfy an
execution issued from the City Court of Augusta in lavor of
Marv Bird vs. Stallings.
ALSO,
At the same time and place, will be sold, a Mulatto Boy
slave named Charles, about 14 years of age : Levied on as the
property ot Elizabeth Rowe, to satisfy an execution issued from
the City Court of Augusta m favor of C. A. Platt & Cos. vs.
Elizabeth Rowe. ISAAC LEVY, Sheriff C.A.
December 2, iB6O.
RICHMOND SHERIFF’S SALE.
ON the first Tuesday in JANUARY next, within the
legal hours of sale, at Lower Market House, in the city
of Augusta, will be sold,
AU that lot or parcel of Land, situate in the city of Augusta,
on Marbury street, between Gardnier and D’Antignac streets,
knowui as Lots Nos. 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27 and 28, in a plan of
Lots made by William Phillips, having a front ot 160 ted on
Marbury street, and running back of like width 240 feet—said
Lot composed of eigi t Lots numbered from 21 to 28 inclusive
being bounded North by Gardnier street, east by H or Oak
street, south by ]*s Nos. 19 and 20, and west by Marbury
street, together with the Buildings and Machinery of every
kind, on the before described Lots : Levied on as the property
of Solomon C. White, John C. Quiea and Haiiau Rigby, to
satisfy an execution on the foreclosure of a mortgage issued
from the Superior Court oi Richmond county in favor ot Leoni
das A. Jordan, administrator or the estate of Beniamin Jordan,
deceased, vs, Solomon C. White. John C. Quein and Harlsm
Rigby. WM. V. KEK, Sheriff R.C.
Dec. 2, 1360.
RICHMOND SiIEIUFF’S SALE.
ON the first Tuesday in FEBRUARY next, will be 90ld, at
the Lower Market House, in the city of Augusta, with-
I in the legal hours of sale,
1 Glass Partition, 1 Iron Safe, 1 Writing Desk and Stool, 4
Counter Stools, S Show Cases, 2 Counters, 1 small Regulator, 1
large Regulator, 1 Mahogany Regulator Box, 1 Parlor Stove,
about 80 feet of Pipe, I W -itch Maker's Bench, 1 Railing, 1 Jew
eler's Bench, 1 Mahogany Watch Case. 2 Setts. 16 pairs Show
Case Trays, 1 lot Shelves, and 1 large Mirror: Levied on as the
propertj- of Herman A. Barouch, to satisfy an execution on the
foreclosure ot a mortgage issued from the Inferior Court of
Richmond county iu favor of Jacob Kauffer, vs. Herman A.
Barouch. WM. V. KEK, Sheriff.
December 7, 1860.
~NOTIOK
THIS business hitherto carried on by the undersigned, under
the firm of W.E. ARCHER dr CO., will be discontinued
after this date.
The books aud accounts will be found with W. E. ARCHER,
who Is duly authorised to settle the business of the firm.
All persons indebted to W. E. ARCHER & CO., will pleas*
make prompt settlement, and save cost.
v, . E. ARCHER,
* JAM. S. DILL,
Augusta, June 26th. 1800. THOS. B. ARCHER
HANDSOME WOMEN !
TO THE LADIES!
HUNT’S “ BLOOM OF ROSES.” A rich and elegant
colorfor the checks or lips. It will not wi sh or rub off,
and when once applied remains durable for years. The tint is
so rich and natural, that the closest sent iny falls to detect its
u-e. Can he removed by lemon juice, and will not injure th
skin. This is anew preparation, used by the celebrated Cour
Beauties of London and Pa: is. Mailed free, in bottles, w ith dl
reetlohs for use, for sl.
HUNT’S ” COURT TOILET POWDER,” imparts a daz
zdng whitetiess to the complexion, and is unlike anything else
used for this purpose M ailed free for 50 cents.
HUNT’S ‘"BRITISH BALM” removes tan, freckles, and
aU eruptions of the skin. Mailed free for 50 cents.
HUNT’S “IMPERIAL POMADE’ forthe hair, strength
ens and improves its growth, keeps it from failing off, and is
warranted to make the hair curl. Mailed free for #l.
HUNT’S “ PEARL BEAUTIFIEK” for the teeth and
gums, cleanses and whitens the teeth, hardens the gum-, puri
fies the breath effectually, presetves the teeth and prevents
toothache. Mailed free foi *l.
HUNTS “BRIDAL WREATH PERFUME,” a double
extract of orange blossoms and cologne. Mailed free lor sl.
This exquisite perfume was first used by the Princess Royal of
England on her marriage. Messrs. Hunt &Cos precouten the
Prmcess with an elegant ease ot Perfumery, (in which all of
tfcc above articles were included) in hand-tome cut glass with
gold stoppers, valued at *ISOO, particulars of which appealed lu
the public prints.
All the above articles sent Free, by express, tor *5.
Cash can either accompany the order, or be pnid to the ex
press Agfnt on delivery of goods. HUNT & CO.,
Perfumers to the Queen,
Regent Street, London, and 77 Sansora Bt., Phtla., Pa
h or Bale by all Druggistsand Perfumers.
t&~ The Trade supplied. nov24-diwly
AKOUGIi, RICHMOND COUNTY.— TO THK
COMPANY KIi * ,LI,JI,HS ° F THE IKON STEAMBOAT
fake notice, that the City Council of Augusta, has instituted
a salt at law, in the Inferior Court of said corn ty, returnable to
December Term, 1860, against the Iron Steamboat Compauv,
for the recovery of two thousand nina hundred and sixtv-cight
dollars and twentv-two cents, claimed to be due by Uie said
Iron Steamlmat Company to the said City Council of Augusta,
with interest on said amount. THOMAS W. MILLER
. . - „„ Attorney at Law, for the Plaintiff.
Augusta, Nov. 27, 1860, nov2B-w4t
STATKDF GEORGIA, RICHMOND COUNTY.
a * * i \\ . Ansley applies to me for Letters of
Administration on the estate of Robert C. Black, late of said
county, deceased :
These are therefore, to cite and admonish all singular the kin.
dreu and creditors of said deceased, to be and appear at my
office, on or before the seeoudMonday in January next, to show
cause, if any they have, why said Lettersshould hot be granted.
j an “ official signature, atoffice in Align*
ta, thissth day of December, 1860.
Dec. 7, 1860. FOSTER BLODGET, Jr., Ord’y.
RICHMOND COUNTY.-
i A ta *, Lobert W iggins applies to me for Letters of Ad
ministration on the estate of George R. Rountree, late of said
county, deceased:
.i,' 1 ar ?j rcfore t 0 c ' ,e and admonish, all and singular,
tne kindred and creditors of said deceased, to be and appear at
my office, on or before the second Monday In January next, to
show cause, it any they have, why said Letters should not be
granted.
Given under my hand and official signature at office in Au
gusta, this Ith day of December, 1860.
r, . . FOSTER BLODGET, Jr., Ordinary.
December 5,1860.
CTATE OF GEORGIA, RICHMOND COUNTV.-
kj Whereas, Amos F. Evans applies to me for Letters ot
Administration on the estate of Mrs. Mahaly E. Evans,
i&te of said county, deceased :
These are therefore to cite and admonish, all and singular, the
kindred and creditors of said deceased, to be and appear at my
office, on or before the first Monday in January next, to show
CR '*sc, if any they have, whv said letters should not be granted.
Given under my hand and official signature atoffice iu Au
gusta, this Si day of December. 1360.
Dec. 4,1363. FOSTER BLODGET. Jr., Ord’y.
Geo. W. Williams &Cos.,
No. 1 AND 3 HAYNE-STREET
CILUtLESTON, S. C.,
OFFER FOR SALE, AT LOWEST MARKET RATES
1 A Aik BAGS Rio, Java, and Laguyra COFFEE ;
JL vs * “ v* 360 liLclu. Porto Rico aud Cuba SUGARS,
700 bbla. Clarified, Crushed and Loaf “
300 hhds. Cuba and Muscovado MOLASSES,
800 bbls. New Orleans MOLASSES and S>rup,
800 bales Gunny BAGGING | „
8000 coils Bale ROPE and TWINE;
1800 boxes CANDLES and SOAP ;
1800 kegs NAIL, assorted :
7000 sacks Liverpool SALT ;
100 cask*fresh RICE; „ .
POWDER. LEAD. SOAP, A -
tfcarleaton, 8, C„ Oct, 15, 18*0. octW-dlf