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(Sjonitle & Sentinel “ PUBLISHED DAILY AND WEEKLY, BY W. S. JONES THIBSDAV MORNMi, 9E€. 27, 1860. CO-OPERATION TICKET^ FOR THE STATE CONVENTION. Election Wednesday, Jan. 2d. CHARLES J. JENKINS, JOHN P. KING, ALEXANDER C. WALKER. WEDN’SDAY. DE€E]tIBER 26, 1 P. M Monday’s Dispatches. We refrained ib our last from making any re marks upon the dispatches received here od Mon day, just in the nick of time for our meeting, an Bouncing that the propositions of Mr. Crittenden were each and all voted against unanimously by the Republican members of the Committee, and that Mr. Toomb’s propositions were (not voted upon, mind you) tut “treated with derision and contempt.” The dispatche, and that to the Press to the same purport, needed explanation, and we thought best to wait further advices. We had not the slightest hiut as to what Mr. Toomb’s propo sitions were, and could not judge of their pro priety and practicability. The Committee was not organized until Friday, and it seemed a very precipitate proceedure to force such important measures to a vote within twenty-four hours or less. If the Committee, like that of the House, were “controlled by Black Republicans” Mr. Breckinridge was responsible for it, as he made the appointment, but the list of the Committee shows that the Republicans were actually in the minority. Messrs. Toombs and Crittenden, we are told by one dispatch, were the only members who voted for Mr. Crittenden’s amendments, what became of the other Southern members, Powell of Ky., Davis of Miss., and Hunter of Va. ? We never had a doubt that they would vote against the re-establishment of the Missouri line, but why was not the whole story told ? Since writing the we have received furth ther accounts, which put quite a different face on the matter. There are but four Republicans serving on the Committee, (Seward absent,) if these four can control the five Southern mdi and three Democrats who constitute the remainder of the Committee, we have need of abler men in the Senate than we have thebe. It appears that Messrs. Davis, Hunter and even Mr. TOOMBS himself voted against Mr Crittenden’s first pro position to renew the Missouri Compromise, if voting against” it was so terrible a crime in Wade & Cos., was it praiseworthy in Toombs to vote with , them? - 11 As to Mr. Toombs own propositions, no final action was taken on them, but we see no evidence of derision or contempt in delay of action—it hap pens every day in all deliberative assemblies.” As the best and fairest manner of contrasting Mr. Toomb’s version and the accounts from other sources, we publish Ins account and that of the New York Herald , of the proceedings in com mittee : \'\ Washington, Dec. 23.—Senator Toombs tele graphs this morning the following, tpidressed to the people of Georgia : Df Fellow Citizens of Georgia : I cslnje here to se cure your constitutional right or tq demonstrate to you that you can get no guuriMtLes for these rights from your Northern confederates. The whole subject was referred- tfAa Committee of thirteen in the Senate yesiterdaV. I was ap pointed on tae committee and accepted the trust. T submitted propositions, which so \far from re ceiving decided support from a siugle member of the Republican party on the committed, they were ail treated with either derision or contempt. The vote was then taken in Committee on the amend ments to the Constitution proposed by Hon. J. J. Crittenden, of Kentucky, ANI) EACH AND ALL OF THEM WERE VOTED A G AIN STuJN ANI - MOUriLY BY THE BLACK REPUBLICAN MEMBERS OF TIIE COMMITTEE. In addition to these facts, a majority of tho Black Republican members of the Committee de clared THAT THEY HAD NO GUARANTEES Tffl OFFER ijrhich was silently acquiesced in by thi other members’ 1 The Black Republican members of this Com mittee of Thirteen are representative men of their party and section, aud to the extent of ray iufor ma ion, truly represent the Committee of Thirty three in the House, which on Tuesday adjourned lor a week without coming to any vote, afterUol eaiuly pledging themselves to vote on all the pro positions then before them on that date. \ The Committee is controlled by Black Repuisli cans, vour enemies, who only seek to amuse ybu with delusive hope iyit.il your election, in order that you may defeat the Irieuds of secession. If , .-.you are deceived by them it shall not be my fault. 1 have put the test fairly and frankly. It is deci\ sive agaiust you; and uow I tell you, upon thtij faith of a true man, that all further looking to the\ North for security for your constitutional rights) in the Union ought to be instantly abandoned. It is fraught wit h nothing but ruin to yourselves and your posterity. Secession by tbe fourth of March next should be thuadered from the ballot box by the unani mous voice of Georgia, on the second day of Jan uary next. Such a voice will be your best guar anty for Liberty, security, tranquility aud glory. Robert Toombs. From the N. Y. Herald. 23 d inst. ‘Hie Committee of Thirteen were in session to day six Lours and a half, considering various pro positions to arrest the progress of dissolution and give peace to the country. The amendment to the constitution proposed by Mr. Crittenden, to settle the controversy between the North and the South finally and forever by a division of the country from ocean to ocean, on the parallel of the Missouri line, was the great subject of discussion. Messrs. Crittenden, Doug las and Bigler maintained it with great zeal and alili y. Mr. Douglas reiterated his former determination to consider the question for the preservation of the country, as though he had never cast a vote or uttered a sentiment on the subject before. If that mode of compromise would not answer, he declared himself willing to go for any other con sistent with bouor or justice. The appeals of Mr. Crittenden in behalf of the Union are said to have been eloquent and sublime. He, too, was willing to embrace any other effec tive mode of adjustment. Mr. Bigler, of Pennsylvania, preferred a divis ion by a line across the country, becuuse in that way the questiou of slavery could be taken out of Congress aud separated entirely from the popu lar elections in the North, without which we never could have permanent peace. Messrs. Wade, Doolittle, Collamer and Grimes opposed the proposition with much earnest ness and ability. They maintained that the people in the late ejection decided the question of slavery in the Territories, and, therefore, they bad no cou cesc'ons tonia&e or offer. They manifested great unwillingness to act in the absence of Mr. Seward, but as they could give no assurance of his imme diate return the committee declined to defer ac tion on account of bis absence. Messrs, Davis, Toombs and Hunter discussed the present unhappy condition of the country with unsurpassed ability, and whilst manifesting a wll linguess to accept any measure of final settlement which would secure their just rights in the Union, insisted that propositions must come from the dominant party, the republicans. The vote on Mr. Crittenden’s proposition was as follows: For the proposition—Messrs. Bigler, Crittenden, Douglas, Rice and Powell—s. Against it—-Messas. Davis, Doolittle, Collamer, Wade, Toombs, Grimes and Hunter—7. Messrs. Hunter, Toombs and Davis, neverthe less, iutimated an inclination to go for it if the republicans would propose it in good faith. The second proposition submitted by Mr. Ciit tenden, denying the right of Congress to abolish slavery in the dockyards aud arsenuls, was voted aguiust by Messrs. Collamer, Doolittle, Grimes aud Wade. The remainder of the committee vo ted for the proposition, but as it had not a major ity of the Republicans, it was defeated under tho rules adopted by the committee, that no proposi tion should be considered adopted and recom jnended to ttie Senate which did not receive a ma jority of the Republican votes, aud also a majority of those opposed to rbe Republicans. The third clause, denying to Congress the right tosaboush slavery in the District of Columbia, was demated by the same vote, the Republicans uli voting against it, aud the remainder of the com mittee for it. The fourth clause, establishing the right af tran sit, was defeated by the same vote. The filth, which is intended to perfect the Fu gitive biuve Law, by requiring the several States to pay for fugitives who might be rescued from the officers of the law, was lost by the same vote the Republicans all voting in the negative. Many other propositions were offerecMind voted upon, but none of leading importance—none that would meet the great exigencies of the times. Mr. Davis submitted a resolution expressly re cognizing property in slaves, but no vote was ta ken on it. Mr. Toombs submitted a series ot resolutions, embracing substantially the principles of the Breekinridge platform, but final action was not taken on them. The committee adjourned to meet at ten on Monday morning. It TkfcCarolina Legi&latui * ias declined to allow the National flag to be JlOieted over the Mr. Jenkins’ Address at tle City Rail. Monday, Dec. 24tk. Mr. Chairman and Fellow Citizens: In the midst of gloom, tbe darkest and deepest that has over shadowed this once favored laud smee the decla ration of American Independence, I cannot ade quately express the gratification I feel, in view of the quiet, orderly, and grave deportment of the citizens of Richmond county, here assembled, to deliberate upon the portentous crisis through which we are uow passing. Every coautenauoe before me expresses solemn appreciation of its magnitude, and earnest inquiry how it may be rendered innocuous, or bow its evils (if evils must ensue) may be most largely mitigated. In such action of primary assemblies, there is hope—in such counsels there is safety. I entreat you, fel low-citizens, throughout this terrible agitation, which must run its course, to maintain unimpair ed, in the quiet of your own homes, in your social intercourse, in your primary assemblies, and at the ballot box, that passionless equanimity and firmness you so strikingly manifest prf-day! Oc casional excesses of popular excitement are per haps inseparable from the operations of free gov ernments, embracing within their scope large and diversified interests , but just in proportion to its height is the necessity for cool heads aud steady hands, to moderate its fnry and direct its Jcours’e. You call for au expression of my opinions re garding appropriate action in this time of peril, and I will freely give them, valueless though they may prove to be. With increasing years, I feel an increasing aver sion to political excitement, and am therefore im pelled, both by inclination and a sense of duty, to present to you thoughts carefully revised, in lan guage well weighed. I, therefore, ask permission to read in your heuring an article embodying my general views, contributed by me, a few days since, to highly respectable and influential jour nal, published at the Federal capitol. Mr. Jenkins then proceeded to read from the National Intelligencer of the Bth, an article over the signature of “ Lowndes' l as follows : Augusta, Oa., Dec. 3, 1860. Editors of the National Intelligencer : Gentlemen :—Knowing well your attachment to the Federal Union, and your sympathy with tho Southern States of the Confederacy, in these peri lous times, I ask the privilege of presenting, through your valuable journal, a few suggestions, which, if they serve no good purpose, will at least be harmless. A careful and anxious observer of the progress of events, menacing the stability of our Government—a Union man from early man hood, yet profoundly sensible of the wrongs done and threatened to that portion of the country to which I am native, I am now neither young enough to find attraction in change of Govern” meut, or congeniality in highly-wrought popular excitement, uor old enough to heed the sugges tions of timidity, counselling the surrender of cherished birth rights, rather than encounter the perils, small or great, thaj. wait upon their spirited inaintainance. I would not, even under a sense of wrong—of grievious wrong —abandon the Government framed by our Revolutionary fore fathers, until every hopeful experiment for re dress within it had been tried in vain. But who is the Southerner who can now wrap his mantle about him and lay himself calmly down to sleep under the delusive whispers of peace, peace, when there is no peace ? I have applied to the times in which we live the epithet periluus, and he must be fatally blinded by passion and prejudice who does not see the perils that environ the Federal Union. The sectional controversy out of which the perils spring, after a steady progress through more than half the years of the Republic, is now culminating in a crisis, whose alternative results must be either immediate reaction or irreconcilable disruption. The prevailing feeling at the South now is vastly different from that which obtained in the commo tions of 1832 and 1850. In those times conserva tive men rose, in the strength of patriotic zeal, to beat back and put down as political adventurers, as disturbers of the public peace and tranquility, all who talked of disunion as a remedy for our wrongs. Now they realize that Southern forbeur ance has been abused; they declare that the ces sation of agitution on the subject of slavery is j both a right and a necessity of the South; they are resolved to achieve it, within the Union if they may, without it if they must. The only question is whether the thoroughly-awakened spirit of our people cau be moderated to one more effort in the former, or whether they will instant ly advance in the latter mode of redress. This is no exaggeration ; it is a faithful repre sentation of the state of feeling in the more South ern States, aud the sooner it is realized by the border Southern States, and all oefaers who Value our present political status, the better. They who would preserve this Union, even for one brief year, must be up and doing. Theie must be no thought ot “ masterly inactivity .” That may sometimes foil the machinations of wily di plomacy, but as a barrier against the onward, desolating course of civil discord, of sectional con troversy, its type is the spider’s web before the sweep of the tornado. Let there, then, be neither speech nor thought of quiet submission. So at least say tens of thousands in this latitude, who are denominated “ submissionists ” by the advo cates of immediate extreme action. It were bootless to pause here to enumerate Southern wrongs, or to indicate the changejwhich one brief year has wrought in the aspect of politi cal affairs. These are apparent to the intelligent observer. The engrossing problem is, the reme dy to be adopted, it is not proposed, in this con nexion, to address oue word to our Northern con federates. It will be seen how and by whom the writer would have them addressed. To the peo ple of the Southern States he would speak—with them he would take counsel. The extremes of opinion, regarding appropriate Southern action, are immediate secession and eutire non-action. Those occupying tho former position are intelligent, patriotic and numerous —tilled with a zeal (in my huuib'le opinion; not ac cording to knowledge, but well-nigh if not abso lutely irrepressible. They who maintnin the latter are too few in number to man effectively a strong hold if they had one. But there is a middle ground, and they too who occupy it are nume rous, intelligent, and not the less resolved or the less reliable, because they are moderate. And here it may not be iuapj ropriate to remind Geor gians and other Southerners, who agreed to stand with them upon what is called the Georgia plat form, that from that platform, constructed ten Tears since, not a plank has been torn by the fiery 7.0 al aud the strong arm of famiticism. There it stands to-day inviolate. Other modes of annoy ance aud aggression have been devised, but not one of those we declared we would not tolerate bad been perpetrated. This is noteworthy. But reference is made to that solemn declaration of sovereign will and intention for another purpose After enumerating aggressions, then threaten ed, Georgia said that upon the perpetration of anyone of them she would—do what? Forth with secede from the Union ? No. But that she would Vresist, even (as a last resort) to the disrup tion of every tie that binds her to the Union.” Mark, now, firstly, that platform has not been in fracted ;\und, secondly, that had it been, Georgia was pledged to ultimate resistance by secession, only when that became ‘‘a last resort.'’ Freemen and Patriots of the South, iu the emergency pres sing on yoq to day, this is not the only “resort.” There is aVi untried experiment, short of that “last resort ,t full of hope, worthy as well of the faithful devotee of the Union us of the zealous champion ofpouthern rights. That experiment is joint action of the entire South to be obtained by a Convention of the Southern States, and, through that Convention, to be exerted, firstly, for the vindication and assurance of our rights within, the Unicoi; and failing this, then, secondly, for their simultaneous, dignified, and peaceable withdrawal from, the Union. This Convention should present to the Federal Government, and to the people of the non-slaveholding States, with unanimity, and with all possible distinctness, their ultimatum of adherence to the Union. What that ultimatum should be the writer will not venture to suggest. Let that be the work of wiser heads, of statesman long tried and fully proven. Practical Wisdom, aided by the lights of experience, can certainly devise safeguards which, if accorded to us, will accomplish the end propos ed. Let it be well considered and put forth with out menace or blusters in the calm, dignified lan guage of settled purpcEse. If it be heeded, well.— The tide of fanaticism rolled back, peace and har mony restored, this great Republic returning to its ancient usages, acting within the scope ot its constitutional limitations, will go on to illustrate the grand theory of popular sovereignty, und to Eerpetu&te the unexampled prosperity, in all ranches of human industry this day enjoyed by our people, and acknowledged by the civilized world- If unheeded, then, conscious of having done all that forbearance can counsel, wisdom suggest, or patriotism demand, to save from de molition the noblest governmental structure rear ed in all the course of time, the Southern States assuredly will, nay, of necessity, must withdraw from a Confederacy no longer compatible with their interest or their houor. They may then take counsel together for the construction of a new Government, framed of homogeneous mate rials, large enough iu territory, strong enough in population, and rich enough iu resources ; thus, “without fear, aud without reproach,” claiming from other nations the recognition of a separate nationality. What objections exist to this course of action ? It is said, firstly, that the South cannot be united upon it. This is gratuitous assumption. The ob jection can never be substantiated until the trial shall have been made. If not in this, in what other way can the South be united ? Breathes there, in all of the slaveholding States, a far-see ing, reiledting man, who would not concede that, in the adojptmn of this extreme action, it is in the last degree desirable that there should be among them perfect unity of action ? Look for a moment at the alternative —partial secession Who is wise enough to toretell, with the degree of certainty iudispeusable to action so momentous, the num ber, names, aud relative localities of those who will promptly, and without concert, elect to take it ? Will there be two, or three, or four ? Who knows? Will thev be coterminous? Who can tell ? Ah I if this Confederacy is to be disrupted, let it not be hastily broken into fragments, alike incapable of consociation, of strong self-reliant nationality; and of perpetuating republican gov ernment. 1 But, giving to the objection the most respectful consideration, and claiming from the objectors the like for our proposition, we ask, how much time will be required to test the practicability of uniting the Southern States in tho proposed plan of action ? At most only a few montns,.and what are they in the life of the contemplated separate nation ality? How will this trivial delay in one scale weigh against the great desideratum of concerted and simultaneous actiou among the aggrieved States placed in the other ? Will not ali men worthy to be trusted with the mighty work of breaking up oue of the greatest Governments of tbe nineteenth century and of reconstructing others pause upon this suggestion ? Bnt it is further objected that this action, il taken, will avail nothidg ; that we shall at last be driven to secession by the unheeding onward course of fanaticism. Here, again, we nave to meet gratui tous assumption. Heretofore resistance has been offered by heated discussions in tbe halls of Con gress, or by resolutions adopted in State Legisla tures, or Conventions acting separately. Con gressional speeches of Southern Representatives have failed of success, because each, differing often in tone and in matter from others on the same side, was the utterance of but one man, and, though able and patriotic, usually fulminating de nunciation, defiance, and menace: Those though well meant und perhaps irrepressible, but fanned the flame. They but furnished the pabulum on which fanaticism feeds and fattens. The other modes heretofore tried lacked the powerful ele ment of concert, of co operation ; and even in its singleness, as before remarked, has not been un heeded. But it is not the repetition of these we now propose. Bui let us look on the dark side of the picture; let us suppose the attempt to fail, as fail it may, what then ? Why, then, I repeat, we shall by brief delay have secured that which probably can be secured in no other way —united action of the South. Now, do not the promptings of prudence, of fraternity, (among the aggrieved) and of pa triotism commend the proposition to all Southern hearts and minds ? It has been said that Virginia will probably propose such a conference, and a voice from South Carolina has ventured the prediction that no Southern State will second her movement. — But this is not the voice of South Carolina speak ing to Virginia. It may well be, hoped that she will return no negative response. Let those who ride on the whirlwind and direct the storm of pop ular excitement remember that success in the mighty enterprise they have in hand demands that they unite, first the masses, constituting the several sovereignties involved; and, secondly, the sovereignties themselves. Let them consider whether uny other plan of action so surely pro mises the hearty co-operation of all hearts ana all minds in the work of pulliDg down and recon structing governments. Let them beware liow they despise either the scruples or the reasonable requests of others as patriotic, as firmly resolved on redress, and nearly us numerous as tliem eelves. If there be either individuals or States claiming to wield an influence so potential, essay ing to speak in a voice so commanding iu the exodus, what may we expect in the transit through the wilderness, what upon our entrance into the promised land ? All profess to aim at re dress. .Hear, in two words, the secret of suc cess, gently whispered, “Festina lente.” Onward, then, Virginia—venerable mother of States, noble Old Dominion; invite your sister confederates of the South to meet you in confer ence, and if there be any hope of the future, in or out of the Union, if we be not doomed to anarchy and misrule, they will come at your bidding. And thou, too, gallant South Carolina, whose chivalric sons are always “animis opihisqvs paroii,” act if you will, but, in the name of fraternity, first tale counsel with us. Southern sister States, all hear the appeul, and, in view of your grave responsi bilities, answer it. All have a common interest, a commou destiny. Let each hear all the others touching the former; let the shaping of the latter iu every stage, from first to last, be the work o all. Should divided counsels finally prevail— should some stay whilst others go —let this be an inevitable result, not a foregone conclusion. Lowndes. Mr. Jeukins then continued: Allow me now, fellow-citizens, to add a few unwritten words, touching an important event that has transpired since that article was written, and elaborating, somewhat, some of the views presented. I read, though inappropriate just at this time, just as it was written, the allusion to the action of South Carolina, then contemplated, now, actually taken. I did so, first, as elucidating the spirit of tho ar ticle, and secondly as introductory to a few re marks I feel constrained to make upon the changed attitude of that State, so far only, as it may be supposed to influence the action of Georgia. South Carolina has seceded from the Union, and the question is gravely asked, should not this ac tion on her part, superadded to other reasons, in duce Georgia, in a spiptof fraternity, and in view of an example so heroic, to do the like ? There are those who respond affirmatively to this question. For myself, I answer most dis tinctly and emphatically in the negative, rr South Carolina is a sovereign State—a noble State-deserving the respect and admiration of all mankind. And here I may be permitted to ex press au opinion long maintained aud often re curring, that in her internal affairs, in all that appertains to her State government proper, she exhibits a conservatism, which, in that point of view, places her a head and shoulders above all her late confederates, North aud South. South Carolina is a Sovereign State, and in vir tue of her Sovereignty, hud a perfect right to do what she has done. Nay more—she had the per fect right, if so it seemed good to her, to do what she has done, without pausing to consult with sister States, having like ir terests, suffering like wrongs, and deserving a like destiny, witli her self. I trust I know too well what is due to her Sovereignty, and what is becoming my individual ity, to arraign her before the bar of public opin ion for this cause. It is her affair, not our’s. I sincerely trust that in the future, the utmost har mony may obtain not only between her and Geor gia, but between her and all other States of the Confederacy she has abandoned. My hearvs desire is, that in or out of the Union the future may have iu store for her, peace, pros perity, and glory immeasurable. The action of Georgia under the trying circum stances by which she is surrounded, Las yet to be determined. If anterior to, and wholly irrespec tive of the action of South Curoliua, a majority of her people had arrived at the conclusion, that immediate secession was the proper remedy, and if on the second day of January next thatconclu sion should remain unaltered, that course will be taken. But when I am told that in a spirit of fraternity, and from considerations of policy, Georgia should conform her action to that of South Curolina, I take leave to suggest, that Georgia too, is a sove -1 reign State, with no lower claims to intelligence, to respectability, aud to canacity for self-govern ment, than has South Carolina. If she would not make the smaller concession of prior conference, with a view to the attainment of unity of opin ion and action, should any other State yield con formity of action, without entire concurrence of opinion It No, if one week ago, it were proper, that all of the Southern Slates should confer together, before secession, it is equally proper to-day, that all, still within the Union, should do the same thing. Again, if it were right, and not unchivalrous, in South Carolina, to propose co-operation, twelve months since, it can hardly be very wrong, or al together spiritless, in Georgia to propose or to accept co-operation now. But taking for our stand-point a proposition al ready asserted, and which it is supposed few will controvene, that in the event of the formation of a Southern Confederacy, it is greatly to be desired that it should embrace all of the slaveholding States, let us review the whole ground, with refer ence to the question of co-operation. It is insisted that these States, other than South Carolina, will certainly udopt immediate seces sion as their remedial action—that then, there will be out of the Union four States, with three of which Georgia is contiguous—und that then an unanswerable argument, predicated on her sur roundings, will be presented to Georgia. But let us look a little further. There wtll then remain, beside the five already named, ten Southern States, whose approval of immediate, separate se cession, is, by concession, doubtful; the disappro val of some of them being unquestionable. It is understood that they are all ready und willing to confer freely, and to co-operate, if their views can be harmonized. Os the ten, there are five which are not border States, which are, to a greater or less extent, cotton growing States, and two of which are also coterminous with Georgia, though upon comparatively short lines. The political re lations between these States aud Georgia are the same as between her aud the four first named.— Does she not owe as much consideration to the views of oue class as the other? May she not more safety lean to the advances of those asking only conference, advisement, than of those which propose her immediate, irrevocable actiou ?—for irrevocable it would be, by her own mere will. But let us extend the view a little further, tak ing in the five border States, extending in unbro ken line from the Atlantic to and beyond tho Mis sissippi. Here new views present themselves— additional and more cogent reasons for good fel lowship and generous co-operation, press upon us. Drrcticully these States are more aggressed than aro we. Their annoyances, their losses, their perils are tenfold greater than ours. They have ever been, and in or out of the Union, will con tinue to be to us u strong defensive cordon, against anti-slavery aggressions. They are, and of neces sity must be, our impregnable break-water, against which the surging billows of Abolitionism dush, often unfeit by us, and known only by the rising spray, or the distant murmur of the wave. At the same time, we are to them a strong sup port—a dernier reliance. I maintain, fellow-citi zens, thatout of these circumstances, there spring peculiar relations —strong claims upon our gene rous confidence, our active sympathy, our loyal fraternity. Yet we arc told; that if these very States invite our conference aud co-operation, we must coldly repulse them—nay, arrogantly tell them to follow our lead, or take the consequences of thinking and acting for themselves. Remem ber, the people of tho States are of the same lineage with ourselves—that they have been rear ed under institutions identical with our own—that they have like ourselves keen sensibilities and rnauly resentment. Do Georgians expect to give them the cold shoulder to-day, and beckon them back to-morrow ? Now if the proposition were, that each State goiug into conference should surrender her right of independent action ; if it were sought to bind all, absolutely, by the of the majority, there would be some excuse for the rejection of a proposition so reasonable, so just, so wise. But this apology does not exist—no such obligation is demanded—each State will be as free to act sepa rately, after conference, as befoae. The plan of co operation looks to two alterna tive results, either of which promises vastly more good tt*n the irregular, uncertain proceeding of separate, unconcerted secession. One is, the pacific adjustment of the controver sy, without a dissolution of the Union, and with ample guaranties for the future. This is not al together hopeless. It is our right, and lam for insisting upon th; right. We are entitled to all the benefits of tbi| great confederacy, and I as- sert that there is more manliness in pressing upon our confederates one united, conciliatory, firm demand for redress, than in giving up the ship, and retaking ourselves to such small life-boats as we can hastily seize and hastily man. Then let the effort be made. If one-third of the aggressed States adopt the coiirse of immedi ate secession, let the remaining two-thirds trv the pirn of pacific adjustment. We may be able to effect au adjustment, and to secure guaranties satisfactory to all, and thus win back the more precipitate. It is even possible that their ab sence from'our counsels, their extreme position, may make more apparent the necessity for amica ble adjustment, and may tf/iw/aid our negotiations. If this best result can be effected, I cannot but indulge the hope, that even South Carolina will return to the fold. She played too conspicuous a part aud achieved too large a share of our com mon glory in the revolutionary struggle; she has contributed too many pages, all aglow with intel lect, and statesmanship, and patriotism, to the civil and diplomatic history of the Government, not to be willing, upon a proper basis, to renew the bond and to perpetuate the Confederacy. But conceding for the argument, that pacific adjustment is hopeless, I would still adhere in flexibly to co-opeiatiou, iu view of the alterna tive —viz: simultaneous secession of all the South ern States, and the immediate, harmonious con struction, with such and so abundunt materials, of a nationality that would at once command the respect and confidence of all mankind. Thus would spring into life a nation that need seek no support in foreign alliance. Already do we hear it said the cotton States, united in a separate con federacy, could secure an advantageous alliance with Great Britain. See, fellow-citizens, how at every step, in this hasty programme, we are departing from the sage counsels of the Fathers. Do you not remem ber that Washington, in his address—his last will and testament, bequeathing to his dearly loved children, the heritage he had won for them, coun selled us to avoid entangling alliances with for eign nations, to “have with them as little political connection as possible.” Do you not know that, however many departures our Government may have made from the course he marked out, it has faithfully adhered to this injunction ? Do you not perceive that to this adherance, we owe in a large measure, our exemption from foreign wars —our perfect tranquility, when Europe is convul sed with intestine strife, our real independence, our towering strength ? Why do any now talk of foreign alliances?— Only because they are conscious of being about to construct weak governments. Just as sure as four or five of our cotton-growing States fform a separate government, and contract an alliance with Great Britain, just so surely will experience teach them that in the nature of things, a monar chy and a republic cannot work well togelher in alliance ; just so surely will the stronger ally, by slow advances, transmute the alliance into a pro tectorate ; just so surely will the weaker gradually dwindle into the proportions of a tributary. And so we go hack to collonial vassalage. But if argument be unheeded, shall we in vain hold up to view example—glorious example—the example of all the Fathers of the Republic ? When the thirteen colonies found the yoke of the mother couutry intolerable, did they separately and without conference, each for herself declare independence ? No. With a wise forecast, know, ing that in Union there is strength, they summon ed a Congress for united counsels. In that Con gress were their Adams, their Shermans, their Livingstons, their Franklins, their Carrolls, their Jeilersons, their Rutledges, their Waltons, and a host of other worthies known to American histo ry. The result was, tin unanimous declaration, “tnat these united colonies are, and of right ought to be, free independent states.” So, unitedly, they threw off the yoke—so, unitedly, they formed an independent government, unitedly fought, unitedly conquered, aud unitedly have prospered. Have all these glorious memories faded, have all these illustrious examples lost their power over the minds of their descendants ? Fellow-citizens, the issues before are of the gravest character; the consequences will reach all classes and all interests, and the end no man cun foresee. Consider what a revulsion this agitation has already produced; business of every descrip tion stagnant, oommerce paralysed, resources locked up—employment failing. * If such be the first fruits, who will answer for the ripened har vest? All these evils maybe mitigated, if not averted, by culmness, deliberation and co-opera tion. 1 feel that I should detain you no longer. The subject is a vast one. I have hardly touched it. The investigation of it in all its bearings, would task the most gigantic mind. In the spirit of one of your resolutions, I re peat, the making up of a greut aud powerful gov ernment, and the reconstruction of oue or more in its stead, is no light undertaking. It is a work not to be well done in haste, or in the tumult of passion. It is a work, in view of which, the lof tiest intellect and the proudest Stute, may well pause, to take human counsel, and to implore Di vine guidance. Let us trust that guidance will not fail us in this extremity. REPLY To the Speech ol’Thos. R. R. Cobb, I£sq.. delivered In the Hall of’ the Ilouve of Representatives, Nov. 12, 1860. BY H. 11. TUCKER. The speech of Thos. R. R. Cobb, Esq., deliver ed in the llall of the House of Representatives— and afterwards written out by himself, has been widely circulated and has attracted much atten tion. That there a r e qualities in this performance calculated to make it effective as ;i campaign document, is not to be questioned. Its spirit is ardent and glowing ; una this exactly harmonises with the roused feelings of all the South. Itjseems to come from the heart of a patriot; and however mistaken many may conceive the views of its au thor to be, tins quality commends it to the kind consideration of all. It is plausible in argument, aud this is all that is necessary to convince men whose judgment is already half blinded by pas sion. Nor under the fresh insult of Mr. Lincoln’s recent election, is it wonderful that nearly all our population should for the moment at least, be in fluenced more by feeling than discretion. The weak points of the speech ure ingeniously kept out of view by the author, —entirely covered up with handsome language and with pieusing decla mation. It is not inteuded by this to imply that Mr. Cobb meant to deceive. I‘labits superinduced by long practice as a jury luwyer would account, without unpugniug his motives, for the plausible and taking manner iu which he has presented ar guments, which the least consideration would show to be unsound. Indeed it is not doubted by the present writer, that tbe mind of the eloquent gentleman whose pamphlet is under review, was so influenced by the feelings which existing cir cumstances are calculated to excite, that he was not himself aware of the defects of his argument. He is, therefore, as much deceived as deceiving; and this is only saying that in this instance, the emotional part of his nature hus triumphed over the intellectual. A calm and close scrutiny of his address, will show that there is but little argu ment and indeed but little attempt at argument, in it; that it consists almost wholly of glowing ap peals to the passious, ignoring the judgment; and that what argument it contains, is utterly fal lacious. The present writer lias subjected Mr. Cobb's speech*.to a rigid and thorough analysis; and in order to aid the reader iu forming a jnst concep tion of the entire performance, that analysis is now presented. Mr. Cobb begins by remarking that the ques tion may be viewed in two aspects: Ist. Legal.— 2d. Political. Asa legal question he argues that the election of Mr. Lincoln is unconstitutional. Ist. Formally ; beause nine of the States which voted for him have passed unconstitutional laws, and have thereby forfeited their claim to constitu tional privileges, and so their votes ought to be thrown out; in which case lie would not liuvo a majority. 2d. In spirit the Constitution has been violated by these States, and therefore their votes ought to be thrown out. Those violations of the Con stitution consist in the following particulars : 1. Negroes were ullowed to vote. 2. The result of the election shows that a ma jority of the people were opposed to Mr. Lincoln. 8/Neither “domestic tranquility” nor tho blessings of liberty can bo enjoyed under the pro posed administration. 4. The party electing Mr. Lincoln proposes to monopolise the Territories of the United States. Asa political question Mr. Cobb remarks that he “would not risk the consequences of dissolu tion,” but for two things, which are : Ist, That tho issues are vital ; 2d, That they are permauent. Iu view of these facts, however, he is for imme diate and unconditional secession. Here his di rect argument closes. He then states aud replies to what he supposes to be the objections to his policy as follows: 1. Lincoln might betray his party. 2. The Senate might refuse to ratify his appointments. 3. Both houses of Congress being against him could sufficiently restrain him ; ana, 4. His inaugural might satisfy the South. Mr. Cobb proceeds further to remark : 1. That there is nothing to be gained by delay. 2. That if we were out of the Union there are not ten voters in Georgia who would wish to go in, and therefore we ought not now to stay in. 3. That our sister States, Carolina, &c., are im ploring us to join them. Mr. Cobb then observes that there is danger in delay, because— 1. The North construes hesitancy into fear. 2. Delay invites aggression. 8. We have now many friends at the North, but their number is daily diminishing. 4. The urmy and navy are now in good hands. fi. Delay takes away from our cause its justice. 6. Delay keeps open our territory to emissaries from the North. Mr. Cobb continues that — . 1. Iu the Union we shall be hemmed in. 2. Out of it we shall have glorious soil, immense natural resources, cotton, &c. Mr. Cobb concludes with au argument which to hiß mind is more potent than any that have pre ceded; aud that argument is as follows: by se cession we Bhall have peace; for we have nothing to fear from servile insurrection nor from Northern bayonets. Without secession we shall have war; because even if tho State of Georgia Bhould decide by the will of a majority of her people to remain in the Union, there are some among us who would rebel against the authority of the said State of Georgia, thus becoming traitors thereto, and also to the United States; that they would of course come in collis ion with the government of the latter, and that in such case he (Mr. Cobb) and others would sustain said traitors, while others whom he calls slaves, would refuse to sustaiu them; and thus Georgia would become the seat of war, and Georgians would be engaged in slaughtering each other.— Mr. Cobb thea presents tbs alternative of giving up our “love of the Union” or giving up “frater nal peaceand concludes with an appeal to the Legislature not to wait until the cross-roads and grog-shops send up a discordant voice from a divided people. * The reader will find oh examination that the above is an exact and exhaustive analysis of all that Mr. Cobb’s pamphlet contains. If anything has been omitted, misstated or falsely colored, it has not been intentional; and the reader is earn estly entreated in order to assure himself that all is honorable and fair, to examine the document under review, and compare it with the above statement of its contents. I’ the present writer were even capable of nufairness, he would surely by too wise to incur that guilt when he could be so easily convicted of it. The utter unworthiness of the argument last used, and which Mr. Cobb regards as the best of all, is so apparent in the above statement, that some may suppose it im possible that this is what Mr. Cobh really meant, and that the reviewer has misunderstood him.— Every reader, however, may satisfy himself, on carelul examination of Mr. Cobb’s closing para graph, beginning near the bottom of page 16 of liis pamplet, that the above is not only a fair in terpretation of his meaning, but that it is the only interpretation of which his language admits. If the mere statement of what Mr. Cobb has said in this closing paragraph seems like a refutation of it, that is owing not to the intention of the re viewer, but to the nature of*the argument. In regard to the legal argument it would seem that but little need to be said, for the reason that Mr. Cobb himself says, (page 9, about the middle) “1 must confess that the mere election of a candi date to the rt-esideucy in a manner legally uncon stitutional does not in my judgment justify neces sarily a dissolution of the LTnion.” The author hereinvalidates his own argument by confessing that it is not pertinent to the matter in hand. He states the question to be, (on page 4,) “is the election of Lincoln a sufficient ground for the dis solution of the Union ?” He then offers the ar gument to show the uuconstitutionality of said election ; but on page 9, as above quoted, he ad mits that the said argument even if conclusive, does not prove that the election of Lincoln to the Presidency is sufficient ground for the dissolution of the Union. This is the very question which was to be proved, and on Mr. Cobb’s own admis sion, his argument however satisfactorily it may prove something else, does not prove this. The author’s own candor having compelled him to ad mit that his argument is irrelevant, it would seem to be scarcely necessary for his reviewer to give it further notice. Yet Mr. Cobb must have suppos ed that some persons would in some way be af fected by it, or he would not have introduced it. To disabuse the minds of such, if any there be, the following reply is offered. “First, then,” says our uuthor, -‘the election of Lincoln is unconstitutional formally, because nine of the States voting for him have passed uncon stitutional laws and have thereby forfeited their right to vote.” In reply to this it may bo re marked : Ist, That if is not the performance of an unlaw ful act that disfranchises a party, but his convic tion of \t. Until a criminal is arraigned before the proper tribunal, and until sentence is pro nounced on him by a tribunal, he is not amenable to the penalty which the law attaches to his crime. This is a fundamental principle of liberty. Were it otherwise, any man, even the most innocent, would be liable to punishment without trial. Al though in many cases guilt may be notorious, yet if the forms of law are not complied with, the law is virtually set aside, and progress is made to wards anarchy and barbarism. Now that certain States have violated their constitutional obliga tions is not denied. Nav, the world knows it. But have they ever been legally convicted of it ? Nay, have tliey ever been arraigned before any tribunal whatever ? Their action has called forth many outbursts of righteous indignation from our members of Congress and from ourselves. But it is the fact that up to this hour, no constitutional remedy has ever been attempted ; and those States* guilty before the world, are to this day unconvicted of their crime ! Until they are con victed, the constituted authorities must regard them as innocent, and thus they retain their privileges. True, the Supreme Court has, us Mr. C. says, virtually decided that these acts are un constitutional. ‘Yes, and so the statute of Geor gia has long since decided that stealing is to be punished as a felony, but that does not prove any particular man to he guilty of it. This decision of the Supreme Court only proves that if the offenders were prosecuted they would be convicted. It does not prove that they are convicted, nor is it pretended that they are ; though doubtless in deed they ought to he, and ought to have been long ago. Nor will it avail to say that there is no tribunal. The question might have been raised, (if nowhere else) in the House of Representatives, when the delegates to Congress from the offend ing States first, offered to take their seats after said States had forfeited their rights. This leads to remark— 2d. Mr. C.’s argument, if it proves anything, proves too much ; for if said States have forfeited their right to vote for President, so also they for feited their right to vote for members of Congress, who are Federal officers just as really as the Pre sident is ; and therefore the objection, if raised at all, ought to have been raised long ago ; and by recognising for years their members of Con gress as being legally elected, we hate admitted the principle that these .States hud the right to elect them ; and the same principle would give them a right to vote for and elect a President.— At all events, the argument for the unconstitu tionality of an election, comes with an ill grace from those who established the precedent for said election, by admitting others just like it. “But” says Mr. C.: “The spirit of the Consti tution has been violated by the States,” from which the inference is presumed to he that the votes of those States ought not to he counted. The first item in this account is, that negroes voted. True, they did vote, and their votes are illegal. But that fact does not make the election illegal. If an election is always illegal when some of the votes are so, it is probable that but few legal elections have ever taken place in the United States. In almost every purty contested election where there are rnuny voters, pome of the votes are illegal. If there are enough of these illegal votes to change the result of the election, then in deed that candidate only is elected, who has a majority of the legal votes. But if the result be not affected, then the illegal votes are simply thrown out, and the election is legal. For ex ample, when Hon. Howell Cobh was elected Go vernor of Georgia, he received a majority (eu the Union ticket 100 as it happened) of about nine teen thousand. Now, suppose that as many as niue thousand ol these had been illegal votes, would he not still have had u majority of ten thousand? And would any body have thought of saying that because there were so many illegal votes, the spirit of the Constitution was violated, and that, therefore, Mr. Cobb was not constitu tionally elected ? Now it is not pretended that there were enough negro votes to change the re sult of the recent election—therefore, their votes though illegal, do not make the election so. It may be furthermore added, though it is aside from the argument, that it is only quite recently that free negroes were permitted bv law, to vote for Feder al and other officers in the State of North Caro lina. In the next place, says Mr. Cobb, the election of Lincoln is violative of the Constitution in this : that he was elected by a minority of the people. Admitting that this is so, it is liard to see how any particular State is guilty of a wrong in this regard. Near the top of page 5 Mr. Cobb says : “ According to the spirit of the Constitution, these States have violated its provisions in this elec tion,” and assigns as his reason for it, that Mr. Lincoln did not receive a majority of the votes cast. Which State is to blame for this V This was an accident of the election—not au essential element of it. This was simply because the peo ple voted for the wrong man—not because the State, as such, had been guilty of a wrong. But waiving this point, Mr. C.'s argument is met by the fact that the election of a i*resident by a mi nority is not inconsistent with either the letter or the spirit of the Constitution. On the contrary the Constitution carefully provides checks which the minority may put upon the majority. This was done at the formation of the Constitution by the efforts of Southern men, and was a concession to State rights. The State of New York has 34 Representatives; the State of Delaware has but oue. So in the electoral college th a people of New York have 84 times ns much influence sis the peo ple of Delaware. But the State of New York has only two Senators, and Delaware has juslso many. So in the electoral college the little State of Dela ware has as much influence as the great. State of New \ ork. What is this but a concession to a minority ? Again, when the election of a Presi dent is thrown into the House of Representatives, the vote is taken by States, euch having owe. Thus the vote of Delaware or Florida would have as much influence in the election of a President, as the vote of great States like Pennsylvania and New \ ork ; eighty or a hundred thousand per sons having as much influence as four or five mil lions. And indeed, in the very formation of the Constitution itself, the rote was taken by Stales, each, whether large or small, being entitled to one vote. From that day to this, the Southern States have unceasingly contended for the lights of minorities. Why, the very plan of electing the President by electors instead of by the people, was adopted in order to prevent a majority of the people from keeping a minority in hopeless sub jection. It is in virtue of this very principle that Mr. Lincoln is elected. True, the result is unfor tunate. But if we claim the protection which the Constitution affords when it works in our favor, we ought to yield to the same when it works against us. That a minority should elect a Presi dent is therefore not contrary to the spirit of the Constitution. Mr. Cobb’s remark (page 6 near the top) that “ the Constitution provides no pro tection for a majority against the despotic rule of a fanatical, infuriated and sectional minority is equally without foundation. The argument here is directed not against Northern fanaticism, but against the wisdom of the framers of the Consti tution ; Mr. Cobb affirming that they made a “fa tal omission” in framing that instrument! It is needless to defend that august body of men from the attacks of any one. Suffice it to say, that if we receive our rights under the Constitution as it is, and as our fatbeis left it, we shall be satis lied ; and as for the idea that a minority can per manently rule in this democratic country, or that a minority can really rule at all, is simply prepos terous. The Constitution gives minorities checks for their protection, but that is all. Our fathers have not bequeuthed to us an instrument which necessitates or even admits of oligarchy. This is probably the first time the charge has ever been Drought against them. But says Mr. Cobb in the third place the “en suring of domestic^ tranquility” and the “securing of the blessings or liberty,” two objects proposed by the Conatitation, will be contravened by the . ----- election of Mr.-Lincoln. In attempting to prove that “domestic tranquility” will be destroyed, Mr. Cobb says, (bottom of page 6:) “Recur with me to the parting moment when you left your firesides to attend upon your public dudes at the Capitol. Remember the trembling hand of a loved wife as she whispered her fears of the incendiary and the assassin. Recall the look of indefinable dread with which the little daughter inquired when your re turning footsteps should be heard ” with much more of the same sort. Now is this hysteric ti midity which Mr. Cobb describes, this trembling and quivering, this indefinable dread, this whis pering of terrors with pale lips ; is this a truthful representation of the feelings of the people of Georgia? The writer must say that he is utterly a stranger to such feelings, and so is every mem ber of his family, male and female, and so he be lieves is every man, woman and child jn the State, with perhaps one exception in half a million. It has been constantly charged upon us bv Aboli tionists, as au argument against slavery, that we live in perpetual terror, but until now it lias al ways been denied. Mr. Cobb is the first and only one to confess it. Surely he furnishes the Aboli tionist with material for argument as well as an indefinite amount of sneering and scoffing.— Doubtless he will be quoted by them as authority, for saying that we are all terror-stricken and pal pitating, like trembling hares before the hounds. This and similar appeals to our fears, constitute the argument used by Mr. Cobb, to prove that Lincolns election is unconstitutional! If the reader suspects that Mr. Cobb has been tnisunder stood, let him turn to the document, examine and judge for himself. In regard to the other point, the “ securin'’ of the blessings of liberty,” Mr. C. says : (page 7) hat liberty have we secured bv the Constitu tion of the United States?” Implying by this and similar questions, that all the liberty we have is secured to us by the State of’ Georgia alone • and that the government of the United States is in this respect of no value to us. Suppose Mr. Cobb were travelling in Europe on business or for health or pleasure, under what protection would he be ? The State of Georgia is powerless out of its own territory, at least it is so, beyond seas. Suppose he should take so short a trip as to Cuba, and were impressed into the Spanish military service, or eveu sold as a slave? The power of this great Republic could rescue him but what could the State of Georgia do ? She has no navy—not even a shallop. Suppose a foreign power should send a ship of war to our coast and kidnap a hundred negroes, aye or even a hundred white people, how could we obtain redress 9 Sup pose this were practised habitually how could we help ourselves? We could run down to the sea shore and fire off our rilles aad shot-guns, but of what avail would that be against a vessel out at sea? Suppose we had a fe # w ships of our owu, (and nobody pretends that we could have many) and some great naval power were to seize our ships, cargoes, crews and all, what could we do more than cry like a w hipped child ? How could we protect ourselves even from pirates? Is it said that we could get up a navy ? It is idle to suppose that Georgia, which is an agricultural State and not maritime, having only a very small sea coast, <&uld ever be able to cope with the great naval powers of the earth, or even with the pirates that scour the seas. But admitting that we could defend ourselves airainst the whole world by sea and land, it is at Teast true that we never have done it. We have been protected and defended hitherto by the government of the Uni ted States; consequently we are indebted to it for all the liberty, whether little or much, that we have ever had. WeSiave the same liberty now’ that wo had w'hen Washington was President.— That liberty was satisfactory to the patriots of the Revolution. Mr. Cobb’s assertion that w ? e have no liberty under the Constitution, is in di rect contradiction of the coneiousness of every citizen of the Republic; it is a dishonor to the memory of our forefathers; asserting that they were satisfied with a phantom, and that the in heritance which they bequeathed to us at the price of their blood, is worthless ! But suppose Mr. Cobb’s assertion to be true, what is his argu ment? The Constitution secures to us no liber ty, therefore Lincoln is unconstitutionally elected ! Is it necessary to reply to such an argument as this? But lastly on the legal question, Mr. C. says (page 7) that the party which elected Lincoln pro poses to degrade us from our equality iDfthe Union by excluding us from the Territories, and that therefore his election is unconstitutional. On close inspection it will be seen that this is the argument so far as there is uny. Tc state the argument is to refute it. What connextion is there between the premise (for there is hut one) and the conclu sion ? Aside from this, have we ever been depriv ed of territory ? Has the President power to de prive us of any ? Is he a king? Is he omnipo tent ? Can he say to the South thus far shall thou go and no farther? Mr. Cobb goes on to say, (page 8) that our negroes have been stolen from us, that we are insulted when w e attempt to recover them, that many of them are now in Can uda protected by the British flag, that our mem bers of Congress are so cowed (lion. Howeli Cobb among the rest) that they dare not even ask for restitution —that we have been denounced ub thieves and pirates- All these things are so, says he, and therefore Lincoln is unconstitutionally elected ! This is the legal argument! It is aside from our present purpose but might we not well ask, if our members of Congress are so “cowed” in the Union, would not the same men be still more “cowed” out of It? And if we dare not ask Great Britain for restitution for our slaves in Canada now, could we ask it if Georgia were an independent power without a navy or other means of enforcing respect ? Would there he fewer of our slaves in foreigu parts, if the Canada line were brought down to Tennessee? Pardon must be asked of the reader for having detained him thus long on a part of Mr. Cobb’s address, which lie himself (middle of page 9,) re pudiates. He published it to accomplish an object; it is answered for the same purpose. [to be continued.] f FECIAL NOTICES. ELEC I ION NOTICE.^ PT” Office Inferior Court Richmond County.— An Election is hereby ordered to be held, in terras of the law, at the place of holding said election?, on the second SATURDAY in January next, for two Justices of the Peace for each Dis trict. The Polls to be kept open from 10 o’clock A. M. to 6 o’clock P. M. And It is further ordered, That the Clerk of this Court pub lish the foregoing older for ten days preceding the election, in Chronlcl e A Sentinel and Constitutionalist. A true extract from the Minutes. dec22 B. F. HALL, Clerk. tV* Sealed Proposals will be received at the Clerk of Council’s Office until the 28th of December, at 12 M., for fur nlahing lor the use of the City, for the year 1861, fourteen able-bodied HANDS, and eight No. 1 MULES with CARTS, and Harness complete—the be employed on the works to be of the best quality. The contractor Boarding, Clothing and paying Doctor’s bills. The whole force to be em ployed on the Streets and Drains within the corp .rate limits of this city, and such other work as may be required of ’hem. WM, H. GOODRICH, Chm’n Com. Streets and Drains. Augusta, Dec. 20th, 1860. dci£2 PV* Fresh Garden beeds.— We expect to receive our stock of GARDEN SEEDS this season, much earlier than usual. The assortment will be more extensive and more com plete than formerly, having added several new and choice va rieties to our already large catalogue. octl2 BLUXIB A LEITNEK, Druggists. I W~ Dutch Bulbous Roots !— Now in store, HYA CINTHS, forty choicest varieties; TULIPS, flfteen varieties GLADIOLUS, four varieties; CROCUS, seven varieties; IMPERIAL, tt ve varieties ; LILIES, four varieties; NAR CISSUS, seven varieties, etc., etc. Just received by PLUMB & LEITNEK, octi-dtf 212 Broad street. Augusta, Oa. RT Augusta & Savannah Railroad, Dee. 5, 1860 —Wanted to Hire, Fifty able-bodied NEGRO MEN, to work on track. Apply to M. O’CONNER, Supervisor, or to dec6 W. G. JONEB, Agent. ——► J3T Messrs. Clark, Gregory fc Cos., Nashville, Tenn.—Gentlemen : 1 havejust used some of your AMBRO SIAL OIL for a deep and poignant pain In the- region of my heart, and found relief In twenty minutes. I have an afflicted family, and this Oil seems to be a remedy adapted to every case. Please send me oue dozen butties by Express to Tor rence Depot, Mississippi Central Railroad, Yalobusha county, Miss. J. M. Keixkt. From the same gentleman, April 18th, 1860. Mr. McCorman, a neighbor has been very much benefllted by your AMBROSIAL OIL In aeaseof Rheumatism. 1 gave some to a lady afflicted with Rheumatism, who liasnot walked a step for five or six years. Three bottles, she says, afforded her more relit f than; ny thing else ever used. There was not enough to give her a periect cure, and she is unable to procu-e It here. Send me some immediately, as I think I can sell quantity here. 1 nave tried It and proved Its efficiency, and must have some for my own family at least. J. M. Kxllt. Torrence Depot, Yalobusha county, Miss. For sale by dec22-d&w2w TUTT, Augusta, Ga. |3?“ It L seldom that we notice anything in tiie medical line, nor would we now unless we could be convinced that we are not doing our duty as a journalist, in recommending to the public DR. ,J. llOSTETTEß’Scelebrated BITTERS, for the cure of that most terrible anu fatal of all diseases—Fever and Ague. From our own experience with this valuable specific, we can safely say, that for diseases of the above nature, i stands without a rival. Its timely assistance has saved many fellow being from a premature grave. Every day we hear f its conquering the worst cases of Fever and Ague. To those who are in the least afflicted with any of the complaints arising from an Irregularity of the digestive organs, nothing can be more beneficial than these Bitters. We cheerfully recommend them to the thousands in this State, who are guttering the most intense pain, a3 a certain cure for their ills. Try them, and be convinced oftlielr many excellent qualities. For sale by Druggists and dealers generally everywhere dec22 djtwlw PT“ Sirs. Winslow, an experienced Nurse and Fema Physician, has a SOOTHING SYRUP for children Toethinge which greatly facilitates the process of teething by softening the gums, reducing all inflammation—will allay all pain, and Is sureto regulate the bowels. Depend upon It, mothers, It will give rest to yourselves, and relief and health to your infants. Perfectly safe In all cases. See advertisement in another olumn. _____ mhl6-d&wly f-P~ Dr. Wilson’s Tonic and Anti-Dyspeptic Fills. More Testimony—Every mall brings fresh evidence of the effi cacy of these PILLS. The Rev. Dr. Howard of the Chicago First Baptist Church, under date of April 18th, 1858, states that Imliad Suffered periodically from nervous headache, and during twenty-four years had In vain tried medicine prescribed by Allopathic and Hommpathie physicians, when he was In duced to try WILSON’S PILLS, which afforded Immediate relief. decJlffd&wlw 13?“ Boggs & Parker, Auctioneer*, have this day REMOVED to the Store formerly occupied by D’Antlgnac & Weems, 292 Broad Street. Persons requiring the services of an Auctioneer, would do well to give us a call. . _ BOGGS * PACKER. - announcements. zw We are authorised to announce JOHN H. MEAD as a candidate for Receiver of Tax Returns of Richmond county at the election in January next. Mast Totem. jy We are authorised to announce WILI <AM B. CHAVOUS as a candidate lor Tax Collector of Richmond county, at the election in January next. dec2o* jy We are authorised to announce JOHN A. BOIILKK a candidate for Receiver of Tax Returns of Rich mond county-. tT” A Change ! A Change! !— We are authorised to announce JOSEPH E. BURCH as a candidate lor Receiver of Tax Returns, at the election in January next. dec2o* s#- To the Voters of the Second Ward: The un derajgued respectfully announces himself a candidate tor Jus tice of the Peace for the 120th District G. M., at the ensuing election, on the first Saturday in January next. decl3 SAMUEL FROST. IF” Chas. G. On tier for Tax Collector.-I offer my self to the citizens of Richmond county for the office of Tar Collector, at theensuing election in January. dee2 * CHARLES G. BUTLER. |y sf r . Editor: Please announce that lam a candidate for Tax Collector of Richmond county, at the election in January next. [nov2fl*j DAVID A. PIIILPOT. ty Wo are authorized to announce HENRY P. WALKER as a candidate for Tax Collector of Richmond county, at the election in January next. novl4* We are authorised to announce Dr. JAMES Y. BARTON as a candidate for Tax Collector of Richmond coun ty, at the ensuing election In January next. novT-dtd ST” We are authorised to announce JAMES BRAN DON, Jr., Esq., as a candidate for Tax Collector of Richmond county, at the election in January next. Manx Vovkas. oct26* —— Jh. CARD., tF” Fellow-Citizens of Augustu and of Richmond County lam a candidate for the office of Tax Collector of Richmond county, and there is, perhaps, no candidate before the people that would appreciate their support more than the subscriber—and I expect none of them are more needy. Should I be ©leted, it will be my greatest p.eastue to discharge the du ties of the office with satisfaction to ail; should I not be, it won't be my fault—that’s all. Respectfully, dec!B M. IV. WOODRUFF. NEW ADVERTISEMENTS. WANTED TO HIRE, A NEGRO GIRL, (under twenty years old preferred.i suitable fora House Servant. Apply at the Adams Ex press Office. dec24-2t* BEIIII ISLAND TIINTERS. THE Steamboat COLUMBIA is now prepared to bring Corn and other Produce from all Landing< as far down as Point Comfort, at rates to suit the times. As this Boat Is ex clusively In the Wood and Produce trade, she will attend to all orders at short notice on application to JOHN A. MOORE, Agent. A few thousand SHINGLES for sale. ec24-swlm ByBOGGS & PARKEMuctionecrs. WILL be hired at the lower market house in the city of v V Augusta, between the usual hours of sale, on the first Tuesday in JANUARY next, for the ensuing year thefollow lng negroes, to-wit: Mose.-, Frank, Emanuel, .Jack, Tom and Cornelia, field hands—Peggy. Henrietta. Diana, Minda and Clarissa, cooks, washers and ironcm—lsreal and Spencer cat ■ penters, and william a painter. Hire payable quartern and secured by approved paper. Will be rented at the same time and place, till October Ist, 1860, the residence of the late Win. H. Oakman, on Greene st Applv to THADS. OAKMAN, J ROUT. OAKMAN, } Ex’rs. D. H. VAN BUREN. ) dcc27 DEV’EREUX & KLAPP, IMPORTERS. 23 McINTOSH-STREET, AUGUSTA, GEO. Kiportixg our stock direct, we are enabled to offer to th t ade and the public generally, an assortment of WINES, ANDIES, and GINS, from high qualities—though all the lower grades at prices as low as they can be purchased North, including transportation. Being young men, and having a reputation to build up, we are confluent that we can offer greater inducements to buyers than can be obtained el ewhere. dec27dAwlv FROM the fir,t of January next, a prime NEGRO MAN, about thirty j ears of age, a good Painter and an excellent Store Boy—having been employed in the latter capacity for a number of years. Apply at this office. declit to hTre7 SEVERAL NEGRO MEN, by the month or year—oae ot IO them accustomed to B.acksmith work. Apply at this office. declS TO KENT, mHE DWELLING HOUSE, on Broad street, three doors A. below Campbell, lately occupied by Dr. R. C. Black. FOR SALE, ‘ One HOUSE, sound, gentle and fust—can be very highly re* commended. - Also, one TOP BUGGY. Forterma, apply to EDWARD W. A ABLE Y, at the store of Daniel 11. Wilcox A Cos. dec.’O dtl DESIRABLE CITY RESIDENCE FOR SALE OK TO RENT. fff'HE desirable residence on Greene street, next below the JL Cit v Rail, belonging to the estate of Mrs. Wm. H. Oak man. The location is one of the flue tin the city—cool, quiet, and comparatively free from dust. The Lot fronts eighty-one seer on Greene street, extending half way through to Telfair. The House contains twelve rooms, besides closets, store rooms, cellars, Ac., all finished an good style, and is in good repair throughout. The out buildings comprise kitchen*, servants’ houses, stable, carriage house, Ac. Thete Is also a hydrant in the yard. For tenus, Ac., apply to Dr. K. 11. OAKMAN, 1 THADDEI'S OAK MAN, > Exr’. declS or D. H. VAN BUREN, ) LOST\ AN the night of the 8d Inst.., between the Bank of August w ano the corner of Centre and Reynold streets, a FITCH CUFF The finder will pltßse leave it at the office of this paper. decMf LOST! riIEN days ago. a white and liver colored SETTER DOG, J. ten months old. His head is all liver color, except a white mark that passes from his brow to his no-e. Rig name is “ Miller.” He has aw. nderful fondness for fresh eggs and young < hi. kens— if he is of any value I never found ft nut; but he is my Dog, and I will give a reasonable reward for his recovery. [deo33-6t| J, C. DAWSON. NEGROES FOR SALE. A FAMILY, consisting of a Woman, thirty-six years old, with lime children, aged flitetn, eleven and six years old—the two eldest Girls, large and very likely ; the youngest, a boy. All first-rate Negroes. For further particulars, enquire at (hi* office. deoffO noticeT ■DROPOSALS will be received at the Office of the Gas JL Ligiitum ipany, until January’ Ist, 1861, for one thousand ecnls ui LIGHT WOOD and eight hunured cords of PINE, to b delivered at the Gas Works. For particulars apply at the Office of the Gas Light Company. decl GEO. 8. HOOKEY, Sup’t. FOR SAVANNAH. The Iron Steamer AMAZON will leave a* above, tor Freight of 1200 bale* Cotton, apply to decOCTt J. E. GUIEU. SALT ! SALT'7! bYA/iik SACKS new SALT, large sacks, on consign ed x H I x t meiu, for sale, to arrive per stesmer Amazon, by dec2ofit JOHN B. GUIEU. WE HAVE~KIXfeD UP NICE F>R Christmas, lots of PRETTY THINGS, and we have so many that we actually want to sell some of them. So now, you that want to buy, will do well to call at 2flo Broad Street. [dcc2S-2t] E. MUBTIN A SON. MADISON FEMALE COLLEGE, Spring Term 1861. TITHE Exercises ft his Institution will open on the first .1 MONDAY In JANUARY. All the I)ep irtments are supplied with experienced and faithful ‘l eachors. Board, including Lights, Fuel aDd WasLlng, Ninety Dollars or the Term. I No Boarding Pupil will be allowed hereafter to contract any debts, or make accounts. Parents or Guardians are requested to furnish their daughters and warns frnn, home, or if they pre fer It, leave money with some member of the Faculty, who will make all needful purchases. The above rule will be'rigidly en forced. W. A. WILSONt hec’v Faculty. Madison, Dec. IS, It'k). __ declf! dAwlm ♦ ATTENTiOx i! I7OR BALE, sixty UNIFORM COATS of dark green cloth, ’ trimmed with best quality gold lace and gilt buttons, —brass scales or epaulettes, attached to each coat. A bargain may be had If applied lor soon. The attention of Companies now organizing. Is re.-pceuully called to the above. Address, or apply to BROOM ,tr DAY, declS-dlwA'wSt Augusta, Ga. $25 Ileward! E ANA WAY from the subscriber, on or about, the 26th of , November last, my Negro Woman t RANGES, aged auout 82 tears, of dark copper complexion, about 5 feet 2 inches high ; when spoken to 8 nrply, stammers badly in speaking. She was formerly owned by Hezekiali Bastln, or Columbia co., Ga., and was purchased from Mr. ‘’hue. Bastin, who lives near the Quaker Springs. I will pay the above reward for her de livery t>> me in Augusta. File Is well known In Colombia county. In the neighborhood of the Quaker Springs, Sand Hills, Augusta and Hamburg. JOHN FOSTER, dec22 d&wtf Land for Sale, A TRACT containing between six ami seven hundred IV acres, on which there Is a considerable hotly of creek bottom within four miles ol the city of Augusta ; aoout TO aores of which Is cleared. The place is unsurpassed for health. Immediate possession given. For terms, which will be Übe *l. apply to faec22-dtf] J. p. FLEMING. 30,000 LBS. Bulk Pork. fTIHR subscriber has the above amount of PORK now in JL sart, ready to smoke by the first of January, which he offers to the Planters of Georgta, Alabama and South Carolina, in exchange for the issue* of any solvent Bank within those States. Addrsti JOB. A. MABRY, decSOdß . SaoKYllle, Toan,