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SATURDAY, Auguffi , 1789.] THE AUGUSTA CHRONICLE AND I GAZETTE ok the STATE. FREEDOM of the PRESS, and TRIAL by JURY, to remain inviolate forever, Ccnjlitution of Giorgio, . I ■■■ I | » AUGUSTA: Printed by JOHN E. SMITH, Printer to the State; EJfays, Articlesof Intelligence y Advert if emcntSy - will bs gratefully receive# and every kind of Printing performed. PROCEEDINGS of CO-NGRESS , la- the HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES of the UNITED STATES. (Continued fremour las.) Saturday , May 16, 1789. THE House resumed the consideration of the motion of Mr. Maddifoi>tor an nexing to the Bill for raifrng a revenue a cteufe limiting its duration. [The question qfi this motion was largely and warmlje debited ou Friday. The gene ral argument in favor of the motion was, that it was incompatible Wkh the fnarit of the con llitution and the principles of republican go vernment to pals-a perpetual revenue law; that in the House of Reprcfentatives was pe culiarly veiled the power of applying to the pockets of the people for the means of sup porting government'; that this power was veiled for the wisest purposes, and to protect our dearell rights ; that it was in a great mea fbre for these objects thkt the House of Re prefentatwe® T -wa«, constituted in their present form, and was diftingtn’fliCd from the Senate' by their fuperlor number, aud the compara tively Ihort duration of, their appointment. The system, it was said, unless its continu ance was exprcfsly limited, would become a perpetual one, and, however oppressive it might be found in its operation, or enormous in its produft, it wouW not be in the power of the Representatives to - lessen it and lighten its burthens; it would-be in the power of tne Trefidcnt, with one - third -of the Senate, to prevent at any time a repeal of the aft, and a diminution of this independent fund, the extent of which they might find convenient for the purposes of oppression. This was throwing out of the hands of the people a delicate and important light, of which the House of Representatives was the>proper and only fafe guardian.: Agaiuft the motion it was argued, that we had great objefts to adcomplifti, and it was jiecefiary that the means in the hands of go vernment Ihould be co-extensive with them. These objects were various and unlimited, "both in extent and duration f the means there fore ought not to he limited. A lading fund was necessary for the purppfe of paying off * the debts of the Union. Unless adequate funds were provided, our creditors would lose the remains of their confidence in the councils of the > Union. • A revenue limited to a few years would not fumifti these funds-; nothing but a long and pfofperous operation of the system could bring into the treasury a quautity fuflicientto anfwcrthe large cxifling demands, together with the exigencies of go vernment. If the duration of the means was limited, the limitation niuft be made upon a nice calculation of (he objefts in view, toge ther with a drift and determined appropria tion, which we were not now in e capacity to make.) This day the question being called for on the. motion, Mr. Lawrence demanded the yeas and nays—when Mr. fackjtm lose to express his approba motion for the general reefum given yefter. day. As the yesi ami nays had been called, he thought it bis duty now to explain hia par ticular riafou fur that approbation. Hi kid he bl# g|7i mem 4 wish aw ft Aon the decayed GEORGIA. public credit as any man ; but be did not thrcV ' that making this Jaw a perperoat one would have that tendency. The eftabliihmeut of the public credit depended upon a regular and pernianert fyflem of houeft policy—it would rile from the virtue of the government, and the general puufteality with which itperform -cd it» engagement*. Can we, said be, dagbt . our own virtue } Or do wc suppose that a future Legifiature will be lefs'virtuous than ourselves f Ought we not rather to conclude that there- will always be a difpofitiou in the Federal Legifiature to dd'jull'ce to themf>;lves, to the interefte and univerfa! expectations of the people ?—lf this be their general conduct, public credit will-be inevitably re-ertablifired in whatever manner funds are provided for the payment of debts—. Sir, parting a revenue bill for two, three, or five years, or forever, will not affeft credit. It would be dangerous, he thought, to make this a perpetual bill. It might soon be necertary to alter it materially. The House were far from unanimously approving it some parts were very exceptionable to the Members from the foutbern dates, others again were difagreeablc to those from the ner .• them; some parts would bear hard on some of the dates, other parts would perhaps be oppressive upon others. It was not, he said, so much the p üblic-credit which was interest ed in the question—it was the power and the right of th;s HOufe and the privileges of the people ; the bill would put too much power in the bauds of the Senate; they iriiifl ati'ent to a repeal, and they were so constituted as that less confidence could be placed in them ; it was necessary to allure ourselves thXt their afient would be easily obtained. Thejr du ration rendered them alinoft independent; and whatever might be the complaints of the people refpefting the operation of the law, the Senate-could not be supposed to fed them very sensibly. But if the Prefideut fiiould be averfc to a repeal, and one third of the Senate Ihould be of his opinion, it would be importable for a majority in both Houses to erteft it. Thtr would ciezte divisions and jealousies between the branches of government, and would rend to destroy mutual confidence between the Se nators and Keprefcutatives. It was better to pievent these difficulties, by keeping as far as partible the power in that House, where the Constitution intended it Ihould remain. lie hoped that gentlemen would nOl easily part with a power which had been given to them - for the protection of liberty*; but wonld sup port the limitation as the means of securing U. Mr .White said he did not fee the proprie ty of calling the yeas and nay#. The mea forc most have one of two efiefts, to ihcwto the world that one part of the House was more patriotic or more difreruing than the • other, or that there was a party who thought theinfelves wiser than the majority cf the Houle. But be was as willing, he said, fur his own part, to hmbi6 vote appear in-fa vor of the amendment, as any ether gentle man could to publilh his vote against it. It had been objsfted to the motion for a limita tion, that a temporary Uw would have a ten dency 10 injure the public credit, He thought r diiTsiimly—he believed the credit of the United fttaiei was cftibliihed onasfulid priu -1 cipUs aku Mfm est tuiiU ifteblaih »t i lift [Vol. 111. No. CXLVm.J • I ter funded indeed than that of any other country, for it had been made a part of the national compact—it was a part of the con i' Action under which the House then Tat. He believed that no other nation on earth had made the public credir an express part of their . t facial compaCf; This cnnftitutional provision '* fc**en to the public creditors all the con tidenre and fatisfattiou which it was in the power of any government to give. What . lh€u « ucccffary to do ? Nothing but to execute the Constitution. Would foreigner* entei into a minute examination of our reve nue Mem, hr order to determine their own confidence in us as a nation ? Would public creditors ferutinize all the meafurcs and mean* of government in detail to afeertain the pro portion of public faith which it poffelTcd'? No J They would observe the general con durt of *the United States as a nation, and fee whether that conduit was directed by wisdom and prudent#;-if they saw this, they would be confirmed in the belief of that justice of which the Constitution itfelf had given them ir j • » , « ®{ c the means of efta bhlhingithe riational credit. It was then pro perly the objert of tke House to deterramb whet.icr to render the revenue law perpetual would be a measure wife and prudent in • It fell e * 4 It had, he said, been well observed, that* fom« parts would bear harder on fume Bate* than others. Perhaps there was no rtate which wuu d not feel its preflure. It appeared thar gentlemen who represented opposite extreme* of the Union entertained very different fen ttments, and expreded those ftotiments with - great earneftn.fc. There had been imima tionsand predictions of the dangerous confe qudnees of high duties, which he would nor icppat. If these dangers were real; would it be prudent to nlk these consequences, and to make thele daugers unavoidable, by reu dermg the law perpetual > It was true there had uecn pains taken to impose the burtheuß as equally as portable. If fame Hates were preiied by a duty on molasses, it seemed to be balanced by the tonnage duty imposed up on others; but it was Hill probable that there were important minakes in the bill, which expetieucc alone could point out to the fans* faction of all parties. The fyllem, he said, was great, complex; and qomprehcnfivc. Ic embraced finance, navigation, commerce, mauufaftures, agriculture, in short, every thi <g in which a nation could be concerned. We were young and unexperienced; was it proper then uuder our prelent difa- vantage* and on so difficult a fubjett,' to- enaft a lavpi ' affecting the dcaieft iuterefts of the people, which waa never to- be repealed but by the* ooufent oft he three diftind branches ? It had been said that the Senate had -greater power* . than the Hrcpre.eutativc*. He agreed, that* in some inrtaiice*, they had greater powers, . but in others their powers were Icfs ; in re spect to icvcuue matters it was certainly less ; and very properly so : He feared that the * ReprefcMtaiive Body, by a perpetual system, - would give tr: the faj r power which wit so valuable to them. It was the intention of the Cunfiitmion uut this power ftiouid be frequently cxerulVd, for in its exercile alone confided its advantage. It would be of lit tle toufequciitc to puffers the nteie nominal light* if from the nainie of things it could be CAwitf J. U the SKI.- •Ud in