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SATURDAY, July 6, ISOS.
AUGUSTA CHRONICLE,
G AZETTE OF THE STATE.
FREEDOM or ths PRESS and TRIAL bt JURY shall rimain inviolat*. Ccnftitution of Georgia*
AUGUSTA: Printed by D, DRISCOL, near the market. [3 Dolls, per Annum,"]
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THOMAS PAINE,
TO THE CITIZENS OF THE UNI TED STATES.
LETTER THE EIGHTH.
Much has been said, and much remains
ro be said, of that undcfcribcd and unde
fctibablc nothings called federalist). It is a
without a meaning, and designates a
faction that has no principles. Aik a man
who calls himfelf a federaiift, what fedcra
lifm is ? and he cannot tell you. Aik him
* what are us principles ? and he has none to
give. Federalism, then with refpcd to go
vernment, is similar to atheism with rcfped
to religion, a nominalnothing without prin
ciples. The federal papers, especially those
of New-England, have often said, that
ts religion andfederaljm must go together.**
Bar if their religion is related to their fed
eraUfm; if it is as deilitute of morals asthejr
federalifm is of principles; and 1 fear it is ;
it will do them no good in this world or the
next. It will condemn them as impostors
acd hypocrites in both.
Thcfe who once figured as leaders under
toe a (Turned and fraudulent name of federal
i/m, (but who are fincegene, net into hon
orable and peaceable retirement, 1 ike John
Dickinson and Charles Thompfouf hut in
to pnfeuriry and oblivion, like John Adams
and John Jay) had fomc plans in contempla
tion which they concealed from their delu
ded adherents, hnt thcfe plans can be dis
covered tfuough the gauzy, but clumsy veil
of conduit those leaders adopted. “No co
ver is large enough to hide itfelf,** fays the
Spanilh proverb.
It requires more artifice and management
to disguise and conceal sinister designs than
schemers are aware of. A man never turns
a rogue but he turns a fool. He incautious
ly lets out something by which those he in
tended to cheat or impofc upon begin to
find him out. Whereas truth is a straight
forward thing ; even an ignorant man will
cot blunder in a true dory— -nor can an
artful man keep a falfe story straight,
Bit those leaders, supposing thcmfclves
in a higher politico than what common ob
servation would reach, prefamed, on their
supposed confequencc and the expeded ere
dulity of their adherents, to impose on the
nation hy clamorous and falfe pretences, for
the puipofe of railing a (landing army of fif
ty thousand men ; and when they had got
that army, the maik would have been thrown
off, and their deluded adherents would have
paid the price of their duplicity by being
en (laved.
But in the midst of this carreer of delusion
and imposition, those leaders became fools.
They did every thing they ought not to
have done. They advocated plans which
(hewed that their intention and their cause
were not good. They labored to provoke
war. They opposed every thing which led
to pcacel They loaded the country with
vexatious and uncceffary taxes, and then
opposed the reduction of them. They op
oofed a redudion of ufdefs offices that served
•
no other purpose than to maintain their own
partizans at the expence of the public. In
fttort, (hey run thstnfelves a-ground, firft,
by their extravagance, and next by their
own vanity, and though bcw-ildered in the
wilderness of their own projeds, they fool
ifhly supposed themselves above de ted ion.
They had neither sense enough to know,
nor logic enough to perceive, that as we can
reason uoward from cause to effed, so also
»
we can reason downward from effed to cause
and difeover, by the means they make use
cf, the motives and objed of any party ;
for when the means are bad, the motive and
the end to be obtained cannot be good.
The manners also, and language of any
party is another due that leads to a difeove
ty of their real charaders. When the cause
and principles of a party are good, its ad
vocates make use of reason, argument and
good language. Truth can derive no ad
vantage from boisterous 'vulgarity. But
*‘hen the motives and principles of a party
are lad, it is necessary to conceal them ; and
its abettors having principles they dare to
acknowledge and cannot defend, avoid eve
ty thing of argument, and take refuge in
a I use and falfehood.
The federal papers are an instance of the
* John Dickinson , the ref pitiable au.
thcr of the Farmer’s Letters t before the re.
t'ofuticn began . Charles Thompson , the
faithfulfecretary of the Old Ccngrefs , dur.
'T *be rev*lotion.
justness of this remark. Their pages are
crouded with abuse, with argu
ment ; for they have no principles to argue
from ; and as to falfehood, it is become so
naturally their mother tongue , cfpecially in
New. England, that they seem to have loft
the power as well as the dfpr/ftion of fpcak
ing the truth. Those papers have been of
great aid to the republican cause, not only
by the additional disgrace they have brought
on their own difgraceful fadlion, hut by fer
vingas a foil to set off, with greater ec'at
the decency and well principled arguments
of the republican papers. I have had some
experience, perhaps as much as mod men
have had in the various turns of political
life, bur I never saw a greater set of fools
undertake to conduft a party than the lea
ders of the federalifts have been, and the
editots of their papers. They correspond
to the story told of a man who was become
so proud and famous for lying, that he dis
dained speaking the truth left he should lose
his charadler.
Cannot those stupid people fee, or, ac
cording to some dogmas of their own, are
their hearts hardened, that they fhaii not
fee that the more vulgar and abalive they
are, the more ground they lose in the esti
mation of the public. Every cleftion, cf
pecially in New. England, is wearing them
down till they be lolt, even as a fattion, and
Massachusetts and Connecticut will recover
their former character. Every thing this
fafttondoeshaftens its exit. The abusive vul
garity of Halbert, a pettifogging attorney
of Sheffield, in Massachusetts, and one of
its legislators, has contributed to bring for
ward the funeral. In his late unprincipled
speech in the legillature of that ftatc, he hes
driven another nail in the coffin of federal
fadfion, and I leave it to the New. Erg.
Palladium to tlludi is. Is is a paper '
worthy of being the buffoon of such a fadli
on, and of such an hypocritical impostor.
Thus much for the character of parties, and
the method of afeertaining thfrir motives and
obje&s. I now proceed to other matters.
When I returned to America in Novem
ber, 1802, (after an abfencc of more than
fourteen years) I found the country in a
Rate of difquictude. The people were
divided into two classes, under the names
of republicans and federaltfls % and, in point
of numbers, appeared to be nearly balanced.
The republicans were the majority in congrcfs,
and all the administration were of that de
feription ; but they were assailed with out
rageous abuse in all the federal papers, but
never by argument. lam enough acquain
ted with life and the world to know that
abuse is the evidence of want of argument ,
end that those who use it have not right
on their fide. There is a dignified calm
ness in .conscious reftitude which defeends
not to abuse. It can reason, but it cannot
rage. It cannot quit the strong fortrefs of
reftitude to fkirmiQi in the fields of vulgari
ty*
It was not difficult to perceive, that this
division and agitation arose from some re
ports spread during the administration of
John Adams, and in the latter time of
General Washington, which one part of
the people believed and the other did not;
and the point to be afeertained was, wheth
er those reports were true orfalfe. If either
of those cases could be afeertained cffeflually,
it would unite the people. The chief of
those reports was, the danger of an tnva.
fion from France ; and this was made a
cause for borrowing, by lean, five millions
of dollars, at the high rate or eight per cent,
laying on land-tax of two millions of dollars
annually, besides a great number of other
taxes, and for railing an array of fifty thou
sand men.
Now, if the danger was real, it ought to
have been provided against. If it was a
fitfion, with the design of railing an army
to he employed to accomplilh some concealed
purpose, the country ought to be informed
of it. The party styling therafelves feder
lifts appeared to believe the danger, and
the republicans to ridicule it as fabulous j
and in this Rate the parties Rood. It was,
however, equally the intersft of both to
know the truth, on which ever fide the •
truth might fall.
Being at Washington the winder of 1802-
3, I talked with some members of congress
on the fubjeft, particularly with Mr. Brec
kenridge, senator from Kentucky, the fame
person who brought in the bill for repealing
John Adams's judiciary law ar.d the mid
night appointments made in cot.fcq'.erce of
GEORGIA .
it. This repeal fared the country thirty
two thou/and dollars annually , belides
: freeing i: from an intended judiciary des
potism.
1 spoke to him of the propriety of con
gress appointing a committee, or by fomc
other method as they might think proper,
to enquire into the condud of the former
administration, that of John Adams, and
to call upon him to produce the information
whether official or oiherwife, which he
went upon, if Ire had any, for putting the
country to such vast cxpence, under the
idea, real or pretended, ofaninvafion from
France. This wouid be giving John Adams
a fair chance of clearing lumfelt, if he could,
from the suspicion that this administration
was a gross imposition on the public ; and
on the other hand, if the imposition (hould
be proved, it would enlighten the country,
and put it on its guard against further impo
sitions.
Mr. Breckcnridge agreed with me in
the propriety and fitnefs of the meafurc.
He saw that information was wanted, and
that it would be ufcfal, bccatife when the
truth Ihould he known, it would compose
the people. John Adams had gone away
in what may be called a clan define mam* >■,
without furrrndering into the hands of his
successor, as he ought to have done in per
son, any account of the affairs of the execu
tive department, foreign or domestic. There
are no papers or documents that I know of,
and I believe there are none, because there
can be none in the secretary of (fare’s office,
that will juflify John Adams in the expcncc
to which his administration put the country;
or even afford ground for suspicion that
neither France or Englatidin fended to invade
the United States. For what purpose then
an army to be railed, The proiedox
1 erf fauti a lucaruie rnau nave naci lome oDjcct
in view, and as that objed has never been
explained, it ought to be enquired into.
It is bad policy, and also a bad precedent,
especially in public affairs, to let imposition
Hide away without detection.
At the time I talked with Mr. Brec
kenridge on this fubjed, I expeded that
Mr. Skipivith , formerly + and at this
time, American consul at Paris, and Joel
Barlow would soon arrive, and I did not
wi(h the enquiry to be gone into till they
came. After the fall of Robcfpierre and
the eftahlifhment ofithe diredory constitu
tion, those two gentlemen and myfelf, (Mr.
Monroe being recalled) had better opportu
nicies of knowing the femimems and inten
tions of the French government, with rc
fped to America, than other persons
had; and they can be evidence equally
with myfelf, that no intention existed in the
French government to invade America j
nor was any preparation made for such an
attempt, nor couid it be made. The pos
sibility offuch a thing did not cxilt. The
French navy at that time was nearly an
nihilated , her ports blockaded b} the
British ; and (he had to fight by land,
single handed, against the whole of Europe.
She had it not in her power to spare a re.
giment, much less couid (he spare an army,
to fend to America j and if (he could have
spared one, fhc had not the means of trans
porting it, nor a convoy to proted it. All
the circumstances as well as the evidence
that can he provided, will (hew that the
administration of John Adams, was a frau
dulent and expensive imposition on the
country ; and that the army to be- raised
was intended for some secret purpofc, and
not for the purpose of defence. If John
Adams was not conscious of something
wrong, and apprehendve of some confe
rences, why did he abfeond in the hasty
and private manner he did ? Or why his
parttzans want to put Aaron Burr in the
preGdency. In the days of the black coc- '*
kadc?, John Adams had one so enormous
and so valiantly large, that he appeared to
be suspended by it; but when his midnight
hour arrived, his valor fled and himfelfalfo.
The 'voluntary embajfy of Dr. Logan to
Paris appears to have disconcerted John’s
administration, and difeomfirted its leaders ;
because it served to expose and put an end
to their projeds. When Dr. Logan called
on Timothy Pickering, secretary of state,
+ Mr. Si ip with rejjgned the confulftip
touring the administration of John Adams,
I believe on account of a rude inful ting letter
he received from Timothy Bickering, then
secretary of fate. Mr. JeJfefon re.ap.
1 pointed Mr, & kip-wit h.
/
IVot, XIX. Mo. 979
i with Mr, Skipwith's dispatches from Paris,
Timothy, before he knew their contents,
though Logan knew the whole, began to
talk ol invasions and dangers, and the
ncccffity of preparation. It may be very
well y (aid Logan, “\to have the militia
always in good order.” <* Ihe militia
fir!” said Timothy, “ the militia never
did any good and never w:7/.| IVe mufi
have aa army of fifty thovfand men.” Wlien
Logan was coining away, Timothy said
to him at the door, “ Sir the government
don't thank you."
When Logan waited on general Welling
ton, who had been then appointed the lieu
tenant general of the army then railing, of
which John was commander in chicl I—the
general received him coldly and fttrnly,
and faidto Him in a haughty tone, %i and
pray fir, what right have you, that art
but a private citizen, to interfere in matters
of government ?” Logan very prudently
replied, “ I have no answer, fir, to make
to that," and with-drew.—The ftatc of
Pennsylvania, soon after this, defied Dr,
Logan one of its senators in congress,
Circumfhnccs often unriddle and explain
themselves, and it happens so in this case;
for if the adminlftratien, and those leader*
connected wiih it, were finccre in their
belief that the danger was real, and that
the country (as Governeur Morris exprefled
if, in \i\s funeral oration on Hamilton) was
“ menaced with dangers from, without,”
and that France intended an imvafion ; and
if at the fame time, they had no concealed
objett in contemplation themfclvcs, they
would welcome the meffonger that should
bring them good tidings that all was well.
But if, on the contrary, they knew they
were acting a fraud, apd heating the coun
try with falfehoods and falfc alarms- iiot
.. .i-—. . j —wf|/rwßmng i*j auaj »< * j
new taxes, and raising an army to accom
plilh fomc concealedpurpoft that could not
be accompiilhcd without that treachery,
they would be enraged at him; and this
accounts for the rude reception Dr. Logan
received from that administration/ Thoa
fands who supported that adminiltration
from a* belief that it was acting right, have
fincc abandoned it from a conviction that
it acted deceitfully wrong, and this also
accounts for the great majority at the Jaft
presidential election. Wc have no alarms
now, nor should we have had any then, if
the prclcntadininiftraUon had existed at that
time.
It requires only a prudent and honest
administration to preserve America always
in peace. Her distance from the European
world fries her from its intrigues. Bat
J Timothy Pickering's refieflion on the
militia dejerves a rebuff. Jr was the mili
tia that fought at Bunker’s hill, under
iVarren, a militia general,-..!t was by the
hid of numerous reinforemeats of militia to
join general Gates that liurgoyne was taker..
It was by a volunteer militia under Stark,
a volunteer general, that colonel Baum, a
Hefpan officer, was defeated at Remington,
in Tetmont, which was the prelude to the
capture of Burgoyne. But perhaps Timothy
reasons from himfelf } and if he makes him
felf the fiandarj by which tojudgeofthe
merits of the militia, there is ground for his
Jaying the militia never did a ty good end ne
ver will, Timothy’s fi>Ji public employ
ment was very hartnhf, that oj a teacher of
pfalmody, When the revolution began he
learned the manual exerefe, and then taught
it. He was afterwards appointed colonel
of a regiment of militia, and when the af
fairs of Lexington and Concord took place,
April rg, 1775, and the. Bfit’Jh were re
treating from Concord back to Bofion, an or
der was sent to Timothy, to march with hit
regiment, and pofi himjtlf at a certain p'ef'e
to cut off their retreat. Timothy marched,
but he flopped Jhort of the place, and
drew up his men, and went to prayers, till
the Br'ttijb pajfei it. His prayers favtd
him from the dang ers of that day . Ido not
know that he fun g psalms—Perhaps not «
The enemy mighthavtoverhenrdhim. Had Ti
mothy done his duty on that occasion , and put
his trufi in God without loitering away his ■
time, th» whole party of the Britijh, about
two thoujand, mufi have been pris oners, for
thy could rot have gut hark into Bofion ,* and
the Jlaughter at Bunker’s hill, the I "Jth of
June following. Could not have taken place.
The whole force of the Britijh at Bofion at
that time, was about four thou [and, one
half of which were on this expedition.
rn
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