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(’OLI'M BIS, MONDAY, J A.M ARI 17. Ssl.
Judge Iverson’s Speech.
According to promise, we present to our readers,
to-day, the speech of Judge Iverson upon the
Pacific Railroad Bill. Its length precludes all
other matter from our columns, and, yet, we
imagine no one will think that it is too long, or
that our space could be more profitably filled. It
is due to ourselves to say that we are opposed to
the bill under consideration, orany bill by which
a donation of land, or other common property of
the nation, by Congress, is required for such an
undertaking. The plan proposed by our distin
guished Senator, in lieu of the one submitted, is
the least objectionable of any, for the very cogent
reason he assigns; but we hope that other coun
sels will prevail and prevent Congress from em
barking in this stupendous scheme of internal im
provement. Of all other positions and arguments
set forth in the speech, it is unnecessary to say
that wo entirely approve. We believe, moreover,
that they will be endorsed heartily and fully by a
faithful and honest constituency.
From tlie Daily U!olc
SPEECH OF
Hon. Alfred Sverwoaa,
On the Pacific Railroad ‘Jlill — Delivered in the
Senate Jan. (i, 1859.
Mr. IVERSON. Mr. President, when this bill
was under consideration at the last session, I
submitted some amendments to it, the object of
which was to provide for the construction of two
Pacific Railroads—a northern and southern road.
The bill then reported to the Senate by the select
committee, and which is the same now before us,
provided for Government aid to only one road,
and confined its eastern terminus to some point
on the Missouri river, between the mouths of the
Big bioux and Kansas rivers, and its western ter
rninous to San Francisco. It proposed to grant
the alternate sections of the Government
lands for twenty miles on each side of the road
on its whole route, making twenty sections, or
twelve thousands eight hundred acres to the mile.
It also proposed to contract with the person or
persons, company or companies, .who should un
dertake its construction, for the transportation of
the Government mails for twenty years, and to
agree to advance, by way of pay for this service,
in regular ami equal portions, $25,000,000 in go
vernment bonds,as sections of twenty miles should
be completed and put in operation; the company
constructing the road to refund hack this ad
vance pay in railroad service, in carrying the
mails, soldiers, sailors, munitions of war, and oth
er Government stores and property, at certain
rates of compensation to be agreed upon in the
contract, and limited in the bill itself.
My amendments proposed that the President
should enter into a similar contract or contracts,
for the construction of two roads, the eastern ter
minus of one to be on the Missouri river,any where
north of the thirty sixth parallel of north latitude
and within the boundaries of the United States,
and ending at any point or place on the Pacific
coast that might be selected by the contracting
party; the other road to be located on any route
south of the thirty-sixth parallel of north latitude
westol the Mississippi, within the United States,
and terminating at any point on the Pacific se
lected by the contractors. My plan proposed a
similar grant of land to each road of twenty sec
tions to the mile, and a contract with each road
to the extent of $12,500,000 in Govennent bonds
for mail and other government service, to be ad
vanced in like proportionate sums, and under sim
ilar restrictions, limitations, and conditions, as
were imposed in the original bill.
Upon my amendments, as well as upon the
merits of the whole subject, the necessity and
propriety of a railroad communication between
the Atlantic and Pacific States, and the constitu
tional power of Congress to afford Government,
aid in land anil contracts, T submitted my
views at some length during the last session.—
These views were well matured and* have under
gone no change. I have no doubt whatever that
Congress has the power, under the Constitution,
to “dispose of the public territory’ ’in this or any
other way deemed to be for the general public
good. It is a subject within the sound discretion
of Congress; and ordinarily, railroad grants, as
they are called, contribute largely to the public
good. It is true they benefit individuals, those
who own the roads; but it is not an objection to
tbein in my view, it they, at the same time, do not
diminish the value and price of the lands reserved
by tho Government, or lessen the aggregate sum
for which the whole sell. If the Government by
the operation and clfect of these grants, obtains
as much money for tho reserved alternat sections
as the whole would command without the road,
and sells them sooner, and at the same time stim
ulates their settlement and cultivation, thus in
creasing the population and wealth of the country
and opening avenues of commerce and travel. I
cauuot, lor the life of me, sec what objection there
can bo to the exercise of this power, regulatedand
controlled always by a sound discretion, as to the
objects of tho grant and tho necessity or propriety
and value of the proposed road. Believing that
we have the power to grant the lands, I do not
doubt the expediency of making the grant in this
ease. If ever there was a necessity or propriety
in building any railroad, and giving the aid of
the Government to its construction, it exists, in
fay opinion, in this very case.
I shall not consume time in enumerating the
reasons for the construction of this road: they
are so numerous and so very obvious that none
can doubt, aud may be said to establish an abso
lute necessity. Nor have I any doubt that Con
gress may authorize nd provide fer a contract
with the constructors of this railroad for the trans
portation of the United States mails, troops, mu
nitions of war and other Government property,
for a definite period of years, at a certain annual
price, and undertake to pay the contract
price, either in whole or iu part, in advance. —
This is also a question of mere expediency, with
in tj the constitutional powers ot Congress, and
only to bo guided and governed by a sound and
proper discretion. If, therefore, by the exercise
of these constitutional powers, and within a whole
some discretion, the construction oi this great
work of public necessity and usefulness ca n be
secured aud accomplished, 1 think the -obligation
upon as to exercise the power is imperative. But
sir, whilst I am a warm advocate for the con
struction of this road, and am ready and willing
so grant Government aid, within the constitutional
bounds, and to a reasonable extent, I am not wil
ling to vote an acre of land or a dollar ol money
towards the construction.of a Pacific railroad
which will be so located as to confer all its bene
fits upon one section of this L nion. I made this
objection at the last session, and I stand by it at
this.
Now, sir, I have not a solitary doubt, that if
only one road is provided for and the route is left
open to be selected by the company who shall
undertake it, a northern route will bo adopted,
making its’immediate connections with the nor
thern and northwestern roads, and porning all
jt * vast travel and freights over those roads
and intd the northern States and cities of this
Union. The South may now aud then get a
straying passenger, or a box of stray goods, but
the great bulk of all its operations will be turned
towaads the North; and, sir, I cannot but be
surprised that any southern Senator should be
willing to vote such a magnificent donation of
land aud money to an enterprise from which bis
section is likely to derive such trifling profits.
Will it ho said, sir, that if the South has the best
route, capitalists will build the road on that
route? Is it likely that northern capital will be
invested to construct a southern road? No, sir:
not a dollar will everbe so spent. The political and
sectional prejudices which pervade the northern
people against the South would be sufficient of
themselves to deter them. How much northern
capital is ever invested in southern enterprises?
It is a notorious fact, that whilst no northern rail
road ever pays more than six percent, and many
of them pay less, whilst some pay nothing, there
is scarcely a railroad in all the southern States*
that does not pay seven per cent., a large majority
of them yield eight per cent., and many ol’ them
even more. And yet, sir, there is not one dollar
of northern capital in a thousand, yea, probably
not in ten thousand, invested in southern roads.
Northern capitalists shun all southern invest
ments as if the very touch was pollution. Why,
sir,whilst a northern man, with northern security,
can borrow any amount of money in New York at
from four to six per cent, per annum, I venture
to say that even the Senator from South Carolina,
[Mr. Hammond,] as wealthy as he is and as pop
ular as he has lately rendered himself in the
North by his Barnwell speech, if he were to go to
New York and ask for a loan of SIO,OOO, and
propose to mortgage his plantation and negroes,
worth half a million, as security, he could not get
a dollar.
Such, 3ir, is the worthless opinion whieh nor
thern capitalists have of southern securities, south
ern enterprises, and southern investments, And,
sir, do you think that these feelings, these opinions
these] prejudices, would not operate in the selection
and construction of a Pacific railroad ?
But, sir, there is even a more powerful cause
than these, which would control the question of
selection and foreifthe road upon a northern route,
Open this speculation to northern cupidity ; put
this glittering prize of twenty-five million acres of
the public land and twenty-live millions of Gov
ernment money, in the shape of a twenty-five
years’ mail contract, up to competition, and who
can doubt for a moment that it would be clutched
by northern speculators and capitalists ? And
when we add to these the countless millions of
commercial benefits and moneyed receipts which a
Pacific railroad would bring to the section into
which it is to run : when wo look at the vast
moneyed interests already invested in northern
and western roads, and the large number of peo
ple concerned in them, all residing in the North
and West—he must bo indeed blind who could fer
a moment suppose that a southern route would be
adopted. Do you think, sir, that the railroad
companies of New ‘York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, In
diana, Illinois, Michigan, lowa, Wisconsin, Min
nesota, to say nothing of the New England States,
with ail their various, extended, and ramified in
terest, their numberless stockholders and vast
moneyed and commercial connections and rela
tions, would furnish the means or permit a south
ern road to bo built ? No, sir; they would have
unlimited control over the subject, and would
place the road where their own interests would
be most promoted. lam not opposed to a north
ern road. lam willing to give the North the
privilege of building one if they choose, and put
them upon the same footing with the South. I am
willing to grant land to a northern road, and give
it the aid of a liberal mail contract; but I insist
that the South shall be put on a perfect equality
with the North. If the North can take the land
and the mail contract, and raise the means to con
struct a northern road, let her do it. If the South,
with like advantages, cannot do so, let the South
suffer from the failure. All we want is to have an
equal chance. Give us that, and, for one, I shall
never murmur at or envy the North any benefits it
may derives from a Pacific railroad built by its
superior wealth or superior enterprise. But Ido
object to and protest against any arrangement by
which the aid of the Government is to be invoked
to construct a work of internal improvement whieh
is to bo so unequal in its operations; which will
confer untold benefits and blessings upon one,
and comparatively none upon the other, section
of the Union.
Sir, this unequal flow of the Government money
and Government benefits into the great northern
maelstrom has been going on long enough, and
shall not continue longer by any vote of mine. I
do not object to northern prosperity; but I insist
that, in the dispensation of Government money
and patronage, every section shall be put on an
equality. Sir, if the statistical tables of Govern
ment expenditures were consulted, it would ap
pear that more than three-fourths of the money
and lands expended by Government have been
appropriated to the North and West, comprising
the free States of this Union. It is all wrong, sir.
If either section is to have the advantage, it should
bo the weaker one. The North boasts of her su
perior numerical strength and her great’ prepon
derance in wealth, and yet her Senators and Rep
resentatives in Congress let no opportunity es
cape, but are ever pressing and pushing forward
every GoVeriUlieut scheme, that can add to these
elements of power on the one hand, or weaken them
on the other. Such, sir, have been tho workings
of the Federal Government since the formation of
the Federal Union; and such, 1 appifhend, will
be its workings as long as that Union lasts, or un
til the South asserts her equality of rights and
benefits as tho condition of remaining the
Union.
And speaking of the Union, sir, I take occasion
to say that there is another reason connected with
it, which makes me object to any bill, the provis
ions of which will secure tho Government aid in
the construction of a railroad to the Pacific, ex
clusively confined to the northern States. Sir, I
believe that’ the time will come when the slave
States will be compelled, in vindication of their
rights, interests and honor, to separate from the
free States, and erect an independent Confederacy;
and I am not sure, sir, that the time is not near at
hand when'that event will occur. At all events,
I am satisfied that one of two things is inevitable :
either that the slave States must surrender their
peculiar institutions, or separate from the North.
I do not intend, on this occasion, to enter into an
elaborate or prolonged discussion of this propo
sition. I content myself with expressing my firm
belief, and a brief allusion to the foundation of
that opinion. It is unnecessary lojlookback to the
commencement of the anti-slavery agitation in the
northern States, and to trace its regular and rapid
growth to its present monstrous proportions.
I remember twenty-five years ago, when peti
tions were first presented to Congress for the abo
lition of slavery in the Districi of Columbia ; it
was the beginning of the agitation, and was lim
ited to a few deluded religious fanatics amongst
the men. and some of the weaker sex, of the New
England States. It nevertheless aroused the fears
anti excited the angry feelings of many of the
southern people; it produced much discussion in
Congress, and amongst the newspaper press of the
southern States. Many expressed their belief that
it was a beginning of a storm which was to sweep
over the free States, carrying everything before
it; but they were met with the syren song which
the distinguished Senator from South Carolina
has recently so eloquently poured forth, “there is
no danger; slavery is too strong to be overturned;
let the sound, conservative mind and heart of the
North be appealed to, and all will be right; our
friends there will protect us.” Behold the result
of the late elections ! With the bold, undisguised
deelaratioa of hostility to slavery at the South, as
enunciated by the great leader of its enemies at
Rochester, with his loud sounding pronunciamen
to of “down with the accursed thing,” with the
bloody flag of anti- slavery unfurled, and “war to
the knife” written upon its folds, there is not at
this day a majority of true, conservative friends
of the rights of the South iu a single free State of
this Union this side the Rockey Mountains. The
demon of abolition, in his most hideous shape,
has covered them all over with the footprints ol
his onward and remorseless march to power.
Sir, he knows but little of the workings of hu
man nature, who supposes that the spirit of anti
slavery fanaticism which now pervades the north
ern heart will stop short of its favorite and final
end and aim—the universal emancipation of slav
ery in the United States by the operation and ac
tion of the Federal Government. When Mr. Wil
berforee began the agitation of his scheme of
emancipation in the British West India Islands,
there was not a corporal’s guard in both Houses
of the British Parliament who sympathized with
him or approved the movement : and yet, in less
than a quarter of a century, all England oecame
abolitionized, and perpetrated, by a aeeree in
Parliament, one of the most aroitrarv and out
rageous violations of private rights which was ev
er inflicted by despotic power upon peaceful and
loyal subject’s. And so it will be in this country.
The same spirit which brought about emancipa
tion iu the British Islands, will produce it here
whenever the power is obtained to pass and to en
force its decress. When the present Republican
party, or its legitimate successors in some other
name, shall get possession of the Government;
when it has the President, both Houses of Con- j
gress, and the judiciary, what will stay its hand?
It cannot stand still; if it does, it dies. To live j
and reign, it must go on. Step by step it will be |
driven on ward in its mad career until slavery is j
abolished or the Union dissolved. One of these
two things is as inevitable as death.
I know that there are men even in the South,
who, like the distinguished Senator from South
Carolina, argue that slavery is stronger and safer
now in the Union than it ever has been—that the
South, by unity and concert, can always combine
with a party at the North sufficiently strong to
carry the election and control the action of the
Federal Government. In my opinion there never
was a greater mistake. Suppose the election of
President were to come off at this time, and all
the southern State, including even Maryland,
were united upon a candidate: how many free
States would he carry? Perhaps California, and
Oregon,j if she is admitted; but not another State.
The receut electious show clearly that the Aboli
tionists have not only a decided but an over
whelming majority, in every free State on the At
lantic slope. In all the late elections, conservative
and sound democracy, the only element sympathi
zing with the South, has not carried a single free
State. Ido not consider the triumph of the dis
tinguished Senator from Illinois [Mr. Douglas]
as a victory of sound Democracy. It was a victo
ry of Free-Soil Democracy over Abolition Whig
ery, and no more; and I would not give a copper
for the difference. So far as the South and her
constitutional rights are concerned, it was a vic
tory over her and over them. I would not turn
on my heel for | choice between the Wilmot
proviso andthe squatter-sovereignty doctrine and
policy of the Senator from Illinois. Indeed, sir,
if I was driven to select between them, 1 would
take the former. It is open, xnanly, and decisive;
it settles tho question at once, by debarring the
southern people, in terms, from entering the Terri
tories with their slave property; it is an open and
undisguised denial of right to the South, which the
South could resist or submit to, as her sense of
honor or her policy might dictate, whilst the
squatter-sovereignty doctrine and practice, as de
fined by its distinguished advocate, is plausible,
delusive, deceptive, and fatal. No mau of com
mon sense can suppose that, under it, the South
will ever obtain another foot of Territory, or
add another slave State to this Union. Both are
political heresies, finding no authority in (he
Constitution ; equally violative of the rights of the
southern people, subversive of their equality in
the Union, a.id an insult to their honor, which in
my opinion, their reprobation and
resistance.
Tho people of the southern States, as coequals
in the Union, and as joint and equal owners of
the public territory, have the right to emigrate to
these Territories with their slave property, and to
the protection and the enjoyment of that property
by law during the existence of the territorial gov
ernment; laws passed by Congress as tho trustee
and common head of the joint property —head of
all the States and all the people of the States in
the public territory: laws recognizing the equal
right of every citizen to go in and possess and
enjoy the common inheritance; laws, not to de
prive men of property, but to regulate and secure
its enjoyment; laws to put every man in the Uni
ted States upon an equal footing in the exercise
of a great constitutional right. This, sir, is what
we of the South are entiiled to at the hands of a
common Government; and we ought not to be
content with less, or submit to a denial of it. I am
free to declare here, that if 1 had the control of
the southern people, I would demand this of
Congress at the organization of every territo
rial government as the terms upon which the
South should remain in the Union. I would
hold our “right” in one hand and “separ
ation” in the other, and leave the North to
choose between them. If you would do us jus
tice, I would live with you in peace; if you de
nied us justice, I would not live with you another
day.
Sir, abolition is advancing with rapid strides to
the accomplishment of its great end, the universal
emancipation of slavery in the United States. The
distinguished Senator from New York, [Mr. Se
ward,] when he uttered his anathemas, and ush
ered forth his declaration of war against southern
slavery at Rochester, understood well the feeling
whieh sways, and is likely to sway, the masses in
the northern States upon this important and exci
ting subject. The North intends to put down
slavery at the South, “peaceably if they
can, forcibly if they must.” It is true the
Senator from New York, the great embodi
ment of this abolition sentiment and will,
has very kindly and condescendingly told the
world that this great end and object are to be ac
complished by “constitutional means !’’ What
fool docs not understand that ? A majority party,
controlling all the branches of the Government,
and bent upon an object, would have no difficulty
in finding a grant of power in the Constitution
for the accomplishment of any object. IV hat bet
ter authority would they want than the power
given to Congress to “provide for the general
welfare” of the United States? Slavery, they
say, is a great curse, a political, moral, and so
cial evil; a dark and damning stain upon the na
tional escutcheon ; a blight upon its prosperity ;
a great and growing injury evon to individuals
and States who tolerate it. The national welfare
demands its extinguishment, and Congress may
and must do it. Here is the grant, and here the
necessity and occasion of its exercise. What is to
deter or hinder? The union of the southern peo
ple in presidential elections ? That is the almighty
panacea of some gentlemen. Such an idea is not
folly only; it is treason against the South. The
constitutional power will soon be found; there
are more clauses than one which would justify
such a prooceeding upon the part of a bold and
reckless majority. I have heard that John Quin
cy Adams once said, in a speech delivered in the
House of Representatives, that there were so
many clauses in the Constitution open to con
struction, that he could drive a four-horse wagon
and team through forty places in it, and find au
thority in each to abolish slavery in the southern
States; and so, sir, when the Republican party
obtains the possession and control of the Govern
ment, President, Congress, Supreme Court, and
shall feel secure of its power, and confident of
success, there will not only be no constitutional
barrier to stay its hand, but abundant authority
will be found in the Constitution, * it is, to justi
fy measure its wisdom or its folly may prompt
it to adopt.
Sir, there is but one path of safety for the insti
tution of slavery in the South, when this mighty
northern avalanche of fanaticism and folly shall
press upon us; and that path lies through separa
tion and to a southern confederacy. This is the
great ultimate security for the rights, honor, and
prosperity of the South. Sir, there are even now
thousands of her sons who believe that the slave
States, formed into a separate confederacy, and
united under such a government as experience and
wisdom would dictate, would combine elements of
more political power, national prosperity, social
security and individual happiness, than any na
tion of aneient or modern times; and, sir, I am
among the number. This is not the time or place
to enter upon the discussion of this proposition;
if it were, the demonstration of its truth would be
easy aud irresistible. But whether this be so or
not —whether the southern States be better
off in a separate confederacy or in the present
Union, one thing is certain; and that is, that no
Union, or no slavery, will sooner or later be forc
ed upon the choice of the southern people. I do
not say. sir, how or when the South will decide
the question; but I will say that there is a large
and growing party in many, if not in all of the
southern States, in favor of separation now for
causes already existing, as an object both of ne
cessity and political expediency. Ten years ago,
and scarcely a voice could be heard in all the
South calculating the value of the Union. Now,
their name is legion. As, at each recurring and
returning crisis of agitation, the strength of the
Abolition party increases at the North , so does the
spirit of disunion increase at the South, and
its advocates become more confident and de
fiant.
I venture the opinion that in my own State, so
well convinced are the great mass of the people of
till parties that the anti-slavery agitation is not
to cease until the institution is destroyed, if the
question was now put whether the southern States
in a body should separate aDd form a southern
confederacy, a majority would vote for the prop
osition. Ido not say, sir, that Georgia would
secede alone, or together with a few of the other
States, or with any number less than the whole;
but I verily believe that if the separation .of all of
them in a body depended upon the voice of Geor
gia, that voice would boldly and promptly speak
ou t—separation ! Ido not say, sir, that this sen
timent would be unanimous : I know there are
many who are conscientiously of opinion that the
Union is the greatest political good ; many for
whom the Union has irrestible charms;.many
who would oppose separation from a dread of
consequences: and some from interested motives
would cling to the powers that be, and the things
that are; they would say, let us trust still longer
to the conservative feeling of the N< rth : let us
appeal to their patriotism, or to their interests;
let us give them a Pacitie railroad; let us give
them high protective tariffs: let vote millions
of the public money to clean out their rivers and
improve their harbors; let us feed them and fat
'ten them and gorge them out of the public crib,
until, like young vultures, they vomit in our faces;
let us smother their fanaticism with masses of
gold and silver ; and then, perhaps, they will let
us keep our niggers ! But, sir, these are
not my sentiments, nor do I believe they
are the sentiments or ,the arguments of the
great body of the people of my State.—
The majority already believe that Northern
aggression has gone far enough and ought not to
be allowed to go further ; they believe that south
ern rights and honor out of the Union are better
than dishonor within it; they believe that slavery
without the Union is better than the Union with
out slavery; and they are prepared, at the very
next act of aggression from the North, to resist,
even to the ‘‘disruption of all the ties which bifid
them to the Union.” Nor do I believe, sir. that the
people of Georgia or of the South will jbe disposed
to wait for an overt act of aggression upon the
rights, honor, or interests of the Southern States.
The election of a northern President, upon a
sectional and anti-slavery issue, will be consider
ed cause enough to justify secession. Let the
Senator from New York, [Mr. Sf.waiu),] or any
other man avowing the sentiments and policy
enunciated by him in bis Rod.■ :< v speech, be
elected President of the United :'mies, and, in my
opinion, there aro more than one of the southern
States that would take immediate steps towards
separation. And, sir, lam free to declare, then,
in the Senate, that whenever such an event shall
occur, for one, I shall be for disunion, and shall,
if alive, exert all the powers I may have in urg
ing upon the people of my State the necessity and
propriety of an immediate separation. I know,
sir, that disunion is considered by many as an im
possible thing; many think so at the South, and
all the northern people feel assured that the South
can never be driven out of the Union, no matter
what may be the aggressions upon their consti
tutional rights. I trust and beleive, sir, that they
will find themselves mistaken, whenever a proper
occasion occurs.
Sir, it is not so difficult a matter to dissolve this
Union as many believe. Let the Republican party
of the North obtain possession of the Govern
ment, and pass a Wihnot proviso ; or abolish sla
very in the District of Columbia; or repeal the
fugitive slave law ; or reform the Supreme Court,
and annul the Dred Scott decision : or do any oth
er act infringing upon the rights, impairing the
equality, or wounding the honor of the slave
States : or let them elect a President upon the
avowed declaration and principle that freedom
and slavery cannot exist together in the Union,
and that one or the other must give way, and be
sacrificed to the other, and the Union would be
dissolved in six months. Ido not believe, howev
er, that such a result could or would be brought
about by a general convention of all the slave
States : it is doubtful whether all of them could
be got into convention for any cause, and if they
could, it is still more doubtful whether they could
be harmonized and made to move together toward
such a momentous end. But. sir, lest a single State
move upon the happening of any of these contin
gencies; let her swing out of the Union, and she
would of necessity, very soon drag every other
slave State out with her or after her.
Whenever any one of the southcnuStates shall
secede in vindication of her rights and honor to
protect her peculiar institution from the ruthless
assaults of an anti-slavery majority in Congress,
and an attempt be made to force her back into
the Union, or enforce the decrees of an arbitrary
and unfair Government, her surrounding sister
States, sympathizing with her in her bold and
manly struggle for liberty and the rigid, would
not hesitate for a moment to come to her relief,
and join her in the assertion of an honorable in
dependence, and the formation of another and hot
ter Union. Such a necessarily
result cither in the formation of a confederacy of
all the slave States, or to amendments of the pre
sent Constitution, placing their rights and equali
ty upon a firmer and better basis than at present,
as the condition upon which the seceding State or
States would reunite with her former sisters. To
attempt to force a seceding State back into the
Union, with the surrounding States sympathizing
with the feelings and causes which impelled her
to secede, and interested in all that concerned her
honor, her rights, and her independence, would
be the veriest act of folly and madness which
ever influenced or controlled a weak or wicked
Government. No, sir; the ties of this Union once
broken, and there would he but one basis on
which they could ever be reformed—concession
from the North ; security for the South.
And, sir, it is because I believe that separation
is not far distant; because the signs of ike times
point too plainly to the early triumph of the Ab
olitionists, and their complete possession and con
trol of every department of the Federal Govern
ment; and because I firmly believe that when such
an event occurs the Union will be dissolved, that
I am ui! willing to vote so much land and so much
money as this bill proposes, to build a railroad to
the Pacific, which, in my judgment, will be crea
ted outside of a southern confederacy, and will
belong exclusively to the North. Sir, the public
lands now r held by the United States, as well as
the public Treasury, are the joint properly of all
the States and the people of this Union. They
belong to the South as well as the North : wo are
entitled, in the Union, to our just and equal share,
and if the Union is divided, then we are no less
entitled to a fair proportion of the common fund.
What I demand, therefore, is, that the South
shall be put upon an equality with the North,
whether the Union lasts or not : that in appropri
ating the public lands and money, the joint prop
erty of all, in connecting the Atlantic and Pacific
oceans by railroad, the South shall have an equal
chance to secure a road within her borders, to
inure to her benefit whilst the Union lasts, and to
belong to her w'hen—if ever—that Union is dis
solved. lam not willing to intrust this matter to
contingencies. lam not willing to trust the selec
tion of the route for a single Pacific railroad to in
fluences which, as certain as fate itself, will con
tract its construction on a northern route, and ex
clude the southern section of tho Union from its
vast and numerous benefits. I have no desire {<■
deprive the North of a Road; I am willing to
grant her the same amount of Government aid
that I claim for the South. I believe that with
twenty sections of land and SIO,OOO to the mile,
in Government bonds, a railroad can be built, by
additional private enterprise, over either the thir
ty-second or thirty-fifth parallels of north lati
tude. If one can be constructed over a more
northern route with the same amount of Govern
ment aid, let them have it. It both sections are
placed upon an equality, and either fails, the fault,
or the misfortune, will be hers. Neither will have
cause of complaint.
Now, sir, for the purpose of accomplishing my
object, I move that this bill be recommitted to the
special committee who had charge of the subject
at the last session, with instructions to bring in a
bill providing for the construction of a railroad on
each of twm routes to the Pacific ocean.
LYON’S MAGNETIC POWDER AND ;PILLS.
For the Destruction of all kind* of Garden Insects, J}u
Bed Bugs, Roadies, Ticks, Fleas, Moths, Rats and
Mice, fyc. S(C.
What greater trouble, i; i an hour of ease,
Than gnawing rats, bed-bags and fleas.
Gardens can be preserved and houses rid of these
pests. It was discovered by Mr. E. Lyon, a French
Chemist, in Asia, and has been ‘patronized by aii Eas
tern governments and colleges. Reference can be made
wherever the article has been tried, his free from Poi
son, and hariidess to mankind and domestic animals.—
Many worthless imitations are advertised. lie sure
it bears the name of E. LYON. Remember
’Tis Lyon s Powder kills insects in a trice,
While Lyon's Pills are mixed forrats and mice,
sample Flasks, 25 cents; regularizes, 50 cents & *1
_ , BARNES & PARK, New York.
December 20. 1858—u&wlrn
Telegraphic.
REPORTED FOR THE COLUMBUS TIMES.
“Mobile, Jan. 16, 1859. j
Sales of Cotton “Saturday, 4500 bales. Nlid- ;
dling Mobiles 11.14 c. Better feelia<r in the market.
New Orluaxs, Jan. 16.
Sales of Cotton Saturday 12,500 bales. Ad- j
vanees chiefly on inferior qualities. Corn advan
cing,
The United States Treasury.
Washington, Jan. 12,
The Union newspaper, of this morning, with an
air of authority, denies the truth of the dispatch
stating that the United States Treasury was so
much depleted as to be unable to respond in pay
ment for a hundred dollars draft on it. The au
thority for the truth of tho dispatch is equally as
good as any authority tho Union can produce.—
It is now further ascertained that the case refer
red to is not an isolated one, and that the pay
ments of drafts have been refused for ten days
past, on the ground that there was nothing in the
Treasury to draw against.
The ten million dollars loan, however, will short
ly enable the government to meet all ordinary
demands on the Treasury.
Public Buildings in Washington,—lt ap
pears by a recent report of the Secretary of the
Interior, made to the Senate in compliance with a
resolution, that the entire cost of Government
buildings in Washington, including statuary and
paintings, has been $14,709,338.
ENTIRELY NEW! ENTIRELY NEW!
WHAT m IT?
That Wonder nil Purifying'Agent
Darby’s Prophylactic Fluid!
This is a New Discovery. It is the result of
Learned Research. It is a triumph of
Scientific Skill !
TT is a Chemical Union of materials, provided by Na
ture herself, for renderihg pure the air we breathe.
Its action is in obedience to fixed laws.
QUICK,S URE, POWERFUL!
It purifies dwellings, sinks, kitchens.
It semovesall offensive odors;
It cures burns with instant certainty;
It is the best preparation ever used for fresh wounds.
It destroys all vegetable and animal poisons;
It relieves in a lew seconds the bites of insects,
bees, etc.
it scatterc boils when forming;
It soothes boils when formed, and heals them rapidly
It is good for carbuncles, ulcers, corns and sores;
It cleanses the leetli and purifies the breath;
The worst symptoms of Typhoid and Scarlet Fever
are mitigated by tlie use cf tbis Fluid; it lias been
known to check the spread of Typhoid Fever in Fam
ilies and upon plantations.
Leading physichiansare using it in Charleston, Co
lumbia. Savannah, Augusta, Atlanta, Macon, Colum
bus, Montgomery, Selma, Mobile and New Orleans.
The Hospitals of New’ Orleans and Mobile arc
using it.
Hospitals, corporations, ship masters, manufacturers,
planters, physicians, furnished by the gallon at reduced
rates.
For sale by druggists and country merchants gener
ally, from whom orders are respectfully solicited.
Try at least one bottle. Price 50 cents. Follow di
rections.
fEF'Mat!ufactored onlv in the Laboratory of
J, DARBY, Auburn, Ala.
FOR SALE IN COLUMBUS BY
AGEE * IVERSON,
J. A WHITESIDE & CO.
BROOKS & CHAPMAN.
J. S. PEMBERTON <te CO.
Janl2—dwtf DAVID YOUNG.
TEMPERANCE HALL!
SEVE NT II NIGHT OF TH E
. THE NEW ORLEANS
fa) p ft P @ liji if) iji
COMPANY.
FAREWELL BENEFIT OF
MISS GEORGIA lIODSON.
HoMay Evening, Jan’y 17tb,
Bellini’s beautiful Opera of
LA SONAMBULA.
Amina Miss R. DURAND
Elvino “ G. lIODSON’
Count Rodolph Mr. F. LYSTER-
Between the first and second Acts, “MelAncola”
by Brume, executed on the Violin by
Signor CARLO PATTI.
Packages of 12 Tickets admitting to the whole series
slo—to be had at. Mr. T. IS. Vandenlicrg’s Music Store.
Seats for any ot die Operas can be secured at the
Hall from 10 o’clock, A. M. to 4 P. M.. without extra
charge. Admission One Dollar. Children and Ser
vants 50 Cents. < hange of Programme each evening.
Hours open at 7. Commence at 8 o’clock.
January 17, 1859—dlt.
For Two Buys Only!
YANKEE EBBINSiIfS
emeus
8E33 B BEMfei E3: S tefcSS S3 ?
Embracing all the great Novelties
IN ONE VAST CONCERN.
THE Drama, Equestrianism,Op-
era, Ballet, Gymnast, and Min-
M strelsy, forming an entertainment
J 7 Y. without an Equal tsitise
F T World :
fR Dll and ‘efficient Dramatic
•jgy Troupe, selected from the best
fi©. Theatre in the Union, a Model
Yv Equestrian, Gymnast and Acroba-
K n A ,ic Company.
|f | CLOWNS,
fu vvho have no equals in this cotm-
C J gW &1 try, and whose Jokes are neither
jp? Jeff stale, hackneyed or vulgar#
Cf J W'd A Brass Baud and Or
f f Sf “Tl cliestra,
f- If* ‘ Composed of the best musical
. talent iu the country.
A matchless Stud of Trained
Horses, Poneys and Mules.
The performance of the great patriotic Drama entitled
DAYSOF7B.
This splendid National Drama is founded on events
which transpired during the
American j Revolution!
With such a combination as the above, the manager
; feels confident of meriting a libera! patronage, and a
just appreciation of the public.
WILL EXHIBIT AT COLUMBUS,
Tuesday Wednesday,:Tan. 25 &]26,
Performance at2and 7 o’clock- P. M.’
Admission 50 Cents, Children and .Servants
For particulars see Pictorial description l>i!l<
’ l;iMls - (ISi A. L. BURT, Agent.
Thirty Likely Negroes For Sale
I WILL sell at public auction at .
the Market iiouse in Columbus, on
the first Tuesday in February next,
Xegroes, consisting of
aS„MEX, WOMEN, BOYS, GIRLS JiLj®
and CHILDREN, all healthy, likely Family Ne
groes. Persons wishing to buy cannot find such
another tot in the market.
Any information as to the quality of said ne
groes can be bad by enquiry of E. Barnard, J.
Mulford. or J. B. Hill, Columbus. Terms of Sale
ca t sh - .w. t. berry.
January 17, 1859, d&w tds.
ACEB A IVERSON.
WHOLES VLEAND BETA 4
DRUGGISTS & GHKiIU
SABLE DRUB STBS”.
OB Bro<3. ■
Chemi. ais. Puims,
niitg Flout. -W ho,ml. ••• ..
Perfumery. Toilet Snaps, hewing and . . ■ : ,
bacco, anil always a goon jtocn. >i ‘bon
„e plus ultra of ail Cigars, ami almost ev. u
the Drug line. Coot! articles, sa ‘
profits is our motto. ,
Physicians’ prescriptions compouiiM , . ;
dav or night, by a romp meat ‘ “,
a share st'the public patronage, -
tints to business and fair dealing-m m, ...
• ACfiU >'• 1
Jatil? —dim , jj, Logie
kMosSe OIL. *
TUST received, a splendid art file of the
at the Eagle Drug Store.
Jitii 17 - dlvv A CEE &. 15 Lit- ;
’ SPERM ~OIL.
AFRESH SUPPLY Y.f ilia be. t Winter .
Sperm Oil, at the Eagle DnigStor
Jan 17— dl'.v UUIU
“flower seed.
A Choice Varietv to be hafi a: ‘.Li. ! s
A 93 Broad street. ACER &
January 17, 185>. __ _
DISSOIjXJ TIOIV
THE Copartnership of BROOKS At'!!.
dissolved.on the JBth mt. by mutual mm
persons indebted to said t ;, m are nolo; i o :■
ment only to John V*. llooks, who i ayor
all notes and accounts nciongiug !o ll
alone authorized to t-.-e the firm name in
outstanding business.
JOHN W. HKO.r •: .
F. S. CIIAPMA.A
rTVHE undersigned having purchased Due
i est in the Drug Store of Brooks A. i
continue the business on his individual
member of the Tate firm he would mm
edgement to the generous patrons c. :<•
spectfullv soiicit a continuance e; ?!•••:; :
patronage. . Jbii\ 5 L*-.
January 13, 1859. —dwtf
Peruvian CuSirsiv:
A GENUINE ARTICLE - wan ant ed, ami
as can be laid down from New ini’
American GnaiLe
TIIE combinations of this Guano gives
pute as a fertilizer.and it is clas-=eti m
to the Peruvian. A large supply expect, •
day by 1 ; ‘
Columbus, Ga. Jan. 4, 1859,
Looking Glasses,
JOUNCES AND TOILETS. Abn -
j ceived at .1. 11.
■ Jan. 12- till’. fJJrS'>_Hr,u
SIGN OF THE RED 1
\\ S .
f \\t* V .
fT u
i
v n ■asT;sTM*m r STW'~r r ■ -•
JET"NOW IS THE TIME TO SO’
I.andreth’s Early York, and Large Yen r
Cauliflowers, Carrots, Broccoli, Beam
Onion Sets, all sizes Sic... all of >
at the FRUIT AND CONFECTION Fill
W. BLH. Pm
85 IiKOAD STREET.
(,'olunibus, Jan. 12 -dtf.
COp <Ei,2Tt 23L CN T’JSlbL
n. 10- j. ■
V m have pttrc'nsed Hie * stabii.-darteitr of ttm ]
cot.com of Danfortli, Nagel & Cos. and vvi'i J
tinue tho DRUG BUSIN ESS at the old stand t
the firm and iiamn of
M&DMST A mm
They solicit ,the continued onponme < ;
friends and customers, with ah otlters v
pleased to give them a raii.
Dr. UrqiGharf,
Will continue the practice ot Medicine, and v. ,
his office at the Drug Store.
Colbmbus, Ga. Jan. 12,1858,
LtiNiEi-:
Dansasks, Diapers,&c. -
IMPORTED DIRECT.
lit in
BKOAX3 STKEBN
Would call the attention of those m • <h
purchasing
MMmm r uNm .
TO lIIS LARGE STOCK
Imported, direct from Ireßr
and as be buys and sells exclusive:y for ■
he flatlets himself he will be .. ;o
dnceuienis to those who wi!i favor > ■ (
Sliii-tiitg’ biuriui)
Linen Sheet lugs,
Case Lsnett<i,
Linen UamnslE,
Table ClotUs, alPsizc-
Linen Diaper,
Linen Tow -i
HI7C K.B, CRASH,
and in fart everyihinrr in the L IJV E W /, / ‘ /
.1. McP. is sat isfied that a tail willconvim
that itis Store is the place to buy
And House-Keeping Gcclj
JA M E f S McP HIL LIP B, |
140 Broad Street—Masonic BumD; U
Jan. 9.—dwtf Columbus, <■• ,; |
it ivi y i, i E
r T , KE Firm of J. A. WHITESIDE & CO. 1
-a- dissolved by mutual coiiso nt.
AH persons indebted to the late fine, of IS
gel & Cos., and J. A. Whiteside & Cos., will n;ai.* I
ment to James A. Whiteside, who i.-ati!i.
ceive payment and receipt for the r.ame.
All persons having demands agititisi i> l
& Go.,am! J. A. Wfiiu-Jd..’ •: ...
same to J. A. Whiteside for payment.
JOHN R ‘ill i
T. K. \V\ -.IS;.’ j
January 10. 1858—dwtf.
NEW COPARTNE!
TTtTE have this day associated with to
V V MILLER, and intend to contiim
DRY aoou
business at the old stand of M ANLE \
We return our sincere thanks for i!
age heretofore extended to us, and
contiimance of the same for Um NEW i
MANLEY, HODGES & C ■
JNO. P. MANLEY. J. W. HODGE* B.
Jannarv 1, 1859.
notTcj:’
Dll IT KNOWN TO ALL THE PF.Oi !
JL) .1 have m,re
Stoves, Housefumisliiiig-I - •
A N 1>
TXTnT.
Than 1 have any use t7>r. Ea; It and ev •
by me are warranted to be as represent
Purchasers will find ii to their inter:
amine'my shock, as I am determined to
J?n7—w Itf R. M. ALD .'>