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B. ELLIS & Cos., Proprietors,
VOLUME VI.
COLUMBUS
Saddlery, Harness,
and leather store,
H. MIDDLEBROOK & CO.,
94 Broad Street,
MANUFACTURERS AND DEALERS
Afi i*mk. in Saddles, Harness, &. Leather,
fjjgwyof which the following comprises a part
“T ~ —Spanish Quilted Saddles, overlaid; Eng
lish do; Planters’ Plain do; Youth’s and Boy’s do;
Wagon an Plantation do; and Ladies Saddles, —varie-
ty of styles.
Bridles, Martingale*, Saddle
flags, and Medical do.
HARNESS,
Fine Silver plated Carriage Harness—all qua.H*>es.
“ “ “ Rockaway “ 4
“ “ “ Double Buggy “
t “ “ “ Single do “ “
Plain black Harness, all styles and qualities.
Skirting Leather, Bridle do, Hog Skins*
Pad Skins, Harness Leather, Oak and Hemlock,
Sole Leather, Calf Skins, Liying Skins,
Shoe Pegs, Lasts, Thread and Findings, &.c.
]VEarfiin© Belting.
Leather and Rubber Belting, all widths,
Light Rubber and Canvas Belting, for
Plow Back Bands. Just the thing for Planters.
Belt Rivets, and Lace Leather.
THUBiTHLS,
jjjSPTjj Ladies and Gmikmen’s
J^|rtlE|ffiD r ess and Traveling Trunks, all quali
dMltLAX Uties and styles. Bonnet Boxes, Valises
and Carpet Bags.
CARRIAGE TRIMMINGS.
(vjrwjL Enamelled Leather, Pat Dash Leather anJ
Enameled Cloths, all widtiis and qualities;
Oil Carpet, Laces, Fringes, Head Linings,
Leather Cloth Bootings, Nails, Tacks, &c.
Stirrups, Bitts, Buckles, Harness Mountings,
Hanies Collars, Whips, Wagon Breeching,
And Wind Bridles,
All the above goods are of our own manufacture;
made of the best material and by experienced work
men. We invite all those who are in want of articles
in our line to call aud examine our stock, and we as
sure them that they will be w r eil satisfied with the
quality of goods and the prices; as they will be sold on
the very BEST TERMS.
N B. New Work made, and Repaiiing done at the
ihortest notice decl—dw'tf.
NEW
SADDLE AND HARNESS
ESTABLISHMENT.
xv .A THE undersigned
/ r f/fas have formed a
Copartnership inthis
city under the name ii 1 U
SHERMAN & CO.,
For the purpose of Carrying on the
smm km mmmiess
BUSINESS IN ALL ITS BRANCHES.
We have taken the Store between Ounby’s Corner
and the Bank of Columbus, where we intend keeping
a good assortment of
SADDLES, HARNESS, TRUNKS, BRIDLES, COL
LARS, WHIPS, MACHINE BELTING,
SADDLE & HARNESS TRIMMINGS,
and everything usually kept by the Trade, of our own
make and the best northern manufacture, which we
will sell as low as can be bought in the South.
Saddles and Harness
of any style or quality made to order, and repairing done
at the shortest notice and on the most reasonable terms.
W. L. SHERMAN,
A HATCH.
Columbus. Jan. Ist, 1858. wdtf.
FOR SALE,
MA DESIRABLE RESIDENCE in
Wynnton. Apply to
Nov. 16—dtf. EDW. T. SHEPHERD
NOVELTY WORKS !
FURNITURE
-A.T RETAIL I
SALES ROOM OVER
J. M’Pliillip’s Dry Goods Store,
No. 140 Broad. St., Columbus, Ga.
AT the solicitation of many mends I have de
termined to sell ray Furniture at
Isl Retail as well as Wholesale.
And 1 will be happy to meet and serve my former
friends and customers at my sales room, as above de
signated; and I must ask of those whom I have not
served to call and let me show them my FURNITURE
and if it is
AS GOOD AND CHEAP AS
NORTHERN FURNITURE,
1 know that they will as Southern people, give me
their patronage.
itr Dealers are invited to examine my stock belore
going North,
Brackets, mouldings, Carvings, Turn
ing, Fancy Sawing, Ac.
DONE AT fcHORT NOTICE.
COFFIN'S, both covered and mahogany, always on
hand and at all prices.
fTT-Orders solicited and promptly attended to.
Address, W. K. HARRIS.
Columbus, Ga . March 12. dwtt
THE Subscribers will cojtinue under the same
name and style—a general
STORAGE & COMMISSION BUSINESS
AT THE
FONTAINE & LOWELL
FIRE-PROOF WAREHOUSES.
Thankful for the past liberal patronage of our
friends, we solicit its continuance, and pledge out
individual exertions to please all who may entrusr
their business to us. We are prepared to grant
usual facilities to our customers
HUGHES, DANIELS CO..
Wm.H. Hughes,
Wm. Da NIEL,
Wesley C. Hoixjes.
Aug. 5. ts.
GEORGIA Chattahoochee eoat,t y J
Chattahoochee Court of Ordinary, Jan. Term ’59
Present E. G. RAIFORD, Ordinary.
UPON the Petition of A. J. Prather and ’Horace M.
Jenkins, administrators on the estate of Lemuc
W. Cade, deceased:
It is ordered, that all persons concerned shew cause
on or before the first Monday in August next, why said
Prather and Jenkins, should uot be dismissed from said
administration.
A true transcript from the minutes of said Court, .lan
10th, 1859. E G. RAIFORD, Ordinary
Jan. 15, 1859 —wtda.
TWO months after date application will be made
to the lion C>urt of Ordinary >f ‘Tmitahooche
county, for leave to sell the lan I and negn>es belong
ing to Charles R. K*>l v an person
• , .. .... GfijaGiS H. KELLY, Guardian
ill f H, i99-wg.
COUJMBLS, WEDNESDAY JULY 13, 1859.
FOR GOVERNOR
JOSEPH E. BROWI,
OF CHERuKEE.
FOR CONGRESS—2d DISTRICT,
MARTIN J. CRAWFORD.
SPEECH OF
Mon. Alfred Iverson,
DELIVERED AT GRIFFIN, JULY U, 1359.
The tender of a public dinner, and tbe highly
complimentary demonstrations which you have
this day made toward me, would lill me, I lear,
with too much pride, if I did not feel and under
stand that the foundation and object of tbe move
ment were to endorse and approve, in an impos
ing and emphatic manner, the sentiments which
I uttered in the Senate ot the United States, du
ring the last session, in my speech upon the Pa
cific Railroad Bill. And whilst I atq not insen
sible to the honor conferred upon me, personally,
by these manifestations of your favor and friend
ship, I am more gratified to consider them as a
sign that your hearts and the hearts of the peo
ple of Go rgia are sound and right upon the
great questions which press themselves upon the
public attention, and upon which I am called t<*
address you to-day.
In a govermentof such peculiar and complica
ted form as our own—of such vast, multiplied
and important monetary, commercial and politi
cal interests —of such extended and extending
territorial compass—questions of the most
grave and importaut character, are ever arising
to interest and agitate the public; to awaken the
solicitude, enlist the sympathy and arouse the
energies of the statesman aud patriot. But of all
the great subjects which have excited the people,
divided parties, and threatened the peace aud
stability of tbe government, since its formation,
none has produced more sensation, more bitter
ness and more danger than the question of slave
ry in the houtbern States of this confederacy. —
And well may it have produced these extraordi
nary effects. It is indeed a question of para
mount importance, and will continue wider aim
deeper iu interest, until it swallows up all others
which concern the people of this Union. It is
not a question in which any one class alone, at
the Sou h, is interested; it is a subject in whicl
all are deeply concerned—the rich man and tin
poor man —the owner of his hundred slaves am
thousands of broad acres, and the humble citizen,
who never owned a negro and never expects to
own one—ail are vitally interested in the iustitu
tion of slavery and its preservation, as it now
exists in the Southern fetatei. Indeed, lellow
citizens, if there be one class of our people more
interested in its preservation than another, ot all
others, it is that class who “earn their bread by
the sweat of their brow.” Emanicipate the slaves
of tbe South, and what would be the condition and
the poor laboring white man? It is said that
Slave labor Collies in competition with, and otu o
pens the labor of the white man Set the. negio
free, and how much would that competition bo
lessened ? The negro must live; he must be fed
clothed and housed —to obtain these necessaries
of life, he must labor: these are all he works for
: now, he would work for no less il he were tree,
in either condition, hi labor comes in competi
tion with the white man to that extent, and no
more in one case than the other. II the whole
black race at the South, was extinguished—wip
ed out of existence, then there would bo no labor
left lor employment but that ot the poor white (
man, and his labor might be increased in vitue;
but who supposes that wc shall ever get rid ot the
black race, for centuries to come, even should
they be emancipated? Our Northern brethren
would not receive ami keep them. The free black
population of the Northern States, is confessedly
the greatest curse which afflicts that country.
The northern people would be the very last on
the face of the earth, to welcome our liberated ne
groes amongst themselves. Instigated by feel
ings of fanaticism, envy and hatred towards the (
Southern people, they are ever ready and willing
to steal them from us—that annoys, liarrasses
and injures us, aud gratifies their malevolence;
but take away these motives, and there is not a
free State in the Union that would not prohibit
tho emigration of tree persons of color amongst
them What disposition, then, could be made of
our four millions of emancipated slaves? Would
they he sent to Africa at the expense of the Gov
ernment ? To say nothing of the inhumanity of
subjecting them to a certain rolapse into barbar
ism, the process of removal would bankrupt tne
national treasury. Such a scheme would be im
practicable, aud would not be attempted. The
generous philanthropy of our Northern brethren,
would never stimulate them to tho expenditure
of millions upon millions of their money, to rid
| the Southern people of their liberated negroes.—
i No, sirs, there would be but one solution to tins
! question. When our slaves are set free, with or
; wihtout our consent, they will be leftupou our own
j soil, still to compete, in an altered condition,with
I tbe labor of the poor white man, and to curse all
! classes with their vicious, degraded and disgust-
ing habits, llow much better then, would be
the condition of the poor white laborers in our
eountrv, were the negroes free? How much more .
demand would there be for white labor, and bow
much more profitable would it become? To say .
the leas* of it, there could be no material im-j
provemenr, whilst in the social relations between
the two classes, the very worst results would fol
low general emancipation. Many considerations
connected with such a change, crowd upon the
mind, all pointing to its terriJe effects upon the
social condition, prosperity and happiness of the
poorer classes of our white population, but time
will not allow me even to advert to them upon
the present occasion. There is one view of the
case, however, to which no sensible man, rich or
poor, can shut bis eyes. African slavery, as it
exists in the Southern States, elevates the char
acter and condition of the poor white man, al
though be knows that there is a class above linn
in wealth, education and social refinement, he
feet* that there is a class far below him,* winch
‘looks up to him, yields to him and obeys him.—
In political privileges, personal rights
intercourse, this class can never approach him. or
iuterfere with him. This fact h ,r,d..
enhances his consequence, purifies b > B
stimulates his ambition and ennobles his maun
noss. He walks erect in the dignity of b s color
and race, and feels that be is a suptrior o< j in £
with more exalted powers and privileges
others, and he enjoys all the proud advantages
of that superiority. Emancipate the slave, an
the distance between the two classes is at once
lessened—the white man sinks and the negro
rises, until all distinction is sooner or later lost,
md both assume a degraded equality. ,s
it in countries where slavery tioos uot exist? —
Compare the condition of the poor white classes
in the Northern and Southern States of this > n
ipa. la the former, the poor man is the depend
THE UNION OF THE STATES, AND THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE STATES.
COLUMBUS GEORGIA. WEDNESDAY, JULY 20, 1859
S eiu and servant of the rich, with a class above
! “ im aad below him. la the latter, he is
! l ree1 an<l independent, with a class for below him
i 111 tbe Bcftle of political, intellectual and
i power. There the distance bes ween him aud his
rich neighbor and employer is marked and de
grading—-here it is measurably and almost en
tirely extinguished; there the poor man who en
ters the rich man’s house on business or other ob
ject, takes a scat in the kitchen, or stands in the
outer hall, and transacts his business with the
lordly aristocratic proprietor; he no more pre
sumes to enter the parlor, or take a seat at the
rich man’s table, than the verriest slave in all the
South would do the same things here. At the
South, and all over it, the honest, decent poor
man and laborer, visits Lis rich neighbor on busi
ness or pleasure, with the confidence of a freeman
and with an assurauce of hospitable treatment.—
He is invited to the parlor, or other convenient
and decent room—he partakes of the social meal
at the table of tbe owner, aud is treated with civ
ility, respect and kindnesss. What a marked
difference in the condition of the same class in
different sections! how much more proud, more
elevated, mere enviable and happy the position
of the Southern than the Northern man! Let
slavery be abolished in the Southern States, and
the condition of the poor laboring whites would
soon become worse than that of the similar class
at the North. The Northern people boast of
their superior knowledge, of their more general
diffusion of education amongst all classes, whilst
it is a well ascertained fact, that more ignorance
prevail'amongst their laboring classes, than iu
any other portion of our country. They can read
and write and cypher, but as for a general know
ledge of men and things, they are comparatively
profoundly ignorant; they know little of their
own and less of other countries. At the South,
though the poorer classes may not be so far ad
vanced in book learning, their general knowledge
of men and things, is far more extensive aud
useful.
Mixing as they do with tho higher and more
educated classes, they acquire a knowledge, aud
take an interest not only in relation to the affairs
of their own country, but of foreign lands—they
are familliar with the current politics of tbe day
—with the operations of the Government.—
They are, in short, the best informed, most intel
ligent, most proud, patriotic and happy poor class
of any nation in the world. This superiority is,
to a great extent, at ributable to the existence of
slavery amongst us, and the elevating tendencies
of that Institution, and the poor man knows and
feels it. When the Northern fanatic is told that
his continued aggressions upon that institution,
will drive the South to disunion, he tauntingly
replies, that a large majority of the Southern peo
pie do not own slaves, are not interested in ihe
maintenance of slavery, and will not permit the
slaveholders to break up tho Union—no greater
mistake, in my opinion, was ever made—no great
er delusion ever existed. The poor man at the
>oUih knows too well what would he tbe result of
iboliliou designs—he knows what wou and be the
effect of emancipation—he well understands that
if slavery be ub dished >he value of bis o n labor
will be diminished, his political and social condi
tion lowered, and his personal safety itself great
ly jeopardized. Set tie negroes tree, and the
rich man foreseeing the danger, and dreading the
evils that are sure aud soon to follow, can escape
them by removal to a free State or soino other
safe and qui t home. The poor man must remain
upon the soil, to encounter the ravages of that
“Black plague,” which wouldcover the land. Aud
that, is not all; the emancipation of our slave pop
ulation would sooner or later leant to it mm bc
twien the races, the most bloody aud fatal which
cv,r stained the annals of any country. Tbe
brunt, of that war would necessarily be borne by
the poor classes of the white population—the ef
fects would fall mainly upon them, and they
would reap a rich harvest of all those terrible
evils which follow in the train ot internecine wars.
It is true that the loss to the slaveholder and
the country would be incalcuable; the emanci
pation of four millions of slaves, worth, at the
present prices, more than three billions of dollars,
would be a blow to tho wealth and prosperity of
the South, which it would take centuries to repair;
but the slaveholder would have Lis broad acres,
his houses and lands, his rents andjprofits to fall
back upon—tho’ greatly injured, if he did not
flee, he could yet survive and live; whilst the
poor man, like bis brother laborer at tbe North,
would become “the hewer of wood aud drawer of
water” for tbe rich and powerful. ‘Yes, sirs, the
poor people of this country are more interested
in the maintenance of slavery than even
those who own the negroes. I think I under
stand the feelings and sentiments of the people
of our own State upon this great subject, and I
venture the opinion, that if the question was put
to-day to the people of Georgia, whether the ne
groes should be set free in tho country, nine out
of ten of those who do not own a slave, would
vote in the negative; nay, more, they would take
up arms, if necessary, and fight to the death to
prevent the infliction of so great a calamity.—
Yes, fellow-citizens, the preservation of slavery
in the Southern States is indeed of incalculable
importance to us all. I might .enlarge upon the
subject until I would swell my remarks to a good
sized volume, but neither my own strength, or
your patience, would permit such a discussion.—
Slavery must he maintained—in the Union, ifpos
sible —out of it if necessary—peaceably if ice may
forcibly if tee must. The voice of the Northern
abolitionist and the Southern submissionist would
cry, “The Union —it must and shall bo preserv
ed.” My voice and yours is, “Slavery at the
South —it must aud shall bo preserved, until in
our own good time, our interests and our philan
thropy shall decree its extinction.” Is the iusti
tufion in danger in the present Federal Union?—
This is a great, important momentous question.
Like the commandments in scripture upon which
“hang all the law and Prophets,” upon this great
question hang the interests and fate of millions.
If it be iu danger, then our interest, our honor,
our peace and prosperity, nay our safety and selt
preserration demand that we shall avert the dan
ger and flee from the wrath to come whilst we
have the power to escape. I know that there are
many Southern men who believe, that the institu
tion of slavery is on a safer foundation now than
it has ever be n since the formation of the Con
federacy. Some .f these parties are in
their views, whilst in others, “the wisn is lather
to the thought/’ and in many, selfish considera
tions give utterance to sentiments and opinions
which are not seriously felt or entertained. My
own opinion is, that the institution of slavery in
the Southern States is not only in danger, but
without a prompt, bold, firm and manly course
on their part, is doomed to inevitable destruction.
The evidences of the truth of this proposition are
numerous and unmistakable. Upon the present
occasion. I can only glance at a few of them
their history is written upon the out pread pages
of the times, and in characters so large that -he
who runs may read.
The first downing of Northern hostility to
Southern slavery was exhibited upon the admis
sion of Miss’ uri into the Union. I need not ae
tail the cireumsiancesW that exciting and event
ful period of our history—they are as fainunr to
you and all the American people as “household
words.” In the violent opposition of the Nor
thern States to the admission of Missouri because
slavery was tolerated by her Constitution, the
S intbern people recognised a decided hostility to
their “peculiar institution” amongst the masses
of the Northern States, * a design to circumscribe
its area, to prevent its extension, and finally to
abolish it altogether. It was not only the viola
tion of a c6nstitutional right,Shut a manifestation
of implacable hostility to the “Institution” itself,
fhc South sa <• aud fell it in this light and resented
he dangerous and daring attack. The contro
versy was angry and bitter. The North pressed
the subject with that obstinate and unyielding te
uaeity an I acrimony which always accompany
ianataeiSßi, and the South, to preserve the Union,
with short-sighted wisdom \ hided to h degrading
and unconstitutional arrangement, which has
subsequently been tbe fruitful source of still more
degrading and insulting exaction from the North.
If tho Southern States had then planted their feet
upon tho Constitution and aemauded their rights
as the only condition upon w’hich they would re
main in the Union, wc should never again have
heard of Missouri restrictions, Wilmot Provisos,
or Squatter Sovereignty. A tveak man never se
cures the forbearance of his more powerful enemy
by submitting to a wrong or compromising a right
—bis safety lies only in a firm and manly resis
tance, if necessary, even umo death. It has been
the constant readiness of the Southern people to
submit to unconstitutional aggression and wrong
u to save this glorious Union” that has whetted the
appetite of Northern fanaticism and made the
Northern abolitionists bold and defiant in their
arrogant and dangerous demands. It remains to
be seen whether once more and again, the
South will be lulled to sleep by (he “Union's”
syren voice, and be led on to inevitable destruc
tion. Having made an entering w<.dge, by the
Missouri restriction towards the aecomp ishment
of the filial overthrow of si. Very, the spirit of’ ab
olitionism, alarmed at threats of disunion, irom
the South, although feebly uttered, rested for a
brief period. It'broke out again in a lew years
and presented itself in the form of petitions to
Congress from ail the Northern States, demand
ing the abolition of slavery in the District of Co
lumbia. The South, by a united effort successful
ly resisted this unconstitutional, insulting and
dangerous innovation upon her rights; but the
spirit of anti-slavery at the North was led by the
contest, and fattened into such huge proportions,
that in a few years it swallowed up the great
Whig party of that section, and threatened the
overthrow of all opposing elements. The Wilmot
Proviso and tho outrages of 1850 were the bitter
fruits of that increasing and rampant power of
abolifionism on the one hand, and the submissive
and yielding temper of the Southern States on
the other. The Wilmot Proviso—which was to
shut out slavery from all the Territories acquired
from Mexico, and from all that might be acquired
in the future from any and every quarter. If
Empires were obtained with the blood or treasure
of the Southern people, they were to be consecra
ted to freedom, and the South and her institution
forever excluded. The manly voice of a few
Southern patriots, the voice of the Southern Rights
Party of Georgia, and some of her surrounding
sist r Mates, drove the North slowly and jeluit
autlv into the Compromise ,Measuris of ISSO.
Fellow-citizens, there are doubtless seme here
to-day, there are thousands c!k where iu Georgia,
and the whole South, who tbouglt thvm ‘wise,
liberal and just.” They were advocated and sup.
ported by many Southern men, equally as honest
and much wiser than myself—they have been
acquiesced in by the Southern people and especi
ally in a most formal manner by a majority of
the people of my own State. It does not become
me to speak of them with severety or harshness—
a proper respect for the opinions and actions of a
majority of my fellow-citizens leads me to char
acterize their adoption only as a most unfortunate
amt political ormr. r i lie Territories
acquired from Mexico were obtained with tbe
blood and treasure of the whole country, they
were the common property of tbe people of the
United States. The Sons hern people were enti
tled to an equal enjoyment of them ; to as full,
free and untrammelled possession of the common
property, as their Northern brethren—they had
tbe undoubted right to emigrate to these territo
ries, and carry with them any aud all property
which they owned at home, and which was recog
nized and secured to them ss property by the Con
stitution of the United States, and by the consti
tution and laws of their own States. Having thus
the unqualified right to go into tbe territories with
their slave property, they had the necessarily re
sulting right of protection in the enjoyment of
that property, during the existence of the territo
al government, as a matter of constitutional obli
gation, and of sheerjustice to the Southern people,
it was the duty of Congress immediately after tho
acquisition of these territories. to organize terri
torial governments, not only without a prohibition
as to slavery, but providing for its regulation in
case it either existed in, or should enter any of
them by the voluntary emigration of the bouth
ern people. But how was it? The Northern ab
olitionised Whig Party having the majority in
the House of Representatives, obstinately refused
to organize governments for those territories, ex
cept with a provision excluding slavery. Such a
bill passed that body, but the Southern Senators,
aided by tho votes of Northern Democratic Sena
tors, resisted this foul demand and defeated the
infamous proposal. The consequence was that
no territorial governments were formed. The
rabble hordes of Northern abolition go and diggers
rushed in thousands to the golden fields of Cali
fornia. The Southern slave-holder having no
protection for his property, and dreading the*
hazzard to which it would be exp> sed,kept aloof,
even from this land of “milk and honey,” and the
political destiny of the country was settled against
us. The South was entitled to Caliiornia. It is
a notorious fact that all mining operotians can hi
carried on more certainly and more profitably
with slave, than with free labor. The annual
cost of the former is only his personal expenses of
food, raiment and medicinal attention, aud tin
interest upon his value and price—be is subject
to the abs flute command and control of his own
er, and is always at hand and constantly engaged
in the duties and labors, which, to be profitable,
must be closely applied If the public land in
California had been surveyed and offered in
market, as had always beeu usual upon the acqui
sition of new territories, and il the Southern peo
pie had been guaranteed protect Yon and security
to their slave property, thousands ot her adven
turous and enterprising sons would have sought
their homes and fortunes ou the shores ol the Ua
eific, and California would have been a slave
State. The North knew this —hence their refu
sal either gto organize a territorial government
with protection to slavery, or to survey and seli
the land. If the 6oflth then had acted with man
ly firmness —if it bad said in authoritative lan
guage to the North : “We are entitled to an equal
participation with you of this common inherit
ance—we are entitled, as joint owners, to go into
it with our slave property —we are entitled to its
protection under law whilst there, and we deuuuw
these rights—if you yield them, wo.i— if you re
:use them, we separate “from you if this bau
been the united and determined voice of the
Southern people, territorial governments would
have bet n loriued at once, slavery would ha\
ad legal protection —it would lave tahon roc*
and spread over the country, California wouk
uave been a slave State, and the •'outh woulu
|:;ave been spared tbe humiliating injustice of tin
Compromise Measure* of 1850.
Bi t under the delusive and fatal pretext o’
•saving the Union” the South again surrender
aright, an! submitted to a wrong. Tats wa
tbe bitter inut <i that violent, widely e* ende ,
and a 1 absorbing hostility to Soutbir- slavir,,
v> inch had then seized and held the Norther i
mind in bondage; and yet from a party and a
people who had the power and the will to inflict
so great an outrage upon nearly ono half of this
Union, it is thought aud said that we are to ap
prehend uo danger! These gross violations of
bouthern rights—this reckless trampling upon
’ Southern feelings, was but a faint evidence of
■ that deadly hostility to slavery which pervaded
| pervade* the Northern heart, aud only a
| W ' Ul foreshadowing of what was, and is in wait
* .for us iu tlie future. The demon of abolition as
■die stood forth in gigantic proportions in the me
morable contest ot 1850, could not but arrest the
attention, excite the fears, aud arouse tho indig
nation ol every Southern man. Fur the first time
in the history’ of the Republic—candidates for
President aud Vice Presideut were selected from
one section—ran upon a sectional issue aud voted
for alone by that section aud upon that issue—op
position to slavery—what did this mean? Did
they merely wish to get possesion of tho govern
ment to enjoy tho “loaves and fishes” of public
patronage?
It would be paying a poor compliment to tho
keeu sagacity and statesmanship of those able and
adroit leaders who controlled that movement, to
suppose that such was the only, or the main ob
ject of their struggle ; nor did they disguise their
object—their battle cry was: down with th# De
mocracy—down with the accusn.il slaveocracy of
the South'—freedom shall reign eternal and uni
versal over the American States. The Republi
can papers in all the tree S'ates teemed w.th the
most abusive and vituperative articles, not only
against slaver}’ but against tbe Southern people
—a hatred more bitter and vindictive towaids
us than ever ruled or rankled in the tory breait,
during tho Revolution toward tho iir,mortal
Whigs of that glorious aud memorable permit —
a jealousy aud envy more violent than that
which iustigated tho brethren of Joseph to con
spire his death, and which doomed him to exile
and Egyptian bondage, filled all their thought.-
—poisoned all iheir words and blacki ned all ineir
deeds during that exciting and excited rentes*
If they had succeeded, do you suppose J.ty
would have been satisfied with the mere posses
sion of power! That Dowei would but t,a\e
stimulated them to other and more fatal assaults
upon the rights of the Southern people.
In all ages and in all countries fanaticism
grows more ravenous aud vorocious as it devours
the victims of its fury. It feeds md feeds until
all being consumed, nothing is loft to go,ye its
gloated maw. And so with the fanaticism of the
Northern Stales. What hut envy, hatred, aud
malice < ould have stirred up s.. much’sympathy
for the deserved chastisement of a contemptible
paltroon, even tho’ it wa- done in tho Senate
Chamber of the Capitol ? If a Southe m Senator
had hem chastised in the same place and iu the
same manner for a personal insult or injury,
what North) rn man, or Northern Press woulu
have raised a voice in condemnation ? It would
have given il.uu n*iniii,aid phiS'ii. It Was
no sympathy for Suuiuer’s person, that produced
such a furor of indignation and excitement
throughout the Nor them States, it was sympa
thy lor the cause of übolitn nos vhi>h lie w s
the insulting ad voeate. It was no per-oual dis
like to Brooks as a man, it was a deep rooted
and violent hatred to slavery and the Southern
people of which he was tbe noble and honored
champion. Who but a peopled steeped in fanati
cism aud malice and lost to all seuse of justice
and forbearance toward their Southern brethe
ren, could havp presented a mere man of straw
for the highest office in the gift ol a great nation,
and rallied to his support upon a sectional issue,
the electoral votes ot nearly one half of the States
of this union ? What is to bo expected of such
a party when firmly seated iu ofiice and looking
to slavery as tbe only impediment to the consoli
dation and continueuoe of its power? It has
already violated every constituioned obligation
which it could violate with impunity. The right
of the Southern people to a peaceful and prompt
reclamation of their fugitive slaves, guaranteed
by tbe constitution and p otected by law, has
been despised, contemned and trampled under
foot, Congressional statutes enforcing she right
have been openly repudiated tby legislative en
actment in many of the free States, in others it
has been resisted and set at naught by organized
mobs and rendered utterly valueless to tbe South
ern people. Organized societies have been for
med in all the free States, and large sums of
money raised to pay abolition Pirates for steal
ing aay the slaves of the border States to har
rass, irritate and injure their lawful* owners.—
In short the conduct of tbe masses of the north
ern People exhibits more bitterness and hostility
towards their Southern bretheren, than ever
marked tho bloody contest of border nations
since the world began. They are this day, the
most unscrupulous, the most violent and vindi
cative enemies which the Southern people have
on the face of the wide earth. I speak of tbe
abolition borders of the Noith and the Black Re
publican party of the free States. I admit that
there are exceptions.
The interest of the commercial classes in
the large cities, smothers their fanaticism, but
like a hidden volcano, its tires are onty pent
tip for the present, to burst forth at a future
day, carrying devastation and death in their
train. The democratic party of the free states
allied with their Southern brethren, in political
contests, and looking to them for the obtain
ment of political power, has for many years,
given to the constitutional rights of the South
a manly support; but like an army in the face
of a superior and more vigorous toe. doubtful
of its position and conscious of inferiority. .1
has kept lip. as it were, only a retreating tire,
whilst its ranks have been constantly thinned
by desertion and death, until ut length it has
surrendered nearly every inch of ground to
the enemy. From the beginning of this aboli
tion war, to the present day, not a man has
gone Sver to the sound democracy, from the
free-soil ranks, whilst the lessening and wa- j
vering hosts of the former, have year after year |
melted away before their fanatical encrnv hke *
the snows betbre the rays ot a burning sun. j
Whatever others may say—whatever delu- ,
sive hopes may be entertained to the contrary, j
I consider all lost at the North. The consti
tutio'nal, sound democracy ol the free -t.-nes.
if not dead and buried are pardyzed aJ i
powerless—even the bold, g-ck-...
>ound and unflinching Long la.—oi.ee me
able and manly defender of Southern i tylit-. j
has yielded to the st rm and bowed hi- thick j
and stobborft neck to the yoke. He has not
it is true, gone over -bag and baggage’ to the
enemy, and announced his aliegtauce to them
but he stands to-day with one fot in o ,r ranks
and one in the ranks of our mortal loe; and
he is siirsounded by the very dower of t lie
Northern democracy, who are ready to follow
him. body and soul, ’horse. f*t and dra
goons'’ into the enemies’- camp whenever Ins
honest convictions or his selhsh interests may
speak the word of command Judge Ho igla>
•ias been accused of deserting the Soutn and
carrying oflthmsudsof the Northern democ
racy “ ith him in the Lecouiplon war. lie de
serted us. it is true, in that important and ex
•iting struggle, but it was not in my opinion,
i voluntary desertion —he was torced to his
oosition by the public sentiment of his own
eetion —he was borne along by a current
•vhtch he found himself unable if willing to
esist. The great mass of tile Northern de
uocracy, driven into ttirstU by the sweliiug
PEYTON H. COLQUITT, * .....
JAMES W. WARREN. \ Edlt ®-
NUMBER 280
power of the abolitionists, had seized upon
the heresy of “squatter sovereignty,” as IP
safe and middle ground between the YViltnot
Proviso of the North on the one hand, and the*
“Congressional Protection” doctrine of the
South on the other They were either not
bold enough or honest enough to take the true
Constitutional ground of securing equality to
the people of all the States by Congressional
enactment —they retreated to the plausible,
bm delusive and rotten ground of ‘ popular
sovereignty.” hoping to bamboozle their South
ern Allies, and at the same time resist the as
saults ol their Northern opponents. They
have dime neither The Southern slave holder
sees through the flinu-y texture of this frail
covering to his constitutional rights—the
Northern abolitionist scorns and rejects it as
too rough and tedious a pathway j 0 the anal of
his party’s ambition ami success. He chooses
a more direct road to the suppression of sla
very in the Territories, and demands its exclu
sion by Congressional prohibition. Os what
benefit to the South is the “squatter sovere gn
ty” doctrine of Douglas and his followers?
Let Kansas speak The South was entitled to
Kansas, and if justice hud been uone her. she
would have taken Kansas. 1 disagree with
those Southern men u ho as an apology for the
surrender of Kansas to abolitionism, assert
that the soil and climate of that Territory are
nnsnited to slavery. Its soil and climate are
precisely those of the border counties of Wes
tern Missouri and it is a notorious fact that in
part of the Southern Stales is slave labor
more profitable than in Western Missouri.
I he census tables of lb-'id exhibit the fact limt
slavery hd increased in a greater ratio in ihe
State of Missouri, for the preceding ten years,
than in any other slave Mate in the Union, and
that increase was ina nly confined ‘othe Wes
- tern portion of the St; le contiguous to Kansas.
I The stapl prod nets of that region art* wheat,
| Indian coni, tobacco, anti hemp—the latter is
i the most profitable, and yields more money to
i the land, than the cultivation of cotton t}>„
planting States I wn< informed b an:, (|j
gent and reliable gentleman wno e.n gi aied at
an early day to Kansas ami cnirit and a jbw
slaves with him. that he could re.iH e from li e
culture of hemp.'front Tibice t.* six hut dred
dollars per annum t-> tin* hand \\ here in all
the South, can sla e labor be more profitably
employed? If ihe negro race can live anti
multiply and thrive in Missouri, why may it
not hi Khii-hs? Kansas was contiguous to
slave Suites, especially to M issouri—l lie natu
ral te deney of emit, rat ion to K otsas w as from
the neighboring sla't* Suites. II t-here had
1 een • ongressional protection to sin e proper
tv in Kansas, the Southern people would have
fell an abnling security in lukitg their net roes
into that rii e nnd bcamiml et i liny 1 nitra
tion Would luSvh poured into it from .1 issotui
and the Itcigltl CU’ltlg slave Males, hi and 1 Motts
would have l et*n ours. lid In was il ?
( ongress rvtm-rd to yive letal pr< teetton to
“lave properly in Kansas ami lei! slave la liters
to the tender mercies of the squatter sove
reign.’ w ho were precipitated upon her soil by
the Northern, abolition emigrant aid socie
ties. to make it a free State. No prudent malt
would carry his slaves into the Territory un
der siidi circumstances. Slavery is proverbi
ally timid and w ill not go w hete il is not mi.de
safe in advance from the fangs of that vora
cious serpent, which is ever ruady and eager
to swallow* and devour it.
The loss of iviin.-HS to iht South was the legiti
mate and inevitable fruit of the “Squatter Sov
ereignty” elements of the Kansas Nebraska Bill,
as construed and enforced by its nifflfetfs and
friends. They were enough in themselves to pro
duce that result, but as a part and parcel of the
influence and power of the free-soil sentiment of
the Northern States, the administration of even
Gen. Pierce gave way to its bold impudent de
mands ami put over Kansas a batch of free-sud
Governors and other Federal Officers to warp wiftk
official patronage and influence, the sentiments
and political action of the people. Nebraska was
a Northern Territory given up by all parties to
free institutions—Kansas was a Southern Terri
tory and ought to have been subjected to South
ern control; but yielding to the pressure of
Northern Anti-slavery hostility and the strong
current to make Kansas a. free State—to appease
the morbid appetite of the abolition monster, who
shook his bloody fingers at the President, htsre
versed the natural and appropriate order of things
and appomted Southern men Governors of Ne
braska, and Northern men for Kansas! And the
present administration, though professing the
greatest regard for Southern rights, and the most
profound indifference, as to the political fate of
Kansas, has followed the example of its “illustri
ous predecessor, and behold the array of North
ern Free Soil Governors over Kansas—Reeder,
Gary, Sfaanon, Walker and Medary, all haiing
from the same section, all of the same materials
made, and all cohsccrated and devoted to the i-ame
great end of making Kansas a free State, and
thus Kansas was lost to the South. If the south
ern Slates had planted their feet upon the firm
plank of their sovereign equality and constitu
tional rights, when Territorial G iv. r im nts w,.re
formed, and demanded protection to their slave
property by federal laws, during the existence of
the Territorial Governments, .# a muni devotion
of remaining in the Union, v e :-uouiu never have
been cursed with (fio wretched uncertainties or
mu meaning go: <ii of the Kans rs Nebraska
Mil, an , o ‘M sa*.d Ills of which it has be. u
t>.c pri-o*: .-a re . V- ill ,t bo argued that uod r
Ih .t oi.i, - -v, iy Iras teen established in New
Mexico? vvho behoves (hat it will become pir
uittuci” o. im maintained aside settled policy of
coat Territory ? I* has been adopted through
official intrigueand under the influence of official
patronage and power—it was covt-rlly aud cud
d-My done—it took the Sou b, as well as the
North by surpri e. lfui the Nnh would even
now, aud before this have oteicmu, and obliUra
ud it from the Territorial statute be k, by her
hoards ol abolition scum sent there by her emt
crating aid societies, “to regulate the d< mcrlic
institutions of the people,’ i/sM bad no’ re>- iv
ed it as ar, efem-.iit of agitation anl .-uc: e'-s in • ! o
next Pre&MeuttHl t*t.mpaign. lYhcn. ver si e
cnoosos sr.e enr, i, ;* .w ; n twelve months
‘ l! - !:as only to hrmg tt,e sunset hi r ab.J> ; -.*. aid
8-n,title;: *’ l e •tp -t, ~.e do m-.d lati-i ; 1 -
ay will Uec iiutii it us ?t did fin in Kan?.. No,’
teliow-ciiizens. give ao legal and tangible jro
teeiton to slv.ry, and it will i.iv t r piaut an a
biding foot p.tut in any Territory of the United
estates. I shall not stop Litre to argue tin and c—
trine ol ongreSMonal protectiob to slavery in ti e
-1 rritori 8, n.r to combat tLe rrors ot “squatter
3 v^rvri_i.lv. ‘ 1 take the >ct*asi<*n to eoiilt?** ii;at
i w ison e ihe t tv i a e of the latter here>y—car
ried ,i yov its attra-1 vj but delnMVc sophistry,
wuieh, lkc the “ft/wt- ttitmtu* 9 lurxe* /U-v 10 (i*.~
striy, aii'i witiiotii Ktrumi* ixam i Hu** 1,8
trutii au J pefferaj bear.ng-.*, rii i* km- fll 88
the only a.U-ri.af.vc <.f the Wilui l P‘ v s "*
ready t'* take it as she “best we < oula I
Was wrong and I admit, r-gr t and recant iie
error. tfuosequeut laves ig&ta-n J,II ‘ ‘ l ? n
s*ft>n coDvxneeamj tnat'ha only .rue tfio. ty m
.. tiiat b..t th. it. Jon B >>
WKI imu u -d U|....| I>' I r ibo
„ r „ tJ ,-,L „.d * *ry. b,r,vir .t
\ x or Ui.ir exisi up-*n tbe common *otl. lam
M Vji eouvmeai of the uuifc tuid propriety of