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A Word to Doctors W? have the highest regard for the medical profession. Our preparations are not sold for the purpose of antaßon izmg them, but rather as an aid. We lay it down as an established truth that internal remedies are positively injuri ous to expectant mothers. Thedistress and discomforts experienced during the months preceding childbirth can £ al- Inni 1 d ° nl / by cxternal treatment—by applying a liniment that softens and re laxes the over-strained muscles. We make and sell such a liniment, com h ning the ingredients in a manner hitherto unknown, and call it Mother s Friend We know that in thousands of cases it has proved more than a blessing to expectant mothers. It overcomes morn ing sickness. It relieves the sense of tightness. Headaches cease, and dan ger from Swollen, Hard and Rising Breasts is avoided. Labor itself is' shortened and shorn of most of the pain. We know that many doctors recom mend it, and we know that multitudes of women go to the drug stores and buy it because they are sure their physicians have no objections. We ask a trial just a fair test. There is no possible chance of injury being the result, be tause Mother’s Friend is scientific ally compounded. It is sold atsi a bot tle, and should be used during most of the period of gestation, although great relit f is experienced if used only a short time before childbirth. Send for our il lustrated book about Mother’s Friend. THE BRADFIELD REGULATOR CO. ATLANTA, GA. GKRGIA, Bibb County.—By virtue of the pow< in in two deeds made by William Crawford to the Central City and I i ust Association, recorded in book 74, pam sjio a .nu |4< )( t j u , Qjjjtrai city M> an and I rust Association will sell at public outcry, to the hlghist bidder for cash, botween the legal hours of sale, before the court bouse door in the city of .Macon on the 22d day of November, 1898, the following property: * All that lot of land known as No. 11, (lli) on Butlers map of IMotiroe’s estate west of Vinevilie. Said lot Is bounded on the north by laud of Wesley Potter, on the w<»t by a street, on the south by a s.l reel, and on t lie east by lot of Christo pher and Greene. Said lot of land con tains three-quarters (•%) of an acre, more or less. S.iid sale is made for the purpose of paying a debt of $165.60, principal and anier.-.st due by said William Crawford to said Association, and $8.83 taxes paid by «aid Association for the benefit of William Crawford, on account of the default of said Crawford. Overplus, if any, to be paid to William Crawford. This 22d day of October, 1898. Central City Loan and Trust Company. W. 11. ROSS, President. GEORGIA, Bibb County.—By virtue ot ■the power in a deed made by W. G. Bess tley to the Central City Loan and Trust .Association, recorded in book 74, pag.. 2, t ■>•• Central Ci.y laian and Trust Associa tion will sell at public outcry before the erair. lapse door in the city of M.teni, ,o •the highest bidder for cash, on the 22d day of November, 1898, the following pro perly: All that tract of land lying In the Vinevilie district, Bibb county, Georgia, fronting forty feet on Broadus street and running back a depth of one hundred and 'twelve feet. Saiti tract being better de scribed as beginning at a point 120 feet from Jefferson street on the north, run ning thence in an easterly direction 112 feet, thence northerly forty feet, thence westerly 112 feet, thence southerly forty feet, to the starting point. Said lot being that sold by C. W. Smith, Jr., to said W. G. Bessley, April 3, 1888, and recorded in book I’l’. folio 477. Said sale is made for the purpose of paying a debt due by said W. G. Bessley to said Association of $439.55, principal and Interest, beside insurance of $3.50 paid out for the benefit of said Bessley. Overplus, if any. to bo paid to W. G. Bessley. This 22d day of October, 1898. Central City Loan and Trust Association. W. H. ROSS, President. GEORGIA, 8188 COUNTY— 'Under and by virtue of a power of sale vested in the undersigned in a certain deed from B. H. Ray as*trustee to tue un dersigned. executed the 26th day of July, 1897, and recorded in booa li», fmio Uz, Record of Deeds, Bibb superior court, clerK’is otliee, August 4, 189<, the under signed will sill at public outcry, between ithe usual hours of sheriff’s sale on the first Tuesday in December, 4898, befoie tuc court house door in said county, to the highest bidder for cash, the following de scribed property, to wit: All that tract oi parcel of land situate, lying and being in 'the city oi Maeon, county of Bibb, and stitte oi Georgia, and known in the plan *>X said city oi Macon as part of lot om vfl) iii square sixty-one (61), fronting on jFirst street and extending back to mt .Number two iu said block one hundred .and four feet and three inches (104 f. 3in.) more or less; commencing ala point cigliiy-eight iii t six incuts from the cor iiet’ of bust and Pine streets, ami running along said First street 60 feet, together with all Hie right and title which the said >B. 11. Kay, trustee as aforesaid, has u. the alley oelween the property conveyed him ami the property ot Mrs. W. T. Mor gan, together with all encroachments on said property: being the same propeitj on wil.u-h B. H. Kay and family now reside. To oe sold as the propery of the wife of gaid Bolivar 11. Kay and their minor eml <iruii iu tlic huud<s of said 13oli\*n 11. iv.i\, trustee, and as the property of said B. b< Ray trustee as aforesaid, who by virtue of rhe' last deed herein mentioned has and had full power to mortgage, sell, encumber all or any pan of said property publicly or privately, without the necessity of any order of court therefor. This sale is made for the purpose of paying an indebtedness secured by said deed, to wit: Oae note for <iie pricipal sum of one thousand dollars, due October Ist. 1899. with semi-annual im-erest coupons thereon from April. 1898, and one note for the principal sum of fourteiMi hundred dollars due October Ist, 1900. with semi-anuual interest coupons thereon from April let. 1898; all of said notv's pavable to Mrs. Kate M. Roush or order at any bank in Macon with eight per cent per annum after maturity. Said tiled so given to secure said notes and coupons by said B. H. Kay. trustee, hav nr- and eon i a ini ng an express clause that if the said B. H. Ray. trustee, shall de fault in any of the conditions of said deed, or if any of the principal or interest notes which it is given to secure are not promptly met at maturity then the said Mrs Kate M Roush shall have the right io declare the debt then owing to be due and pavable and sltall be authorized to proceed at once with the collection of the same, either by suit at law or equity, or by sale of the property at public sale, af ter advertising the same in the manner prescribed by law. The said Kate M. Roush now declaring said debt due and doth advertise the same once a ■week for four weeks in The Evening News a newspaper published in Macon, and will svM on the Ist Tuesday in December next the property above described; first apply ing the proceeds of said sale to the costs of this proceeding; second, to the amount o' indebtedness due on the day of sale to attorneys’ fees and such other costs as may be incurred, if any. and the balance if uiv will turn over to said B. H Ray. Fee simple title will be ovule to the pur chaser or purchasers at the s * le - MRS. K ATE M ROl xH. ■November sth. 1898. LOCAL OPTION ELECTION NOTICE. ORDINARY’S OFFICE, Macon, Bibb County. Georgia A petition having been filed in this office on the 24 th day of October, IS9S, for an election to be held in Bibb county, Ga.. under the local option law of the state of Georgia and said petition being in com pliance with said law. it is therefore here by ordered that an election be held at the usual places for holding elections in Bibb county, Ga., on the Ist day of December. 1898, to determine whether or not such liquors as are mentioned In section IMLB of volume 1 of the Code of Georgia of 1895 shall be sold within the limits o. B.bb county, Ga. _ . „„ This the 25tb day of October 1898. C. M. WILEY, Ordinary Bibb County. (Communicated.) SOME SOUND NUTS FOR THE PROHIBITIONISTS TO CRACK. The Late George E. Waring Presents the Liquor Prob= lem in a Strong Light, and From the Standpoint Os fl DEVOTED TEMPERANCE ADVOCATE, Says Prohibition is a Farce and a Failure, as a Third of a Centurys’ Experience Proves. HIGH LICENSE And Strict Regulations the Only Practical Remedy —Mr. Hamil ton Mabry, Great Temper ance Advocate, Endors es Col. Waring’s Views. The following article from the “Out look,” contributed by the late Colonel Waring .is one that should be read by everv citizen of Macon who desires to see the questio.n of the liquor traffic treated in a fair and common sense way. Coione' Waring was notes] as one of the world's greatest sanitary engineers. Called from Memphis, Tenn., which he made a clean and healthy city, to New York to perform the same office, his great work in Aemeri ca’s metropolis added to his fame. More recently lie was sent by the United States government to Cuba to study conditions there and recommend such measures as, in 'bjs opinion, would result in improving the sanitary conditions of the island. He contracted 'the fever while in Cuba and hisu-ntimely deata'h has deprived the coun try of one of its brightest and most force ful mtn. Always a keen observer. Colonel Waring studied closely the conditions that obtain in New York, in relation to the liquor traffic, and the. article written by him for the “Outlook” presents in a clear and forcible manner the views formed as a result of his investigation. He has left behind him. in his treatment of this ques tion, a dispassionate statement that is equally applicable in its recommendations to every city and community in the land: As I am going to recommend some things which a certain class of readers may think wrong, let me begin this paper with a very distinct statement of my own opinion. lam convinced that if the use of alcoholic beverages could be absolutely done away with, the community would be the better for it. All that the most zealous advocates of total abstinence say as tt> the effects of habitual drinking and of drunkenness is true. If it were possi ble to stop drinking by prohibition I should be a prohibitionist, and I should cease my own very moderate use of wine and spirits. If anything has been proved by a third of a century of “Prohibition,” it is that it does not prohibit. It prevents the regulation of the liquor traffic and the collection of public revenue; it does not prevent excessive and most demoralizing use of liquor, in secret and exultant vio lation of law. For all that, the temper ance movement has done almost incal cuable good, in that it has made drunken ness discreditable. There is now no class of society—no matter how low —which, as a class, does not look down on a drunkard. Before the advocates of temperance be gan their active work, fifty odd years ago, the reverse was the case. There was then! no class —no matter how high— which, as a class, condemned drinking as a vice and looked with reprobation on a respectable gentleman in his cups. Drink ing was no more condemned than duelling was. So recently as when I was a well grown boy, he was a bold man who would say that he would not acept a challenge: and I often saw a son of a respectable house in the village, acting as clerk in his father’s store, sell rum at three cents a glass, with a jolly leer in his eye when lie was getting his customer more than half seas over. He afterward attained a very distinguished position, and such con duct would now seem to him worse than disgraceful. There came to live among us in. those days a handsome and cultivated gentle man whose habits were of the worst; he was rarely sober at noon, and he was ha bitually drunk at night. He was much respected, and when he died he was sin cerely regretted. The most striking im pression he left on 'the community was connected with the fact that he had come to the village with a certain sum of money, saying that when he had drank that up he should die. He literally drauk himselif to death, and left but sixpence of his fortune. While they werb sorry for him and his ways, the people thought him a wonderfully clever manager to have brought things out so evenly. • That less than sixty years should have brought about such a vast change in sen timent concerning drink is to the highest honor of those who have .fought the evil with all their might, and who are still fighting it effectively. What they have accomplished is simply a radical reversal of popular sentiment. The ground they have 'gained has been made secure largely by the action of employers, who. as a very widely general rule, reject applicants who drink. Temperance has struck its roots and will grow stronger as time .goes on. Thank God for this. What now most interests those who care for good government in New York is the degree to which and the way in which the work of its advocates should be aided by law and by adminis tration. It is for those who care for such government tbJit this appeal is made. Our population has come from ail parts of the world, and, as Superintendent Byrnes once told me, "they have brought their mannerisms and prejudisms with them." These immigrants are very ra pidly becoHning good Americans, but they and their children, like the rest of us, are much influenced by old customs, and have rather firmly fixed ideas as to personal rights. It is only a small proportion ot any population that Is willing to have its habit* interfered with by law. We are proud of being “a liberty-loving people,” and most of us think that liberty, Hke ' charity, begins at home; we care more for personal liberty, which touche* our daily i life, than we do for national liberty, > whose touch is much. less felt. It is not i too much to say that —the actually crimi nal classes and the drunkards aside —cure is a population of good citizens. Patriotic pride in the city is by no means confined to the rich and well-to-do. It is quite as well established among “the other half.” Standards vary. In one quarter of the town, and among a certain class, there is a respect for more laws than in another quarter and among another class; but there is no more respect for law in gen eral. Laws protecting property and per sonal safety are universally respected. Laws which affect customs and restrain personal indulgence have much more res pect among those who are influenced by high social, moral and religious standards than among those who are not so con trolled, but who are very good citizens, all tbe same. No fair view can be taken of the situa tion without bearing constantly in mind that this is a land of absoJute religious freedom; that one lias as much legal right to believe one thing as another, or to be lieve nothing. The church may persuade a man; it cannot force him. The law can interfere only to protect the many against a violation of its peace by the conduct of the few. This is no more true as to reli gious questions than as to personal habits and customs. When religion, fashion or prejudice undertakes to compel all persons to live according 'to its standards, it in vade individual liberty, and invites, as it deserves, the condemnation and the re sistance of those who claim the right to live otherwise. Whatever effective action is to be taken to regulate the sale of alcoholic drinks must be taken with constant regard to these considerations. ‘We cannot enforce temperance any more than we can enforce religion. As we ,may persuade a man to accept the tenets of Christianity, so we may persuade him to abstain from drink ing to excess, or from drinking at all. At the same time, while' we cannot prevent, ’ we can regulate; and, from the nature of the case, we can apply regulation more easily and with far less irritation to the sale of drink than to its use. As an itinerant preacher of strange doc trine can 'harangue a crowd in the street only under the control of the police, so the liquor seller can dispense his bever ages only under the same control. In the latter case, as in the former, the purpose is to protect the community from able infringement of its nights. The preachers must not disturb the peace of the public nor violate its reasonable sense of propriety; and the saloon keeper must be subjected to the same restriction. In his case, 'because his influence is so all pervading, and because his traffic is so much more pernicious in some of its effects, a stricter regulation is proper. The great question is, how far is It wise to go in limiting the freedom of liquor selling? If we had only to consider the effect of the traffic on those who support it, the answer would not be difficult, for whatever tends to suppress drunkenness must be very desirable. But there are other considerations. The need of good government is paramount to all other needs, .and good government relates not only, nor chiefly, to sobriety; it includes in its purview everything that affects the good of the people—which is a Short er way of saying that there is no single interest of any man, woman or child in the city which is not —often unconsciously —affected by its government. This is not the place to argue this proposition, if ar gument is needed. Surely all who give attention to the subject will at once admit its truth. We must, then, make even the drink question subordinate to the larger ques tion of securing the best possible admin istration of our public affairs. In order to get good government we must secure the votes of many men who do not think as we do about many things. We must give as well as take; and if we are liberal in our giving we can take a great deal. My official life in New York brought me, ne cessarily, into contact with all sorts of people, and I came to have a sincere re gard for whole classes which are entirely unknown to those who move in other circles. There is a vast deal of honest manliness where those Who live mainly among the more prosperous imagine that there is only a very low grade of human ity. actuated by a hatred of the rich and a suspicion of the better educated. These people want what we want. They want good schools, clean streets, good magistrates, a well-ordered police, suffi cient parks, a low death rate and good government generally. They do not "want, »nor do we. too much interference with personal habits and familiar customs. They, like ourselves, grow restive and un reasonable under espionage and unne cessary annoyance. On the whole it is not too much to say that we shall never have permanent good government in New York-so long as our common people are annoyed as they have been by unecessarily iritating Sunday restrictions and too Sharp interference with tbe saloons. When they can do openly what they are now forced to do by stealth —and what they will certainly do in one way or another —they will have more respect for law, will lead more or derly lives, and will be less easily led to vote for the sort of government under which we are now suffering. It is not easy to formulate a method of saloon regulation and of Sunday restric tion which will satisfy all classes, but there is surely some middle ground on which all can meet with reasonable satis faction, where the conditions will not be intolerable to any except the extremists of both sides; and laws are not made to satisfy extremists, but to make life agree able to the great mass of the population. In my judgment the influence of example, of persuasion, of self-interest, and of so cial improvement will be jiore effective when our laws cease to regard drinking as a crime. Take the mass of our German population, for instance. They have been accustomed for generations to the free — but generally not excessive—drinking of beer —and to the devotion of their Sunday afternoons to social Intercourse in places of public resort where beer flows freely. The habit is practically universal with all classes, and not even the most religious element ot the community thinks of con demning it. They come here and find their innocent national habits frowned up on, and themselves subjected to annoy ing and, as they think, absurd restrlc- MACON NEWS SATURDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 12 1898. I tions. They will vote for a pretty bad lot of public officers to escape from such | tyranny, and they will listen with scorn to all talk of “Reform” which proposes to tolorate it. Those who are addicted to strong drink, in like manner, consider it none of the law’s business to interfere with their per sonal habits and tastes; and a very large number of excellent citizens, whose habits and tastes are not all the same, think with them and vote with them. While such a method cannot be easily formulated which would satisfy our coun try lawgivers and our city people ait the same time, there are certain principles which must be accepted before we get <0 a point where we shall be free from the present disastrous interference with our efforts for good government: (1) The Puritan Sabbath” can never be made acceptable to the people of New York. (2) Beer is not to be classed with whis ky as an objectionable beverage. (3) Whisky is demanded by a very large number of persons who will connive at the violation of law to get it, if need be, every day in the week. (4) Beer ds regarded by many thousands of citizens as being harmless, if not as necessary, as bread; and they will see the fiend incarnate in the mayor’s chair ra ther than have their habit of taking it— on any day dn the week—'repressed by the police. (5) There will be no objection to any reasonable tax on the sale of both bever ages, nor to any reasonable regulation of the manner and hours of their sale. 1. The first of these principles will be of slower and more difficult acceptance than all the others, for those who have been Americans for generations, like a very large majority of the people of this state, have had the sanctity of the Puri tan Sabbath ground into their habit of thought to such a degree that—while most of them do not allow it to control their own habits—they think, as a matter of course, that they must treat it with great respect when dt is presented o hem as a feish. Those zealous Christians who real ly believe that it is wicked to do pleasant things on Sunday are relatively very few; those who are ready to take up the Puri tan ‘Sunday as political shibboleth are, as •we have seen, numerous enough to make mischief for this city. Tammany, for ex ample, asks no better ground for .1 cam paign than the advocacy of Sunday rigid ity by its opponents. It knows that thou sands will vote with it because of this condition alone. New York has not been for a genera tion a Puritan city, and it is growing away from Puritanism year by year. By a very large majority, it believes in ma king Sunday a day of innocent recreation —and it asks nothing that it does not be lieve to be innocent. Even the most rigid Sabbatarian would realize, if he could persuade himself to wander on a pleasant Sunday afternoon through Central Park the Art Museum and the Museum of Na tural History, and to go up the Riverside Drive to Claremont, that the hundreds of thousands whom he would meet there were only getting benefit from their happy and healthy excursion away from the dull and often sordid surroundings of their workaday life. If, encouraged by this, 'he would visit a great German beer garden, he would find men, women and children engaged in a perfectly rational enjoyment to which their race had been acustomed at home. He would see little, if anything, to which he could object—very much less than he would find at the same time in any frequented street of the city. If he could only be made to realize the degree to which his prjudices tend to favor the continuance a government which he considers absolutely bad, he would see that his plan of making Sunday a day of open gloom and of secret evasion of law Is the very worst plan to which he could give his support. One of the most useful efforts to which the reformer could apply himself would be to preach these truths to t'he rigid adherence of the austere Sun day. 2. No distinction is made in the remark able Raines Law between whisky and other drinks which make men drunk, and light beer and wines, which at worst — and that rarely—make them dull. Nearly all the harm that grows from drinking is ■the work of the liquor saloon. Waste of time and waste of money is the worst that can be seriously charged to the bier garten or the bierhalle, and the waste of time and monej’ is not a proper subject for legislation. Lager beer and the lighter sorts of wine contain a certain small per centage of alcohol —not enough as the law need notice. (Places where only these are sold should pay a certain tax or license fee, because their business is a long-es tablished source of public revenue, and because they should be securely register ed for police supervision. Liquor saloons, Where beverages are sold having a higher percentage of alcohol, should pay a very much higher tax or fee —so much as to reduce their present number very greatly. The saloon, in its present development, Is a curse to the people, and the greatest amount of restraint may properly be ap plied to it which will leave it possible for those to ’buy its wares to do so without material inconvenience. Four saloons at the crossing of two streets are a shameful excess. The more the number of sa’oons can be restricted, the better they can be regulated. 3. Reprehend as we may the drinking of strong liquors, we must confine our con test with it to regulation and moral sua sion. We cannot prevent it by force. So long as men will drink, our best course is to lessen the glaring temptation to it ■which too frequent facilities afford, and to do what we can to make the practice orderly and decent. Those who sell and those who drink will offer no marked op position to such a course. Neither will they oppose very very considerable Sun day restrictions, so long as these do not make it necessary to sell and to drink on the sly and in violation of the law. Most of those who drink whisky would much prefer not to break a law in doing so; and they have a great disgust for a law which requires them to order a "meal” when thev want a drink. They see no virtue in the stale old sandwich which is set out beside their glass to make their drinking legal. They are common-sense persons and they want common-sense treatment. If they cannot have it they will vote wrong until it is given to them. 4. We can never get “the German vote,” and the enormous sympathetic vote that goes with it, until we allow light beer and light wines to be sold freely on Sunday— at least after the morning church hours— as on any other day in the week. And we shall never have the much needed cordial vote and support of a large majority of the people for good government until we are ready to concede this much to those who feel that they have a right to de mand it In my opinion, there is only one side to this question, save in the minds of those who adhere strictly and most in juriously, to the Sabbatarian limitations. 5. Conceding the foregoing, it will be easy to establish and to enforce any ne cessary regulations that good public order and decency may require, and to impose such a tax on the traffic in both liquor and the lighter drinks as will cover the whole cost of our school system, however large it may be. Our people have been so long accustomed to harrassingexactions affecting their personal habits as to drink that they will willingly pay a very high price if they are allowed to do legally and at their own pleasure what they are now compelled to do under annoying restric tions. If our best people among the poor no less than among the rich, could be made to see the case as it is set forth here, and to act and vote acordingly, we should soon see the last of the present sort of Tammany government. Even Tammany itself would soon learn that its only chance for remaining in power would be to abandon its present corrupt ways and to satisfy itself with the honor of ruling the city wisely and well. It can hardly be doubted that it would govern in this way rather ‘than not govern at all. There Is no reason why wise and honest govern ment should not be gladly accepted at the ■hands of Tammany Hall. We are not fighting the name, but the present aim, of ‘that organization. We can defeat this aim only when we s'hail have given such treat ment to the drink problem as common sense. and, in,the city of New York, reli gion itself, demands. ifr. Hamilton Mabry, the distinguished editor of the Outlook, who has been quoted recently by the advocates of prohibition as an authority for the.r contention, pre sents i 1 the following comment on the dif ferent phases of the liquor traffic some ipoints that do indicate him a champion of prohibitory legislation. On the contrary, a careful perusal of the argument he has advanced will shoy that he favors the li censed regulation of the liquor traffic. The question which Colonel Waring raises in his article printed on another page will seem to certain of onr readers no question at all. The argument of the prohibitionist is very simple. It Cannot be right for a community to sanctiqn what it is wrong for an individual to do: it is wrong for an individual to sell alcoholic liquors as a beverage; therefore It is wrong for the community 'to sanction such sale; it is doubly wrong to sell them cn the Sabbath; therefore it is doublv wrong for the community to sanction such Sabbath s'ale. If we grant that all liquor selling is wrong, the argument still appears to us to ignore another and a very serious question; what are t.he rights and duties of a majority in a democratic com munity? We ask those of our readers who place greater reliance on legislation as a means oif moral reform than we do, to consider this question without prejudice, and the bearing of the answer on the problem which Mr. Waring presents. In a paternal government 'there is good ground for claiming that the supreme au thority is resoonslble for the conduct of the subjects, and therefore has a right and duty to regulate that conduct. The father may and largely does determine the diet and the dress of his children; no one complains of sumptuary legislation in the household. In a similar manner and for a similar reason, the Czar may determine on what conditions his people may get ■alcoholic beverages or Whether they may get them at all. He is supposed to be wiser than they, and they are supposed to be under his direction and control because he is wiser than they. The doctrine of a democratic commun ity is very different. No one supposes that the majority in so heterogeneous a population as that of the United States affords any final stand'ard of either wis dom or virtue. It furnishes only a general average of wisdom and virtue, and that average is certain to fall below the higher standards of the best born and best edu cated. Democracy rests, not on any no tion that the many are wiser or more vir tuous than the few, but on the belief that it is safer to leave every man to judge of his own interests 'and his own duties than it is to intrust him 'to the care and control of some one else. The danger to Mm from his own ignorance or even his own vices is less than the danger from the selfishness of the supposedly beneficent (fesnot into whose hands, on any other theory, he would 'be put for safe keeping. He will blunder, but he will learn by his blunders; he will sin, but he will learn by his sins. Leave him—this is what democracy says—to determine his own duties and to perform them o-r neglect them as he chooses. Leave him to ascer tain his own interests and to conserve or sacrifice them as he chooses. Counsel, instruct, aid, but do not control him. Under this system government no longer undertakes, as paternal government does, to control men for their own good. For the same reason that it no longer endeav ors to regulate their religious worship, it no longer endeavors to furnish . their ethical ideals or to regulate their moral conduct. It leaves them tree to self-regu lation in tihe one domain as in the other. It confines itself to two functions: co operative action in certain common ac tivities, 'as in the post office and the pub lic school; and the protection of the com munity from aggression by other com munities and of the individual in the com munity from other individuals. It re quires, or may require, each individual to abstain from such performances on the Sabbath, as tend to destroy 'the Sabbath rest of others, but it leaves, or should leave, him perfectly free to go to church or ride a bicycle. It interferes, or should intrefere to prevent him prove making his house a breeding place of pestilence; but it leaves him free to waste his money in what extravagance of dress or table his folly may dictate. The principle 1* very easy of statement, but is very diffi cult in application. The principle is that the government is not to protect the in dividual from his own wrong-doing; it is, on the contrary, ‘to leave him perfectly free to dp wrong provided his wrong-doing does not injure his neighbor. But it is to prevent him from inflicting wrong upon his neighbor, aJthough, in order to do so, it has to interfere with his liberty to follow his own judgment or even his own conscience. The difficulty of appli cation lies in the fact that it is often dif ficult 'to determine how far government should go in the work of protection, and against what injuries it should protect. It is, for example, the right of the indi vidual to dress as he pleases, but he may not go naked upon the streets; he may talk as he pleases, but he may not inflict obscene or profane language upon the public. There is no subject to which It is more difficult to apply this principle than the subject of the use of alcoholic beverages. On the one hand it $3 absolutely certain that the sale of such beverages, as at present conducted, costs the community an enormous sum in hospitals, poor houses, jails, and criminal courts. Thia is the practically unanimous testimony of all students, judges qn the bench, pro fessors of political economy*, expert* in criminology, social statistician*- On the other hand, it is equally certain that, whatever may be the effect of the moder ate use of such beverages on the indivi dual, such moderate use inflicts no Im mediate and recognized injury on the community. Some years ago the Outlook made a careful examination into the social conditions of a ward which of all wards in New York city had almost if not quite the greatest number of liquor shops. To our surprise we found it was the one ward jp which at times twenty fours hours weat by without any arrest I from crime or disturbance of apy kind. ] There wag scarcely a whisky saloon in the ward, and very few Irish or Americans: the population was Bohemian, and liquor stores were beer saloon*. The lawmaker must recognize the fact that some forma of liquor drinking Inflict enormous wrong on the community, and that other forms of drinking do not; his problem is to pro tect the public from the injuries inflicted by the former, and not to interfere with the latter. He must protect the innocent from injuries inflicted by others; he is not to protect the individual from the con sequences of his own folly, or even of his own wrong-doing. To restate the problem another way: The lawmaker must recognize in the law alike the conscience of the total abstain er and the conscience of the moderate drinker. He must not assume that one has a conscience and the other has none, nor so frame the law as to enforce the conscience of one upon the conduct of the other. There are some who regard alcohol in all its forms as a poison, never under any circumstances to be taken into the human body; there are others who are people pretending to be Christians who of the opinion of the German in Penn sylvania who said: “I hear that there are will not drink beer. But, for my part, I do rot see how one can be a Christian and refuse so good a gift of God as beer.” How are these two classes to live peace abley together in a free community? The mere rule of 'the majority affords no basis for such a common life. This rule will •leave the community which is dominated by the German sentiment without any li quor laws and with the unrestrained sale of liquor; it will leave the community which is dominated by the total abstainer without any liquor, and the moderate drinker perpetually angered by what he regards as interference with his natural right to determine the question of diet for himself; and it will leave the com munity in which both classes live side by side in a perpetual conflict and the liquor question always in politics. There must be some better way than this to make liberty and protection live peaceably to gether. Are there any limits to the right of the major*'. . .o, uCiat are they? If the majority tiiinks, as many do think, that the use of tea and coffee are injurious, have they a right to prohibit the sale of tea and coffee? If they think the eating of pie produces dyspepsia, and makes the children pale, cadaverous, thin-blooded, and inefficient, have they a right to pro hibit the sale of pie? Has a contamnity in which the majority are a . , , . men right ito prohibit the sale of cause, in their judgment, it bloodthirsty, and leads to quarrels, a jJf‘S of violence and war? We shall all afe£e, probably, that there is some limit to moral right of the majority other than that determined by its political power. What is that limit? The answer is: it has moral right to do whatever in its judgment is necessary to protect the in nocent from the wrong-doing of others — whether it be intentionally criminal or merely ignorantly careless; but it has no moral right, in criminal legislation, to do more. It is by the application of this principle, with possible modifications and exceptions, that the answer is to be found. How shall the total abstainer and the moderate drinker live peaceably together? The moderate drinker must recognize that it is the function of the law to pro tect the community from the enormous injuries 'which result from the unrestrict ed and unregulated sale of liquor; and the total abstainer must recognize the right of the moderate drinker to purchase and drink intoxicating liquors under condi tions which do not inflict direct injuries upon others. The first result of the recognition of this principle would be vigorous legal measures to protect 'the community at large and all individuals in the commun ity against the injuries inflicted by drunk enness. A man may have a right to drink; but he has no right to indulge in drink to such an extent as to make himself of fensive to others in public places, or to be dangerous to the members of his family at home, or to incapacitate himself for their support, and so throw on the community the burden which it belongs to him to bear. The law ought not to treat drink ing as a crime; but it ought to treat drunkenness as a crime. Every drunken man ought to be arrested; every habitual drunkard ought to be sent to a reforma tory and kept there until cured, even if that requires a life imprisonment; every man incapacitating himself for the sup port of his family ought to be .compelled to work, and the proceeds of his work used toward the support of his family; every saloon which turns drunken men out into the streets unable to take care of themselves, and every saloon which' proves itself a source of public disorder, should be closed by law and not allowed to open again; the children should be pro tected from their own ignorance, and sell ing to minors should be prohibited and punished. This much, at least, the com munity and the inocent individuals in the community have a right to demand of the state. Another result of this recognition of the two-fold principle stated above—per sonal protection and personal liberty—- would be local option: that is, the recog nition of 'the right of each local com munity to determine for itself the police regulations of the liquor traffic, leaving the state to punish violations of private rights and perpetration of public disorder by a law’ uniform in all localities. If the people of St. Lawrence county" desire to abolish all saloons, why should New York city refuse them the liberty.' If the peo ple of New York city desire opportunities for drinking within limits that afford pro tection to others, wny should the people of St. Lawrence county refuse them that liberty? The injuries produced by mod erate drinking in New York city on the people of St. Lawrence county are remote indirect, impossible to esiimate. It js really not for their own protection that rural communities endeavor to determine by legislation the moral conditions of great cities. It is on the mistaken no tion that in a free community the majority is in loco parentis; and is somehow res ponsible for the moral character and con duct of each local community, and each individual in the local community. And this is a mistaken notion. It has for its support neither a sound political economy nor a sound religion. Every individual must give account of himself to God, not only for his religious faith, but also for the ethical principles, w’hieh determine his conduct. The limit of criminal legis lation is protection of the otherwise un protected. The attempt to cope with the evils of the liquor traffic by allowing the conscience of one class in the community •to regulate the habits of another class ha* been tried op a large scale, and as re gards the large cities, always unsuccess fully. It would be well to give an equally faithful trial to the other principle; to close 'by law those saloons which are’ di rect sources of disaster and nurseries of crime; to tax all saloons with Something like a fair proportion of the burdens which the saloons as whole lay upon the community; to forbid open saloons at those hours of the night which experi ence proves are most eoincjdepfc with public disorder; to discriminate, if pos sible, between distilled liquors which pro voke to violence and crime and the light wines and beers which do not; and to leave each local community to determine within certain restrictions Imposed by the elAte, the police regulation of the traffic Particularly, the city of New York should give to the great cities the right of legij, latten which It has given to the smaller towns, and should enable New York erty, or more probably each borough in that city, or possibly each ward or election dis trict, to decide for itself whether saloons should be open at all, and, if so, whether they should be open for any sale of liquor on any part of Sunday. Whatever the Im mediate consequences, we believe that the final result would be not only a purifica tion of polities, from which the corrupt ing influences of the liquor traffic would be thus removed, but an increase of tern l peranoe in practice by the only method which promises enduring results —namely, •that of remitting the question of self-con trol, as far as is consistent with public safety, to the individual himself • ft] u hi The Kind You Have Always Bought, and which has been . in use for over 30 years, has borne the signature of « „ has been made under his per e 50,,a l supervision since its infancy. e t c Allow no one to deceive you in this. AH Counterfeits, Imitations and Suhstil-ites are bur Ex e pvrnnents that frille with and endanger the health of e ntants and Children—Experience against Experiment. *1 W ap : What is CASTORIA . O Castoria is a substitute for Castor Oil. Varegorie, Drops and Soothing Syrups. It is ilarmle-- and Pleasant. 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