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GEORGIA COURIER. J. O. K’WKORTEB A.VD MSALiwa, PUBLISHERS. Ttrvit. Tili* Paper i-= pobiulicd every Monday and Thur^lav’ uftrrnoon, ut $3 00 per annum, payable in ad- • .iitco, or j|6 00 at the expiration of the y«*ar. TjT A(Jverti<fent« , ut« nut exceeding a kjii:*tc, inserted the first time ur<W i-’-iceuU, and 43 30 tc.nu for each con- tin nance. / ADDRESS Of the Jackson Convention to the People of Mary land Felt.ow-Citizuss : Having been appointed Delegates from the several 'Electoral Districts of; this State, to meet in Conveution, in this city, for the purpose of considering the course, which duty to our country enjoins upon us, in relation to the next Election ot President, we beg leave to lay beioreyou the result of our deliberations. After taking iuto our most serious con sideration all the circumstances of .lie last Presidential Election, we are, on mature reflection, impressed with a -solemn con viction, that altho’ the forms of the consti tution were observed, the spirit of that sacred instrument was violated : That the Chief Magistrate was elected by the votes of the Representatives of the States against the will of die people of those States: That, if the votes of those States had been given according to that will, when the real contest lay between General Jackson and Mr. Adams, as the spirit of the Constitution dictates, the former would have been elected President of the Uni ted States, instead of the latter : That, therefore, the will of it majority of the States, as well as of the people of the Union has been defeated : That, the President, having thus ob tained the Chief Magistracy, re warded his principal assistant in defeating the voice of the nation, by the highest office in his gift, and has since employed the patron age of government for the furtherance of his personal views, and to secure his ro- elcctiou : That before bis election by the House of Representatives', Mr. Adams approved of an amendment of the Constitution, in order to take the power ot choosing the President from that body, and to give it directly to the people, for the purpose of preventing in future, not only all corrup tion, hut all suspicion of corruption : But that, since his success with the House of Representatives, in defeating tlie will of a majority of the people and ot the States, he has not only disappointed tlie friends of the purity ot our govern ment by declining to recommend that a- piendment to the adoption of Congress, but his friends in that body, when it was brought forward without his recommenda tion, opposed and defeated it. In support of these opinions, we will state the, facts, wltfeh have wrought con viction on our minds. In the late Presidential Election, nine ty-nine electoral votes were gjven to Ge neral Jackson, eighty-four to Fr. Adams, forty-one to Mr. Cranford, and thirty- seven to Mr. Clay. Had the election been sent back to the people and the choice restricted to the two highest candidates as it virtually was in die House, there is no one, who was well acquainted with the state of public opinion In the Southern and Western states, where nearly all the votes for Mr. Crawford, and Mr. Clay were given, who would not be obliged to acknowledge, that of the seven- ty-eight votes, received by those gentle men, at least thirty-two, the number which, in addition to the ninety-nine already re ceded by Gen. Jackson, was necessary to his election, would have been given to him.—According to this test, therefore, a majority of the people of the United States, were opposed to the election of Mr., Adams. A majority of the states, if their wishes had been complied with, were also oppes- ed to his ejection. lie succeeded in the House bv a majority of one state only ; and it is notorious, that in contempt of the will of their constituents, who had given unequivocal proofs of their preference of General Jackson over Mr. Adams, the re presentatives in Congress of several of the western states gave their votes for Mr. A lams, a In political intrigues written instruments are not exchanged, nor witnesses called h) bv the parties to attest the conditions of their compact. Positive testimony on the present occasion, is*not, therefore,, to be expected. Circumstantial evidence, however, often as irresstibie as positive testimony, has established beyond a rea sonable doubt, that the votes thus given to Mr. Adams by Representatives in con tempt of the will of their constituents, were obtained for him chiefly through the instrumentality and influnce of Mr. Clay. In proof of this fact, we solicit your atten tive consideration of the following circum stances : * During the contest for electors, Mr. Clay and his friends had opposed Mi*. A- daras more violently than any of the other candidates. The grounds of objection to Mr. Adams, most warmly urged, were:. That a President ought to be elected from the West: That Mr. Adams was .unfriendly to Western interests: That he had attempted to sacrifice them in favor of his Eastern Brethren at the negotiation of Ghent. Mr. Clay himself charged Mr. Adams in his representation of that negotiation with “ errors both as to matters of fact and matters of opinion, relating to the na vigation of the Mississippi and certain lib erties, claimed by the Unitea States in the fisheries”—and in allusion to the excite ment of the presidential contest, stated, that “at some time more propitious than the present to calm and dispassionate con sideration, and when there could fie no misrena&ematioa of motives, he would lay before the public a narrative of those transactions.” In the circular address of Mr. Clay’s friends in Ohio, it is stated, that “ it was the first object ofthe friends of Mr. Cla^, to keep from the ‘Presidential Chair one of the present cabinet,” and*to elect some person <vho was out of the cabinet.”— The same doctrine, that it was necessary to. break up the “ succession of Secreta ries” to the Presidency, or the “ Secreta ry dynasty,” so called, was urged through out the West by Mr. Clay’s friends. At length the contest forelectors is ofrer. introduced into Congress without the aid of his expected recommendation, nearly all bis friends in that body arrayed them selves against it, and all his New England friends without a single exception, voted against taking the election from the House ofRepresentatives. e. *T#e foregoing statement demonstrates that Mi&Adams having obtained power by violating ihe spirit of the Constitution is employing all the means which his sit uation gives him, to maintain it, and to se cure are-election, and gives us the solemn admonition, that the period has arrived Mr. -Clay is not returned to the House of j j n the operation of our government, wheu Representatives, and could not himself therefore any longer be voted for. Another Western man, however, of great talents, splendid services, aud un questioned integrity, and a man, moreo ver, who did not belong to the Cabinet, was returned to the House by a much lar ger number of electors than Mr. Adams, and under circumstances that left nofea- sonable doubt,’ as has already been shown, that when the real contest lay between him and Mr. Adams, he was the choice of a large majority of the people of the Uni ted States. The elevation of Gen’l Jackson, howe ver, to the Presidency, by satisfying the claim of the West, would opoi;ate against the future prospects of Mr. Clay, which, on the contrary, would be strengthened by the election of an Easiem mart, especially if it could be seen by the East, that the boon was conferred upon them by his exertions and influenc. Mr. Clay, therefore, and his partisans with him, suddenly adopt a new set of opinions to suit altered Circumstances, & think it is in conformity with “safe pre cedents” that another Secretary should be elected President. That an Eastern man, whom they had denounced as unfriendly to Western inter ests, was nevertheless to be preferred to a Western man—and notwithstanding their late violent and bitter animosity and op position; and in defiance of the known wishes of their constituents, they vote for John Quincy Adams and make him Pre sident of the Uni ted States. As soon as Mr. Adams is thus made President by the voje and influence of Mr. Clay, he rewards Mr. Clay for his services with the highest office'in his gift makes him Secretary of State, and places him in the line o{“ safe precedents ” Mr. Clay, gives his warmest support to Mr. Adams, administration, and forget ting his public pledge, is as silent as the grave about the Ghent negotiation! Can you fellow citizens, have stronger proof of a POLITICAL BARGAIN by which the rights of the people have been set at naught,and personei interests have triumphed over the spirit of the Con stitution and the fundamental principles of republican government 1 Power, thus obtained by intrigue and management with the unfaithful agents of the people against the will of the people, must of necessity be maintained and con tinued by the same means. Hence all the selfish passions of politcal opponents have been appealed to, and high offices have been lavished upon those, who Were most conspicuous amongst them, to purchase their support and neutralize the efforts of their friends. Hence the papers under the immediate control of the government, have teemed with calumnies without number upon the distinguished and patriotic men, who have had the courage to stem the torrent of ex ecutive influence, to exetcise and main tain the freedom of speech, and opinion, to aid in an attempt to’ punish the violation of the spi/if of the constitution. Hence Mr Clay has attempted to pun ish the- independence of other papers by withdrawing the publication of the laws from them, because they were not entirely subservient to his views, and by transfer ring it to those of comparatively limited circulation, although the object of that publication is to diffuse a knowledge of the laws as widely as possible, amongst the people. Hence the papers which supported the election of Mr. Adams most warmly before the people, while it could serve the inter est of their patron, recommended and ap plauded the proposition to- change the mode of choosing the President, so as to take the contingent power of electing him from the House of Representatives, &c. give the election directly to the people, and assure the people that Mr Adams, if .elected would use his influence in favefr of the change, have since his rejection by the. people, and his election by the House of Representatives, thrown obstacles in the wayof that proposition, d Hence,, although Mt Adams himself immediately after his election while the obligation of former declerations and the assertions of his advocates and friends, were fresh upon his mind, in Vis answer to the committee of the House of Repre sentatives, that waited upon him <o inform him of his election, avo wed ‘his approba tion of the proposed change in the follow ing words; ‘ t Could my refusal to accept of the Presidency, give an immediate opportu nity to the people to form& express, with a nearer approach to unanimity, the object of their preference, I should not hesitate to decline the acceptance of that eminent charge and submit the decision of this mo mentous question again to their determi nation,” and by assigning as his only rea son for not doing so that “ the constitution itself had not so disposed of the contingen cy, which would arise in the event of his re fusal,” offered a pledge of his support to a proposition so to change the Constitution in respeejt to theforms of the Presidential election as to take it from the House, & give it directly to the^people, yet notwith standing this pledge and the general ob ligation of duty, imposed, by the Consti tution itself, to recommend to Congress such measures as he may deem the pub- lip welfare to require, he has hitherto de clined sending a message to Congress to recommend that change. On the contra- ry, when a measure for, that purpose was it behoved the peop’e to recur rto first principles, and to enquire if ^he founda tion on which theirpolitical^Rberty rests be not undermihed. - jf ■ The fundamental principle on which onr whole system, rests, is the political equality of the citizens. From this political equality necessarily results the doctrine, that the icill of the majority shall prevail. The object of all the forms of our national and state governments, is to se cure the fair and unbiassed expression of that will. The only effectual security against the abuses of the supreme executive power, is the direct responsibility of him who ex ercises it, to thepeople over whom it is exercised ; and the only efficient mode, by which that Responsibility can be enforced is by making the chief magistrate depen- 1 dent upon the people for the possesion and the continuance of his power. We hold it to be undeniable, that ac cording to the theory of our constitution the election of the President of the U. States was intended to be the act of the American people, and that the electors are bound to vote according to the will of their constituents. We also hold that when the election of the President devolves upon Congress, the representatives of the several States, the discharge of their electoral duty, are, by the spirit of the -constitution which they are sworn to support, bound like the electors io carry into effect, so far as prac ticable, the will of their constituents And we are of opinion, after the most dispassionate and deliberate consideration of all the circumstances attending the late presidential election, that the forgoing fundamental principles were violated in the election of John Quincy Adams to the chief magistracy, by the House of Re presentatives, in which the votes of sev eral States were given by the representa tives, contrary to the known will of the people of those States. Such, fellow citi zens, are the essential and fundamental principles of liberty in our government, according to our construction of the con stitution. Such are the great principles which have been violated. The supporters of Mr. Adams endea vor to avoid the odium of that violation by giving a totally different interpretation of the constitution. They justify the con duct of those who voted against the will of their constituents, by maintaining the alarming doctrine, that the members of the House of Representatives, in the elec tion of President, may throw off all refer ence nnd regard to the opinions of the peo ple and the States, and under the plea of “ interrogating their consciences,'" set up their own judgment and wishes, general ly the offspring of their interest, in oppo sition to the disenterested wishes and will of their constituents.' This doctrine is maintained in the face of the very words of the constitution, which directs that when the election of President devolves on the House of Re presentatives, the votes shall be taken by States, and each State shall be entitled to one vote, and a majority of all the States shajl be’necessary fo a choice. The natural and plain cbnstructioh of the terms vote of a State, menus a vote expressing the will of the people of the State, &. not the per sonal vote of the representatives from the State. This feature of the Constitution was inserted in imitation of the provisions of the old confederation, according to which the vote was always taken by States, and it i§ well known that the delegates in Congress from the States under the Con federation, were completely under the con trol, and subject to the instructions of the legislature, by which they were sent, and by whom also they vvere recalled at plea sure. , The reasoning from analogy then is strongly in favor of the construction for which we contend. And we beg every citizen who is attach ed to liberty and his country, to pause and reflect seriously upon the fatal consequen ces of giving the latitudinarian construc tion of rhe x construction, contended for by the supporters of Mr. Adams. Adopt this construction, and you throw wide open the door to corruption, and the election in the House will inevitably, to adopt the language of the circular address of Mr. Clay’s friends in Kentucky, he determin ed, “-by influence and intrigue, bargain and management,”/. General Jackson is the last of the rev olutionary heroes, who can be, in the course of nature, a candidate for the Pres- i lencv, and from the increase of popula tion, and the multiplication of the . States, we must expect, after the next election, that so many candidates, will be set np, that the primary election will rarely be conclusive. It will become a matter of course, for the election to devolve on the House of Representatives. Their Hall, instead of being a seat of independent le gislation, will become a theatre for elec tioneering and intrigue, from the period of one selection to another. The ambitious men who aspire to the Presidency, will generally be members of Congress or of the Cabinet, and will have the opportunity of laying their plans deliberately and pur suing them perseveringfy. All the arts of personal address, of flattering attention and entertainments will be resorted to.— The sordid will hope for. office, of profit to tbemselyes or relations, as a reward for attaching themselves to the cause of some one of these Presidential Candidates. The ambitious will look for promotionaud dis tinction. Those who desire no appoint ment for themselves, will hope to obtain au influence in the distribution of the pat ronage of the government, and have it in their power to gratify tbeir friends. Self love will often disguise even from the par ties themselves the true nature of the influ ence under which they act, aud the whole circle of interested motives, will have fuH scope for action, under the appearance of a desire to serve friends, or promote the interest of their neighborhood,or, perhaps even the*nterest of the country at large. Nor ought we, from false delicacy, to deny the fact, that high and respectable as the station of member of Congress is, that occasionally men of the most venal and corrupt character obtain it: and when we reflect that the whole number of voles is only twenty-four—that the votes of one or two individuals, in consequence of di visions amongst the representatives of large States, will often decide the vote of those States—and that the votes of sever al small States are actually held by individ ual members—when we reflect further that this the highest honour on earth will of ten rest upon the decision of some half-do zen or even a less number of persons, in a body composed of more than two hundred members, and place before us the fact, that the successful candidate will have the distribution of wealth and distinction, in the nomination to ten thousand various offices, we must tremble for the liberty of our country, unless we wilfully shut our eyes to all the records of history, all the lessons of experience, and all the deduc tions of reason. Let it not be said we dis honour our country by representing Con gress as liable to corruption. We have just confidence in Congress ; we believe the members are as virtuous and patriotic as other men ; we will go fur ther and admit, that their education and characters, and stations in life, place them as much, if not more, above the reach of improper influence, as any equal number of their fellow-citizens. It is not because they are less virtuous than others, that we look at them with distrust, when thev come to exercise the functions of electors of the Chief Magistrate, but it is be cause they are men, and men exposed to the strongest and most seductive tempta tions, disguised in the most alluring and delusive forms. We stiould be traitors -to truth and show ourselves incapable of instruction from the whole history of our race, nay, insensible to the dictates of com mon sense, if we should, from spurious pat riotism or any other motive, give counte nance to the idea, that Congress is so pure and disinterested, and so elevated in char acter, that the small number of members necessary to change the fate of the election may not be found, who are liable to be in fluenced in the vote they are to give by personal interest, not approafchiug in the revolting shape of a direct bribe,but in the enticing firm of distinction amongst their fellow-citizens and reward for patriotic services. So long then as the forms of the consti tution, in relation to the election of Pres ident, remain as they are, the most disas trous consequences will flow from the construction contended for by the support ers of Mr. Adams. The most glittering prize that ambition can seek, with all its accompanying allurements, is every four years to be thrown into the midst of two hundred fallible men, to distract and excite them—men too, who are cut loose from the wholesome restraints of a safe con struction of the constitution, which fur nishes a sure and certaih guide for their conduct, in the will of their constituents. A decision under such circumstances will rarely if ever inspire the nation with confidence; which is so necessary to the independent and salutary exercise of the executive authority. , Under this dangerous and anti-republi can construction of the constitution, a jus tification is attempted of the most flagrant violation of its' spirit, and exhibits in the strongest point of view, the necessity for a change of its forms, which shall place its principles above all misconstruction. We earnestly entreat you, therefore fellow- citizens, not to believe,as those, who have obtained power at the expense of your rights, would persuade you to do, that the ensuing Presidential Election is a simple contest between two eminent citizens for the Chief Magistracy,in which their per sonal merits and past' services are alone to be considered. Great as they may be esteemed by the friends of Gen. Jackson and Mr. Adams respectively, they are as dust in the balance, and dwindle into utter insignificance, when compared with the importance of the great constitutional principles, which are at stake. No con flict ot parties since the commencement of our government has involved such vital interests as are now in agitation. It is not a question whether a’few cents more or less duty upon woollen or cotton manufactures shall be imposed-:—it is not a question, whether internal improvement shall be prosecuted under the authority of the General Government, or abandoned as either inexpedient or unconstitutional; It is not a question, whether commission ers, or ministers plenipotentiary, or no agents at all, shall be sent to Panama :— it is not a question,whether the trade with the British West Indies, (important as it :s to our shipping and agricultural interest) has been lost by neglect or mismanage ment. These questions, interesting as they are, are nevertheless oflittle consequence com pared with those, which ypuare now call ed upon to decide, involving as they do the maintenance or surrender of the. funda mental principles of the constitution, and the vital interest, of liberty. The great questions in agitations are, whether the chief magistracy shall be ob tained by influence and intrigue, bargain and management;’’or be awarded to mer it and public services by the unbought suf frages of the people -whether the influ ence of governmental patronage shall susr- tuin a minority in power against the will of the majority;—whether the fortes pre scribed by t« astitution, regulating the election of tin* chief magistrate, originally designed to give effect to the will of the majority, but which have been found inad equate to the-wgrpose, shall be abolished, a d the election be given directly to the people, and whether the people them selves have spirit and intelligence enough to eject from power, those who have ob tained it under the forms of the constitu tion,; in violation of its spirit, or whether they are prepared to submit, without resis tance, to usurpation. Those who are interested in maintaining exist ing abuses-&: opposed to thatchauge which would put an end to them hereafter, seek to attract ex clusive attention from the violation of gieat fun damental principles in their elevation to power. —While this violation is with us the principal ground upon whicii we oppose the re-election of Mr. Adams. We see, nevertheless, strong reason of opposition in the manner in which he has ex ercised by far the most important of all the func tions of the executive authority—we mean the power of appointing to office and distributing the patronage of the government. The use that has been made of this to buy up political oppo nents and control the freedom of the press, de serves and receives our unqualified reprobation. The next most important branch of Executive duties relates to the regulations of our inter course with foreign nations. The friends of the administration ascribe great diplomatic talents to the President, and yet on the most inteiesting subject of negotiation, which has occurred since his election he has been guilty of a palpable neg lect ot duty to which we do not think a parallel can be found in the history of our exterior rela tions, and to which we are indebted for the loss ot one of the most important and profitable branches of our commerce—we mean our trade with the West Indies, so essential to the prosperi ty of Maryland and the other grain-growing States, as well as to the shipping interest. Notwithstanding a minister was dispatched to England at great expense to the nation, ail the necessary instructions were omitted to be given in relation to this trade, and no recommendation of legislative measures was sent to Congress to meet those of the British Parliament, the terms of which our Minister, now when it is too late, is instructed to comply with, and an attempt is made to cast the blame on Congress for not acting with out Executive recommendation, although it was distinctly intimated to the chairman (g) of the committee on commerce in the Senate, and through him to that body, that the administration preferred to arrange that part of our foreign trade by negotiation. ° Another expedient resorted to by the support ers of Mr. Adams to divert attention from the manner of his obtaining power and to misrepre sent the grounds of our opposition to his re-elec tion. requires onr notice. The most strenuous efforts are mi de to excite prejudice against the friends ofGeneial Jackson, by representing them as opposed to internal im- provementsanddomestic manufactures: although it is well known that maiiy of his warmest advo cates are amongst the most decided supporters of t. ose great interests, and the constitutional doc trines upon which their protection depends. Ire utterly deny that these measures are the lines of separation between the supporters of Mr. Adams and General Jackson. cial distinction, was his only motive for »- ting or retaining office, civil or military. ff 0 m however, has ever shown that he did not p erf the duties of all the numerous offices he has 1 whether civil or military. . , . fill with efficiency zeal; nor has any one da'red to call in q ne .. ,l; - his eminent services, his devoted patriotism ^ unspotted integrity, or to deny to him great' ? vation, decision, and firmness of characrer a gorous and powerful intellect, a clear and s , judgement, and an extraordinary sagaeit* discern and appreciate the character and taJ». of others; a talent, which we esteem the most sential.of all the qualifications of the chief,-, 'gistrate, whose most difficult and trying f consists in the selection of men for office. • The enemies of General Jackson ha’-e a d<- le object in calling him a Military Chieftm- 1 The first is, to make the impression that he ' no. experience or reputation in civil affairsp second that he is regardless of the Laws. T charge of violence has arisen from the manv r barrassingsituations in which he has beenphJT where none but the most energetic measure i seeming violence, but real necessity, and cooU ] liberation could extricatehis country from disa- ^ and disgrace. But those who make this ch a * omit to tell you of the magnanimous exaninlr” submission to the laws which he set immedrii after the battle of New Orleans, when arrai- before a court of justice for resisting a writ ofh- beas corpus, during the existence of martial C As the account of his demeanour on the ocr-u; displays one of the noblest characteristics of * man we wdl state it in the words ofaneloq. " ‘ X indicator of his fame in the West “ During the existence of Martial Law at \ Orleans and whilst the British Army, still i ruple of ours, hovered within a few hours sa , the city, and whilst mutiny & dissatisfaction?" making progress, General Jackson arrested, man, who h.s legislative character had bet attempted to surrender the eittv to the British t who continued to excite the American arm? mutiny by incendiary publications. ' ‘ ™ arrested Jackson and refused,, the order of Judge Hall, and the Judge hint dispatched to a place of safety at some distu-., from thd city. ' it Gen ’ Jacks °n yielded to the mandate in T m} ’ mUSt haVC been dissolved andiiiih- m aday the streets of Orleans have been drench?,! with American blood. But when the danger was over, Gen. Jackson immediately evinced “ his respect tor the law,” by yielding himself up to the civil authority, to pay the penalty of hnviv, saved his country. He was summoned before Judge Hall, was refuse ! a trial by jury, and his counsel prevented from reading his defence. He had thrown oil his military garb, with the hone of being undiscovered in the crowd, and repaired to the court to submit to whatever penalty his ad versary might inflict. He had reached the bar unnoticed, when he was at length perceived, and with admiration beaming iu every countenance and gratitude speaking in ev-ry eye, the buildup echoed with rapturous shouts of applause of Jack- son and menaces of the Judge ; the hero rose and addressed the assemblage. He told them of the duty due to the Dublic authorities.” and “ur- ged them, if they had a regard for him. thatthey would on the present occasion, forbear those fee lings and expressions of opinion.” The terrified Judge was about to adjourn the court, when Jack- son again rose and requested if might not be do e declaring, “ there is no danger here—there shall be noqe: the same arm that protected fiem dan- ger this city, against the invaders of the country. The friends of Mr. Adams differ with each will shield and protect this court or perish"in tE other on these questions; so also do the friends of effort.” The judge then proceeded and fined him Gen. Jackson, but are heldfirnilv together by the common interest which we all feel i n oreservin- the great and fundamental principles of the con- stitution, and while we are engaged in repairing the shattered timbers of the vessel of state to prc7- vent i* from sinking, we do not stop to dispute about the course she shall take, when the danger is over. We say then, let the administration be judged by the principles and the means, by which they obtained their power. 3 . Was it, think yon, the heavy grievance of pay ing a duty of two pence a pound on tea, that in duced our ancestors to resist Great Britain, to defy her power and brave all the hazard of the revolutionary war —No, fellow-citixens, it was the principles upon which that measure was jus tified and adopted—it was the right claimed of controling us by law, made without our consent —in other words against the wfii of a majority— it was the principle of tyranny—it was the usur pation of power which our revolutionary fathers resisted—Had they stopped to weigh the mea sures of the British administration, and compare the grievance of ihe tax, with the burthens and perils of the war, without reference to aprinciple the surrender of which tvas a virtual surrender* of liberty, opposition would not have been; our glorious revolution would not have been achieved and an eqperimentof self government, which we are now making, and upon the success of which tbe hopes of freedom’s friends throughout the world depepd, would never have been tried. We wouid ask those who pass over without re mark, the violation of the principles of the con stitution, by which Auams ascended to power, and ask us to regard his acts only after obtaining it, what would they say, if taking possession of the President s House at Washington, he had claim ed the executive authority in right of birth, bis father having been President before? Would they then fold their arms and say, let us wait and see what use he makes ofhis power, & estimate him by the measures which he recommends? No 1 every voice* and every hand would be raised to put down the usurper, because the forms as well as the spirit of t he.constitution would have been vio lated. In the present case we admit as the forms of the constitution have been complied, with, Mr. Adams must for the time be regarded as consiitu- tionally invested with the executive authority, and it is the duty of every patriotic citizen in refere nce to those forms, “to sustain the wholesome operations of the government.” and “ support allthe measures essential to the prosperity nfthe country,” bntit is equally his duty to proclaim from the house top, tbe violation of the principles of the constitution in the last presidential election and to exert every power under those forms to punish the men who have been guilty of it, by re fusing to continue to them beyond the constitu tional term, the power thus improperly attained. We believe it to be peculiarly proper, that atone ment should be made to the violated constitution by the elevation to the chief magistracy, of Gen. Andrew Jackson, the patriot hero,through whom the constitution has been wounded. His cause at the lasl election rested upon great taletits, exempla ry patriotism, unquestioned integrity, and splendid services. It has now become identified with the cause of the constitution, of tiberty, and the coun try. V; rv .. *• The'enemies of/Andrew Jackson call him a “Military Chieftain.”—We reply ! So was Wash ington, the Father of his eountry. They say he has not been a foieign Minister— neither had Wash ing ton nor Madison, They say ; tliere aie no great speeches made by him in Congress on record, to attest his political talents; neither are there any of Washington, nor Jefferson, nor of Mr. Adams himself. They would persuade you that Jackson has had no experience in civil affairs, because his most brilliant services have’beenof a military chaiac- ter-vet he rose to distinction as a lawyer at the bar ofTennessea. beeame her Attorney-General—* was a leading and most efficient member of the Convention that framed the constitution-—served as her first representative in Congress—as a Judge of her Supreme Court; as Governor of Florida; as a member of *he Senate of the Uni ted States at twa.-different periods, and had the offer of a foreign embassy : thus actually occu- pyihg six different civil offices during a period of twenty years,\dnd only one military office, that of General, first hi the militia of Tennessee, and afterwards in the United States Army. liis ene^ugs say, however, that he resigned all his civil appointments; but they forget to tell you it was usually,afthe call of his country to higher stations; and that he also resigned his military command,'when the circumstances ^ of the coun- try did notrender his services any longer indis pensable, thereby showing that a desire to render real service, and not a love of emolument or »ffi> . .. . _ proceeded and fined liim one thousand dollars. Tbe enthusiasm of the peo ple coud be restrained no longer; hurrving him forcibly against bis repeated entreaties into a carnage, they bore him in triumph to a public room, stiil menacing the Judge. Order bring at leug'h restored. General Jaekson rose and ad- t ressed them with great feeling, saving, l< that if they had the least gratitude for his services they wouid evince it in no way so satisf aet rily a's by submitting as he most cheerfully did. to the decree, which had just been pronounced a gainst him ;—l fcat the civil was paramount and supreme authority—that submission to the civil auihoi ifv is the first duty .of tbe citizen Had tin* penalty reached my utmost ability to meet it, I should not have mourned-or complained.” “He immediately paid the fine. The citizens of New Orleans collected, however and pbeed tbe amount to his credit in bank and notified him of it. He retused it in a manner the most deticate. In Ins reply lie declared lie could not accept of if,, yet as it was the result of thc^nost .generousfeel ings. he solicited, that the srnbunt might be ap- pl ed to the assistance and relief of those, whose relations, during the siege, had fallen in battle; the proposition was acceded to and the am-unt subscribed which had been designed expressly for his- relief, was disposed of for ihe benefit of the WIDOW and FATHERLESS.” In the above relation, behold the genuine cha racter of the Military Chieftain, who k represen ted as despising- the authority of the Laws and Constitution of his Country. Let ns then rally round this Heroic Citizen. Let ns reward his valor, his patriotism, his magnanimity and (oil- some services, l)y the highest honor a grateful pec- /ple can bestow; assured that bis'success is asso ciated with the triumph of the Constitution, of Liberty and - the cause of onr beloved Country. t [Balt. Republican.. Tbe address issued by the Delegate* assembled at Baltimore to show good and sufficient reason why the present Chief Magistrate should be ejected from office at the next election, and why General Jackson should fill the Executive chair in his stead, has been promulgated to the world through the channels of the party. It makes up amply. in its length what it wants ini substance. We do not find, af ter a candid and liberal persual of its countless periods, and endless succession of paragraphs, (and the labor and time wo expended in the perusal entitles us to the gratitude of tbe friends of General Jack- son/ that it gives us any new points to be answered. It tells us the often told and often refuted story, that General Jackson was the choice of a majority of the peo ple, and that the house 1 of Representatives was bound to elect him, instead of selecting any other. It also repeats to us, that for this offence of the House of Representa tives against General Jackson, Mr Ad ams ought to be discarded from office; and asserts that this wrong is of so erving a nature,.that in comparrison with it, tbe *f subject of the Tariff and Internal Im provement, and all other questions what soever, sink into nothing. Verily, we cannot but think this clamorous upstiring of the people, this convulsion of all tlieso- cial'elements to avenge the insult offered to .General Jackson by the House of Re- pjesentatives, ** Resembles ocean into tempest wrought, /“ To waft a feather.” Although the means by which Mr. Ad ams was elected appears to be the main objection of the author of this manifesto, yet he rings the usual changes on the mea sures of the present Administration; as serts that General Jackson has shown him self to be friendly to our great national policy, and, when he comes to his peror ation, carries us as usual, to New Orleans; but does not say a word about the militia men. The address altogether bears ev idence of a good deal of labor in its pre- paiation. The midnight oil seems to havo been wasted in its composition, though bu-