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p ■m GEORG lA, GO URIEIt. 3m G. BTWKOUTER AND SLLrjRir nssALzwa, PUBLISHERS. '—>*.—This Tap^.r is p’iblishr-1 rvnry Momiav snrl Thursday jifiurnnon, at £5 00 per aniiuin. payable is ad- ranee, or id 00 at the expiration of flic year. U" Advertisements not exeecdiitp a square, inscrted'tlie frst'ime or 02 1-2 cents, and 43 3-4 eetoe for each eoD- r iterance. himself t If they make 50 j»cr ccik on i whence is it that we draw those practised their ^capital, would they not desire still j seamen indispensable for our Navy, but are agriculturalists, from our Commerce. All history shews that no nation iir modern times can sus- FltO.M THE EDGEFIELD HIVE. [RY REQUEST]. Edgefield Anti-Tariff Meeting. At a numerous meeting of the Citizens of Edgefield District, holde'n at the Court House, on Monday, July 2, 1827, to con sider of the propriety of presenting a Me morial to Congress against the imposition of additional duties upon the importation of Woollens, General Jes.si: Blocker tvas called to the Chair, and F. II. Ward- Law, Esq. appointed Secretary. Col. E. Simkins, sen’r. in a lnc;d and pertinent Address exposed the in-justice and impolicy of the measure proposed at the last session of Congrcs'-, commonly called “ the Woolleiis Bill,” and conclu ded by submitting the Memorial, which is copied below. JVSEMOSH&X To the Honorable the Members of the Senate and America, in Congress assembled. The Memorial of the undersigned Citi zens of Edgefield District, in the State of Soiuh-Caroliiia, respectfully represents, That as we deem it to be our duty, so 1 ’wc know it to be our right, to remonstrate to your honorable bodies against both the principles and policy of the bill introduced at the last Session of Congress, common ly called “ ilie Woollens Bill.” We do this because we are fully aware that the subject will be again presented to your consideration with all the additional weight that can be thrown on one side of the question, by the numerous petitions and meetings of the manufacturers. Urging their peculiar interests with all the energy that paucity of numbers, magnitude of in terest, and unity of action (inn enforce, we arc not at all astonished, that this system atised corps, have so -much tended to swerve pur national councils from those fundamental principles of national justice and equity, on which our government is bottomed. Seeing these things, and knowing that six of the Southern States note pay, annu- more than 250,000 dollars as imposts, on the importation of the single article of coarse Wordlens, ('the special object of ibis bill,j we would deem ourselves indif ferent to the vital interests of our rising families and country, wore we longer to remain silent. To sacrifice our wealth and our popu- latiop to ilie clear necessities of our gov ernment, is generous and patriotic; but, to suffer the former to be drawn from us, and the latter to be worn down bv any means used for the benefit of a few, with out a murmur, is cowardly. The operation of tilings is now peculi arly unfavorable to us. Our exports of Cotton amounted to upwards of 20 mil lions of dollars, and of course, we pay a corresponding portion of the expenses of the Country in the consumption of the imports, yet almost all the disbursements of the government take place north of us; and why in the name of justice, is this bill now to be added to our burdens? If this system is continued, you must force our population westward, or if they re main here compel them, according to the natural order of things, to decline; for decrease the means of subsistence, and yon must decrease our numbers, and this TVc comnlaio of as the greatest of political evils. This may he slow and silent in its effects, but it is.nevertheless certain and deadly. Dra w away the money of our country, no matter in how small quanti ties, and you drain tho circulating-blood #<hti our system! But we are fold that it is finally Ip operate for our good, and will enable the poor man to obtain for two dol lars, that for which he now pays three.— When we get an article from England lin ger a duty of 30 or 40 per cent.,and that ity is raised to 80 or 100, we cannot for - lives, understand the logic, that we then be enabled to get it cheaper before. We want no set of manu- ■rs to force, from us a certain portion income for their own use, and then ' liiat we must consent to it as it is good, for really we know not \our own interests on this sub adding insult to injury, ate and soibnre better adapt able superfluities oflife, than 'acturing sections, and we, a»mand- more wealth ure, if let alone ; and j wal water-power and I "pi ted for mnmifac- to bear the burden Justice revolts at ’h, the gifts of AC no right in V the distri-. The first ■'ll, and more ? and ns we spread over a wide surface, and as they arc comparatively few in numbers, howe ver powerful in wealth, with the advan tage of union and concert, they can still hone to gain whatever they wish, howe ver unequal or exorbitant, and this is one great reason why they have succeeded thus far. IT your honorable bodies were'to offer as’a bounty, 20 dollars for.every hundred yards of domestic woollens, and our man ufacturers through this moans, were to receive six millions annually, enabling them to line their rivers wtih thriving vil lages, the whole country would proudonce it unconstitutional ; but really, we can sec no practical difference between this, and where (in artic! v wc must have) the du ties are raised from 30 to a 100 percent., ‘bus producing prohibition, drawing the 30 per cent, from our Treasury', and giv ing it with the additional duty, to the man ufacturer. If there be a reason why the former should be unconstitutional, the same reason must exist against the latter. A certain class of our population arc clothed as cheaply as possible, say at ten dollars each, and if bv this duty on wool lens (which principally operates on tain herself withouta Navy. We protest against England being held out as an ex- amplefor us to follow in manufactories; for although almost all her enlightened statesmen, and aH her scientific writers now condemn the restrictive ' system, at which our Eastern brethren are now so eagerly grasping, we deprecate the idea of being forced into that artificial state of ex istence, from which even she is now seek ing to disinthral herself. Derange her trade, and you throw upon her community a miserable starving mob of manufacturers moving thro’ the land with the desolation thrilling word of independence, which fit- 1 ty years before, in the ardor of bis manly strength, he had sounded to the nations, at the head of his country’s councils-,' was now amongst the last that dwelt on his in- quiringlips ; and when towards the hour of noon, he felt his noble heart growing cold within him, the last emotion that warmed it was ‘Jefferson still survives.’— But, he survives not; he is gone : Ye are gbne together 1 Take them great God, to gether, to thy rest 1” AMUSEMENTS AND HEALTH. The lime has now arrived when the migratory portions of our.citizens take up their line of march for some other portion . _ of our country, where if they cannot es- of famine.—Ours will not be a poor un- ca p e the heat of summer, they may at least the poor) any thing is added <o their expense, make us “ independent.” \V r e want not wo see no difference in the effects between the inglorious independence of a nation, this and a direct tax on each, and this we j who through a mistaken selfish policy, protest against as unnecessary and unjust. i slumbers within her own borders. We Wo believe wc have higher duties now, • want a free trade n#d a liberal exchange House of Representatives of tke United states of *as mere protecting duties, than any other ! of every tiling, with a name known, in country. In England or France forex- j every land, and a commerce felt on eve- ample, where the duty may be 60 per cent, ! rv sea ! We are more than willing to pay yet there is perhaps, a direct or internal j duties for the support of our government ; tax .amounting to 40 per cent, making the j but not for the sustenance of a monied avowed protecting duty in reality, but 20 f speculating aristocracy ! Wc are willing per cent, where as wo have no direct tax- j to support manufactures to supply the es- es, and every duty of 33 J per cant, ope- j sentials of a War, when we are involved rates as a projecting duty to that extent, j in such a contest or about to approach Now if our manufacturers cannot sustain j one, but as to the great pretext advanced themselves in competition with foreigners, ! in favor of the manufacturing system, that who have to pay their own taxes together such is the policy of this nation, with a with ours, it is directly against the inter- sparse population, extending over more ests of the nation to sustain them.—They i than a million of square miles, to be rais- then become sores on the body politic, I cd into existence, and fed at the expense which draw their heated and morbid action J of every other great interest, we must so- armed crowd ; with the rights of armed , divert their attention from it by novelty freemen, they will sweep onward with the j 0 f scenerv, and a multitude of incidents', convulsive fury of the living storm ! We j We | iave Y,ttle f a ;; h in t h e benefit of trav- protest against a system, which naturally, j e lli n g in the abstract, but as a means of m us progress, brings down the lofty inde-! diverting our thoughts into different de pendence of a naan, and converts him into pels ; or rather of stilling thoughts which a mere mechanical engine administering j for thc . most part are wearing ils cits into cotton to a spinning jenny ! j skin and bone, riding our sides, and elon- H e protest against the shallow idea of, gating our faces, and thrusting forth our a system, forced upon us under the im- c!ieck bones—as such a means, travelling posing name of “ American” and whicu, ; is undoubtedly beneficial—and we re- whilst it wrings from industry its hardest j commend j t fo all good Philadelphians, earnings, we are told, in the end, is toj w bo would for a few weeks avoid the rat tling of pavements, the right angles of our from the consumption of other parts cf the system, thus paralyzing the natural vigor of the whole! The manufacturers of wool ask for pro tection, and say thoir capital is unproduc tive without it, and this they allege in tho face of the admitted fact, that since the tariff of 1824, the capital in the woollen business, has risen from 10 to 40 millions. —But whv may not we on a like princi ple, ask also, for protection, when our capital will now produce not more than 4 per cent ? We are all citizens of The Un ion, entitled to common rights and privi leges, and if any are to he assisted on the score of policy, why not the larger por tion ? But is it not clear, that when the capital of New England continues to be vested in manufactures, and still the own ers say they cannot exist, their words and acts are in direct contradiction, or it is a censure on the natural sagacity and close calculating powers of our Northern breth ren. It is against common sense to sup pose that men of intelligence will continue to increase their capital in that, wh : ch yields no profit but is an expense, where there are so many new avenues to wealth ; To believe this and then to see, the whole Eastern section embellished with rising villages where there is nothing to support them but manufactures, is too monstrous for credulity itself! If they had even in creased their manufactures to too great an extent, and thereby suffer, let them bear it, for we know of no right in govern ment fo pay men for their avarice or want of judgment, We may emphatically ask what class of men are there that do not now suffer ? None we verily believe, but the moneied monopolists of thc North and East. But we have seen it recently stated by some distinguished converts to thc manufacturing monopoly, that the ma nufacturers of wool have claims to the protection of government, because Great Britain has decreased her tax on the raw material.—This we protest against as ar rant sophistry, for it must have been known fo those who advance it, that that will only affect the manufacturers of fine woollens; and it is the second minimum of the woollens bill which includes the lar gest portion of woollens imported into the United States, and which under a mini- lemnly protest against it. We are no faotionists.—We think it is out- interest, as we know it to be our tie sire, to keep in close friendship and union with all parts ofour now happy country but we can never feel it to be our interest or our desire to sacrifice our property and with it our population and strength, to what we know to be alone thc inter ests of the monopolists of any section. In defence of principle -against a petty tax on tea, the chivalry of the South was found freely braving the gash of death in the dreadful field of battle. There is now a tax proposed more insupportable; and if its principles are orice admitted, what guarranty have we that they will not be pushed to any extent which avarice may claim nr usurpation sanction! This would be making us although, not in name, yet to all intents and purposes, colonists to an overbearing majority ; and we have not yet so far sunk from the high inheritance of our ancestors as to live in an inglorious bondage.—We therefore, most respectful ly, hut earnestly pray and remonstrate, that your honorable bodies will in arrest ing the contemplated bill, reject a system, which cannot but be productive of the most injurious consequences to the true policy and lasting welfare of our happy nadon. Sol. A. P. Butler advocated with much force and zeal, the adoption of the Me morial, and proposed to the Meeting the following resolution viz: Resolved that tho following gentlemen, viz : E. Swnkins, Sen. F. II. Wardlaw, Richard Parks, B. F. Whitner, and Da vid Richardson, be appointed a Commit tee, whose duty it sliall be to publish in the public prints and circulate in the dif ferent parts of the District the above Me morial; and also to transmit to our Repre sentative a copy of the same to be pre sented to Congress. The Memorial and Resolution were unanimously adopted. The meeting adjourned sine die. JESSE BLOCKER, Chairman. F. II. WARDLAW, Secretary. Thc last moments of Jefferson and Ad ams.— * he following beautiful extract is mum disguise, imposes a duty of from 37jl j taken from the first number of the Amer- to lo9J per cent, agains* which we so- ican Quarterly Review, p. 74, and is from the pen of Mr Edward Everett, a mem ber of Congress from Massachusetts : “ The veil of eternity was first lifted up from betore the eyes of Mr. Jefferson. For several weeks, his strength has been, gradually failing, though his mind’s vigor remained uninipared. As he drew near er to the last, and no expectation remain ed that iiis term could bo much protracted, lie expressed, no other wish, than that he might live to breathe the air of the fifii- eth anniversary of independence. This he was graciously permitted to do. But it lemnly raise our protest. Even admitting what is advanced to be true, we do not admit the principle that government is hound to protect any class of citizens from the irregularities or policy of any foreign government—as well might we claim pro tection from the irregularities of any set of men controlling the cotton trade in fo reign markets. This is indeed, one of the risks of the manufacturer, which he knew before he entered into the business, and of course, there is no obligation to sustain him. if he loses. 'V e earnestly solicit the attention ot the was evident, on the morning of the fourth, lIO rC t Cl f II o i fi Mir? r\ iso o A r? a m n ..te t It 'i 4 TJ * f . J a m a a A. 1 7 . t • . 1 • l members to the injurious effects on bur j that Providence intended that this day’ ■ypow- Earth common country, where one section may vote away six millions to a manufacturing section, in expectation that the latter sec tion may vote with them on the great ques tions arising on the public lands in the West, involving perhaps the gift of mil lions. \V e then stand in the position of “ hewers of wood and drawers of water.” This would be creating a system of pat ronage, which would wear away the sub stantial land-marks of liberty. We want it freedom in name, but in fact.-—Ab- act liberty like nil other abstractions, no existence. We want it in some- tangible, in the just and equal pro- a of our rights and property, protest against all prohibitions, as ; flg the revenue of the govern- Njcreasing our imports and con- e commerce of the country, essels principally which bring decrease the latter and you armer. This then must •y, that great, safe, and our defence, for from be consecrated by bis deed, sholild now solemnized by his death. On some mo mentary rtiviyalof his wasting strength, the friends around would have soothed him with the hope of continuing; but he answered their kind encouragements only by saying he did not fear to die. Once, as he drew near to his close, he lifted up his languid head, and murmured with a smile, ‘ it is the four?h of July,’ v^ile his repeated exclamation on the last great day, was, Nunc dimittis Domine,’ Lord lettest thy servant depart in peace.’ He departed in peace a little before one o’clock of this memorable day; uncon scious that his co-patriot, who, fifty years, before had shared its efforts and perils was now the partner of glory. “ Mr. Adams’s mind had also wander ed back over the long line of great things, with which his life was ‘filled, and found rest on the thought of independence.— When the discharge of artillery proclaim ed the triumphant anniversary, he pro nounced it ‘ a great, a glorious day.’ The ! streets, the eternal clatter of the pavior’s I rammer, the dolorous cries “ of rock fish j and paugies,” Cow-cumbers, and water | millions, and the insipidity of Schuylkill water, together with whatever else may minister to the annoyance of one portion of citizens, and the profit of another; to es cape these, we say, and all the nameless ills that our city’s heir to, we recommend to those who can, to change the scene— but for once, do not let them “ go by the way of New York up the North River to A!bany,and across by stages to Ballstown. There is such “ an eternal sing song” in this moveme nt, such an insipid return in this regular march, that nothing but gen tility itself could support; Schuylkill wa ters, q?w-cumbers and paugies were a par adise to it. Let no one boast of socieiy at the Springs ; society in its better sense, is unknown at such places—great Springs are but focusses of fashion and folly ; rallying points for the thoughtless and gay; where the young meet to cheat each oth er into marriage, and the old attend to rate their children “ sound as thosq of highest market.” An invalid in such a place could neither find quiet nor receive sympathy; and to the healthy and rich, what attactions can these frivolities pos sess ? Ts it not enough that they have proffered to fashion the long nights of win ter; that they have in all that season min istered at the altar of art with a devotion that in other times might have entitled them to an Apotheosis—but must they how down to the same deity in summer’s heat—must the idols that fashion and weakness have set up in their houses—the deiipenales—must they too be worship ped in the high place, in the groves, and in the borders of the land ?—Surely this is imposing a yoke grievous to be borne. From conversation and reading have our citizens acquired no taste for the beau ties of nature ? has the constant ceiling of brick, and the carpeting of stone that dec orate our city never inspired them with a wish to see how nature spreads out her or naments ; how she lines down her hills with verdure, and enamels her plains with flowers—-has the trencher flatness of our city, with its direct north and south exten sion of streets and intersections from an gular points, never inspired the affluent fashionable, with a desire to tread the un dulations of nature's home, to see how chance or convenience runs its path—to climb up the steep, and breatiie a gale that man .Ind beast have not a dozen times respired, or to which the gutter and the sewer have not imparted their mephitic contributions. What need have our fair fashionables to engulph quarts of the sul phurated waters of Saratoga; let them ramble the fields, and climb the mountains, and they may throw the physic to the dogs. It is a fact that ladies who would think it indelicate to name the ingredients of an apothecary’s aperient, will drink huge draughts of Ballstown, and talk ofitsjeom- forting effects. If any one will take the trouble to examine the well executed views that glisten along the walls of our fashionable parlours, they will find that hundreds of dollars are yearly expended upon Europiean scenery, represented as grand and magnificent,' which compared to the hills and valleys, streams and rav ines of Pennsylvania, are tame and insip id—but our own scenery, our wild and giddy heights, our placid valleys and our rushing torrents are unknown ; some for eign pen must praise them beforc-they can be admired by ourselves ; some nobleman must pronounce them second only to the artificial ge\ gaws of his own homestead, betore they can be declared worthy gazing at. It should not be forgotten that the mind is greatly affected by the scenery a- mong which it isNcultivated : and it may hence be inferred that ten months confine ment to the unvaried view of brick walls, and the remaining two to the sandy level of a fashionable retreat, can scarcely be considered as friendly to the growth of hu man intellect, as influenced by outward circumstances : and least of all can the mind be benefited by a change from the relaziug and satiating formalities of fash ion, in this city, to the vitiating and relax ing formalities of a fashionable watering place. One month’s unrestrained resi dence in the interior of our own state, out of the reach of fashion’s influence, and beyond the necessity of frivolous parade, would fortify the mind and body to a whole’ year’s support of those evils to which the wealthy and fashionable are heirs. We sincerely desire that those who seek amusement at much expense, should adopt the channelmost likely to lead to the ob ject they seek; and we are certain that the method of spending the summer months of recreation, at which we have hinted, will be found productive of the most beneficial results.—Evening Post. Gen. Jackson to Mr. Beverly. nERMITAGE, JUNE 5th, 1827. Dear Sir—Your letter of the l6th ult. from Louisville Ky. is just received and in couformity with your request, I ad dress my answer to Wheeling, Va. Your inquiries relative to the proposi tion of bargain made through Mr. Clay’s friends to some of mine, concerning the then pending Presidential election, were answered freely and frankly at the time ; hut without any calculation that they were to be thrown into the public journals— buy/acts cannot be altered ; and as your letter seems not to have been written for publication, I can assure you that having noconcealmont myself, nor any dread a- rising from what i may have said on the occasion and subject alluded to, my feel ings towards you are not in the least changed. I always intended, should Mr. Clay come out over his own name, and denv having any knowledge of tho com munication made by his friend to my friends and to me, that I would givo him the name of the gentleman through whom that communication came. I have notseen your letter alluded to, as having been published in the Telegraph; although that paper, as I am informed, is regularly mail ed for me at Washington, still I receive it irregularly, and that containing your let ter has not come to hand, of course I can not say whether your statement is substan tially correct or not--I will repeat, however, again, the occurrence, and to which my reply to you must have conformed, and from which, if there has been any varia tion you can correct it. It is this. Ear ly in January 1825,a member of Congress of high respectability, visited me one morning, and observed, that he had a communication he was desirous to make to me—that he was informed there was a great intrigue going on; and that it was right I should be informed of it—that he came as a friend—and let me receive the communication as I might, the friendly motives through which it was made he hoped would prevent any change of friend ship or feeling with regard to him. To which I replied, from his high standing as a gentleman, and member of Congress, and from his uniform, friendly and gentle manly conduct towards myself, I could not suppose he would make any commu nication to me, which he supposed was improper, Therefore, his motives being pure, let me tbink as I might of the com munication, my fooling towards him would remain unaltered. —The gentleman proceeded, He said means by which she was brought court a witness against me, and 0 flH testimony, it does not become a maq my situation to speak. Were I tod.,, the correctness of her testimony, disclose the causes which made her a *;, ness against.me, it might be attributed the desperate energy of a dying nia,] escape the odium of guilt and the ignoa' ny of his crime. Whether I am i, 1n . cent or guilty—whether my life i S(o ^ a sacrifice or an expiation, are kno^,. him before whom I must shortly app^-1 and at whose august court I shall v , tremble to present the record of my viction, and to receive that justice n,. his impartial hand administers to alli creatures. At this hour of my existed so embittered and filled as it is with lamity and affliction, it is painful to me, witness the coldness and estrangement my destitute and bereaved children. E. I repose confidence in the sacred prony» that there is one who will be a father the fatherless, and I trust they may hi educated in the nurture of ihe Lorded instructed in the holy doctrines of religi - as to be useful in this world and happv - the next. Although the evils off world are manifold and heavy, and ah though its blessings are contemptible’j, comparison with those which are in re- serve tor the righteous in the other Vf . ties are sundered by death which vib nte painfully on the heart of him who b even received from heaven the promise if its grace. It was wisely ordained by him who infused that principle into our nature that man under the sorest afflictions, shoalf entertain an eager, a lingering fondness for those objects with whom the various relations of social life connect him. I fi ni j in the faith that I shall meet my Saviour, to whoni we all owe a responsibility in. finitely more dreadful than any human tribunal can exact, in peace, a consolation to a dying man which is “ prized above all price.” It is not the shame of a public execution, nor is it the ignomiinous silence of the grave to w-hich my body mast shortly be consigned, that strikes so deep ly on my heart—-but at is the withering frown of a censorious world upon a mar; who dies a willing but unholy victim to the laws of his country, without the means of exculpating his memory from the odium of the foulest deed of human wickedness. I could have wished the termination of mv life prolonged, that by kindness and affection to those helpless orphans I shall leave behind me, to have vindicated my name from the reproach of havin' l he had been informed, by the friends of j brought upon them their wretchorines Mr, Clay, that the friends of Mr. Adams I and their bereavment. It seemed froir bad made overtures to them, saying, if! my birth that I was destined Mr. Clay and his friends would unite in aid of the election of Mr. Adams, Mr. Clav should be Secretary of State. That the friends of Mr. Adams were urging, as a reason to induce the friends of Mr.— Clay to accede to theiF proposition, that if I was elected President, Mr. Adams would bo continued Secretary of State, (inuendo; there would bo no room for Kentucky.) That the friends of Mr. Clay stated, the West did not wish to sep arate frsm the West; and if I would sav, or permit any of my confidential friends to say, that in case I was elected President, Mr. Adams should not be continued Sec retary of State, bv a complete union of Mr. Clay and his friends, they would put an end to the Presidential contest in one hour. And he was of opinion it was right to fight such intriguers with their own weapons. To which, in substance, I re plied, “ that in politics as in everything else, mv guide was principle; and contra ry to the expressed and unbiassed will of the people, or their constituted agents I never would step into the Presidential chair; and requested him to say to Mr. Clav and his friends, (for I did suppose he had come from Mr. Clay, although he used the term Mr. Clay’s friends,) that be fore I would reach the Presidential chair by such means, of bargain and corruption, I would see the earth open and swallow both Mr. Clay and his friends and my self with them. If they had not confi dence in me to believe, if I was elected that I would call to my aid in the cabinet men of the first virtue, talent and integri ty, not to vote forme.” The second day after this communication and reply, it was announced in the newspapers that Mr. Clay had come out openly and avowedly n favor of Mr. Adams. It may be proper to observe, that in the supposition that Mr. Cla'- was privy to the proposition stated, I may have done injus tice to him ; if so the gentleman inform ing me, can explain. I am very respectfully, your most, obe dient servant. ANDREW JACKSON. Mr. Carter Beverly. From the Pendleton Messenger. John Wood was executed at this place on Friday last agreeably to sentence. The following letter addressed to his mother a few days before his execution, has been handed us for publication THE STATE OF SOUTH-CAROLINA Pendleton Jail, JunelV2th, 1827. Dear Mother :—Amidst the horrors of a dungeon in which I have lingered out nearly six long months, and in which the laws of my country have doomed me to pass the few remaining days that await me in this world, I perform the last me lancholy duty of addressing you a letter which will probably not reach you until y»ur unhappy son shall have suffered a death of infamy and shame upon the gal- low*. I have been arrested, tried and convjcted by the laws of my country of the murder of Elizabeth Wood, my wife; my conviction has been sanctioned by the highest tribunal in our state, and the awful sentence which the laws of God and Chris tian men have annexed to that crime, will be executed on my body on Friday next, 1 he wretchedness of my si tuation is not a little aggravated by the reflection, that my daughter Emily, , nv child of ten years old, was the witness whose testimony brought upon me the awful Vate which I am destined so soon to realiza^ Of the, to move ia in the humbln walks of human life, and that misfortune had spread her blightin shadow over mv existence, but I slant now at a point in human life, front which I can look beyond the narrow confines of this world wilh a humble but steadfast hope of a better destinv. Standing as I do on the margin of that narrow- isthmus that separates time frpm eternity, and which we must ah pass at some period or other I embrace this awful point of my life to, impress upon you the nothingness of this world, and the tremendous importance of preparation for the next. Devote your heart to that God whose grace is prom ised to the humble ns well as the great—to him whose benevolence is commensurate with his power ; and when the awful sound of the Archangel shall summon tho nations of the earth to abide the decrees of his just and merciful council, that our hearts may then mingle in "eternal peace, is the devout prayer ofvour unhaopv son: JOHN WOOD* MISERIES OF EDITORS. 1. To receixe manuscript which even the author cannot read, and thfen to be blamed for a dunse, because we cannot de-* cypher it. Sometimes the compositor will mistake an i for if and a t for an l. which gives him the.trouble of correcting foul proofs and tiiereby wasting much time. 2. Receiving a long article of 3 or 4 columns, written in crooked lines’and with watery ink, on tbe day previous to pub lication, which if admitted, all the late news must be cancelled, and if laid over for another week, we must bear the wri ter s frowns, or'perhaps lose a subscriber. 3. Delivering a proof sheet to an author for examination, when he alters almost every paragraph and sentence, if ,we gruro* ble, he tells us “it is our duty to oblige him.” 9 4. Suing a subscriber, who has taken the papers for ten years, and never paid a,cent; if after much equivocation he isjob- liged to pay the debt, he exclaims—“I am now fully determined to encourage the rascal no longer.” 5. A visit from a dandy in a flying tail ed sourtout, he sweeps down every think in his way—reads manuscripts in the hands of the compositors, and discompo ses our papers; we must be silent for he is a polite gentleman. 6. Inserting an offensive article which makes us liable to prosecution if we do not give up the author; he, kind soul, leaves us to fight our way through the laws as well as we are able. 7. Borrowing particular papers from the office, after promising to return them until our patience is almost worn out; on j enquiring, we are informed that they have been torn up for waste paper. 8. Insertinga piece of poetry on some P r . et ^ ma 'd and being questioned by every air damsel in the neighborhood, whether we alluded to her! 9. Sending the paper for two or three years to a distant subscriber who either runs away or dies, and leaves nothing te pay with. 1(L A Kill from our paper maker, which must immediatly be paid when alas! our pockets are empty/ The preceding is a small specimen of what Editors endure; their expenses gen erally over-balance tbe incomes; and up* On the whole it is an unthankful employ ment, creating enemies, and combating with poverty. 1 i \ ^ •• - f i - ri - - -.'. . ~~ - «t- 1 ?- ■