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VOL. AUGUSTA, GEO. MONDAY, AUGUST 13, 1S27. ISO. 2' directions. r I avd and Negroes, by Administrators, Execu- ?3lfi Sa»r are required, by law, to bo held on the torpor * « * inon ih, between the hours often in the forenoon*®!? l"r e tboaRornoon, at ^ J* must be given i/a public gazette SIXTH days !,r S‘oflhe^o of'personal property must be given in * made to tbe Court of diuan for levae to sell land, must be published for .MONTHS. tmw— AN ADD SS TO THE FREEMEN OF MARYLAND. Vrom a Convention of Delegates appointed by the people oftlie State, friendly to the re-elcc- tio of JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, as President of the United States, and held in the City ol Baltimore, on the 23d day of July, 1827. [CONCLUDED.] During llie late canvass for electors of president and Vice President, exception was taken by Mr. Cla.v to the construc tion and facts [riven in a correspondence between Mr. Adams and Mr. Russel inre- Jaiion to events that transpired on the Mission to Ghent ; yet the contest which grew out of this betivdBh Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay, was not of a nature to interrupt their accustomed intercourse and associa tion. But the stand taken by Mr. Clay in thevear IS19 against General Jackson’s conduct, just after the Seminole war, a time when no man on earth expected that the General would ever he held up as a candidate for the Presidential Chair, was of a much harsher and more serious cli tractor ; and we have every reason to believe, produced from that day an entire alienation between tbem, and implanted in die General tbe most implacable resent ment. Mr. Clay, on (bat occasion, ar raigned the conduct of Gen. Jackson, in th° most fearless terms, and with an ability rarely equalled bv any man, seldom sur passed bv himself. This bo did in the dis charge of his congressional dutv, when the gems of Gon. Jackson’s glory were fresh sparkling amend bis brow. Some years liter tins, when Mr. Clay is called upon by the Consii-uUnn with other members of the House of Ren- nqon'atives to u make a choice” bp'wer:- Mr Adams and Gener al Jackson of a President of the United States, be prefers and votes for Mr. Ad am. Mr. Clay’s influence in the House was ! mg known and had been considered greater than 'hat of anv other member— ’oil'llms, Itis long s'anduig as a member, his t?ngaging dppnrtmen* towards every body, and Ins able and satisfactory discharge of the offim ofspml-op. I* was doubtful who wnubi lie rh'c'ed b v the House—Mr, Clay teing known to advocate Mr. Adams’ elec tion, and Mr. Adams being elected on the best b-<l!o:, it was immediately imputed to Mr. Clay’s influence, and it was then most unworthy and unwarrantably assert- ed by some, who were smarting under disappuintmen*, 'hat this result was owing to corrupt understanding between them. M hen Mr. Y-! mis, in forming h's cabinet, nominated Mr. Clav as Secretary of State, and the Senate “ advised and consented to it.” 'Imn the storv was rounded off, and it was agreed by Opposition that the np- p utment of Secretary of State should be considered as the “ wages of sin”—thus imputing to n majority of the Senate of the United States, who were present throughout the whole transaction and who we»e intimately conversant with all the circumstances, a deliberate participation in the corruption by “ advising and con senting” to the nomination—and a large portion of that majority too are now of the preset)' Opposition. It 'he soepch of Mr. Clay in ]S19, ar raigning Gep. .1 tekson’s conduct is refer red to, i ; i« believed ibat ro unprejudiced man would ever suppose after that, lie could have been Induced ' v '-ote for Gen. Jackson as the Chief Magistrate of the country. No;- is there any fair g 'minds to believe that be supported Mr. Adams from personal motives of mv sort, but from a conviction, such as inflninces our selves, hat he was obviously and decided ly the best qualified man, and as such, he was compelled bv duty to vote for him. As liute do we believe that Mr. Ad ams nominated Mr. Clay to the Senate as Secretary of Stare tram personal attach ment or obligation; but knowing that no nun in this country bad passed through a more brilliant public course for the last twenty years than Mr Clay, in which lie had acquired great popularity and evinced a statesmanlike ability that classed him in the foremost rank of American Statesmen, it is fair to conclude, that Mr. Adams was governed by the established reputation of Mr. Clay and the public sentiment to wards him, «fc that he very properly desired both his services and his fame to give their usefulness and lustre to his Administra tion. It was not necessary for Mr. Clay have a bargain or understanding with an y of them—he was conpious, and the world knew full well, that whichsoever candidate he supported, if he succeeded, would call Ifim to the station of Secretary of State as a tribute to his merit, and as a powerful aid to the Administration. Had Mr. Ciav been an ordinary or sub altern man who could have been managed, and who had been thus elevated to a sta tion for which he was unfit, then indeed there might have been some plausibility of a “ bargain”—But if his conceded dis tinction as a Statesman justifiably com manded the appointment, we ought to distrust both the reasoning and the conjec ture that implied the belief of stipulated reward. We disdain all such suppositi tious imputations to accomplish ends—and with this plain narrative of facts wo meet fhe conjectural and gratuitous positions of the Opposition. Next Mr. Adams’ appointments, to of fice are harshly censured to bring him into disrespute. On this poiht, so delicate in its nature, many reason either with a mor bid or with a wounded sensibility 7 , whilst comparitively few agree in any particular. In selecting a citizen for any public station many hopes will be frustrated, and tbe dis appointed parties and their friends will be apt to indulge in repudiating the choice, and enlisting the feelings of others in their behalf. In an extended empire, like our own, where numerous appointments are to he made in different parts of it, a Chief Magistrate must necessarily often rely much upon the judgment and information of others ; and it is equally certain, that no man can give universal satisfaction in appointments. We do not pretend to say that we would have recommended, or that we approve of all the appointments of the President—but we very much doubt, whether any of the gentlemen who have been*held up as candidates would have made more that we should have approved —and as we onlv desire that the charac ter of the country should be sustained and its welfare promoted by a due and prop er discharge of all official duties, although we cannot divest ourselves of our prefer ence for friends, it is our duty to be con tented with those who acquit themselves in office faithfully and well. When President Adams came into power, he dis tinct 1 v made it known, that he would con fine himsplf to no partv in his selections for apnointmenf—and he was then goner- all v commended for it—To this he has conformed—On which party he has con ferred most or greatest appointments, we consider unimportant. If the appointing power will keep integrity of character and ample knowledge and ability to discharge tbe duties of office, with approved fidelity fojhe counfrv stendilvSn view, we unhes itatingly accord to-it a fair indulgence of feeling, gnidpd bv such safeguards and and wholesome restraints. Tt is formidably charged too unon Pre sident Aranas bv the Jackson Convention, that in taking a portion of his appoint ments from the parties that did not sup port his election, he has been g’liltv of an attempt to corrunt them. At tbe same time the Secretary of State is assailed for taking the printing of the laws from his foes and giving it to his friends. Without stopping to remark upon the unkind and •■■■!• ' unon those who have been appointed to office, or to reconcile this blowing hot and cold with tho same mouth—we will merely obse-ve, that it is impossible for any man to make any appointment that the ingenuity of opposing partizans may not impute to bad motives, or find some pre tences to condemn. If the President con fines appointment to bis own friends, tbe erv of proscription is loudly resounded.— Tf he appoints from those who have oppo sed him, he is charged with corruption.— Sn, if a Secretary of State, in fulfilment of the la » which empowers him to select 'he printers of the laws, perH#ts that pa tronage to remain with those who revile him and desire to destroy his reputation, he is either laughed at as timid or imbe cile, or lie is said to wish to win over his adversaries by rewards. P.ut if he bold ly resumes that patronage from those who basely malign him and confides it to those who treat him more fiiendlv and fairly, we see that he is accnsed of partiality, of cruel injustice, and of a wish to “punish independence.” Seeing then that the ap pointment of neither friend nor opponent can escape condemnation, to what are we to attribute such censures ? Or from whom can an appointment be made? We abjure all such indiscriminate, such captious ob jections—all such predetermined, impla cable hostility—and we thank that man in the name of our country, whoever he may be, that has the magnanimity and firmness, in making his selections for office to appoint those who are distinguished for their virtues, their capacity, and their fi delity to the country, regardless of politi cal names or party d'sinctions. But how injudicious is it in the Opposi tion thus to commit themselves ? How inconsistent is it thus to attempt to censure President Adams for disregarding party distinctions in making some of his appoint ments from those who opposed him ; when it is known that next to the victory at N. Orleans, the strongest motive avowed bv many of them for supporting Gen. Jack- son, is his letter to president Monroe, where, among other things, he advises him to pursue the very same course, of making his appointments indiscriminately from all parties among men of approved fidelity to the country. Thus it.is we see, how a heated zeal takes the lead from dis cretion and betrays into inconsistency those, who have united with an Opposi tion that has proclaimed from the begin ning, even before the adoption of a single measure, “that the Administration should be put down, if its measures were as pure as those of Angels.” That there may be among the Opposi tion those, confiding less in the merit of their qualifications than in their violence and animated exertions in behalf of party to recommend to office, who do not like either the liberal advice of General Jack- son or the liberal practice of Mr. Adams, we pretend neither to assert nor to deny— but if this conduct in Mr. Adams can be imputed to him as a fault, presuming that General Jackson gave his advice in good faith, what right have the Opposition to expect from him a different or better course ? wc Another objection urged against Presi dent Adams is, that he has neither recom mended nor used his influence with Con gress to alter the Constitution so as to prevent the election of President from coming before the House of Representa tives. How far it becomes a President of the United States, at all times to recommend alterations in the Constitution of the Fed eral Government, is a grave and great ques tion that we have neither time nor space here to look into. We would barely re mark, that in a confederated government, the alteration of the constitution is a very serious matter at any time, and one very dan erous to be meddled with in times of high political excitement—and the ques tion here alluded to, as it touches the bal ance of power among the states, and is one of the very few instances where the states act upon a perfect equality, and relate?, to the election of an incumbent for that office which the President now holds, and to which he is constitutionally >e-eligible, it appears to us that such a proposition bad as well come from any other quarter as from the President himself, and as this was a question by no means new or un known, it appertained as much to the du ties of a member of Congress to introduce it, as those oftlie President to recommend it. But the proposition was brought be fore Congress and failed—and as. many of the friends of President Adams, with o- thers, did not agree to (he provisions that were to accompany this change, he is cen sured for not attempting to control these members of Congress in an independent legislative act ; and be is accused ofdere- liction of duty and of being false to bis pledge, in not intermeddling with the pro ceedings of tbe House and enforcing 'he measure whilst it was before them. Here again we see another entrapping dilemma studiously prepared for the President. If he had presented this matter to Congress in a message, which be never gave the slightest promise or pledge to do he would have been exposed to tbe imputation by those of his adversaries opposed to the measure, of using official influence to re gulate the election 'f President to suit bis own views. As he did not present the matter to Congress, lie is accused of de serting bis duty, and of violating a pro mise, set up f>r lum bv tbe wildest con struction of his opponents, which he never made. Again, because be did not intermeddle with the matter when it was before the rep • resentatives, which be certainly had no support the measure and its provisions, whether he or they thought them proper or not, ho is condemned to bear all the blame of its mascarriage.—On the other hand, if the President had intermeddled with proposition pending before tbe House, he would deservedly have rendered him self obnoxious to the hue and erv of us- ingofficial influence ove'r tbe coti oils of an independent branch of tbe legislature. Wi'h such opponents, if he acts, be does wrong—if he forbears to act, be abandons dutv—if ho controls the votes of his friends, supposing that he could possibly do so, lie is guilty, with some, of an un constitutional interference with other branches of the government—If he does not attempt to controul them, he is saddled, by others, with the blame of tbe miscar riage of the measure. The true ground of difficulty in rela tion to changing this part of the constitu tion, is how to dispose ef and regulate the election ef President, when it fails to be consummated by the electoral colleges— and upon this ground it is destined to fail perpetually. The views and tbe sugges tions are so various, and tbe feelings of state sovereignty are so strong, that there is little hope of a coincidence of opinion in any change—a-d this is the cause whv the proposition failed whom it was before Congress, and not from any want of inter ference or aid on the part of the Presi dent. , There can be no doubt that there are many men in this country, who would de sire this change in the constitution if they could substitute a satisfactory provision— but it is equally well known, that a partic ular set of politicians have fixed their hparts and staked their hopes upon this question and its management, as the great and efficient means to regulate the Presidential question for some time to com.*. To them “This is the road to Byzantium,” on which they are moving in gallant array. Tedious as these details are, which have swelled this add ess to aD extent much be yond our wishes, we are compelled to meet objections that are gravely and in dustriously put forth however unsound in their view or unfounded in fact—and we must take notice of a last objection, rela ting to the Colonial Trade, which charges the Administration with the loss of this trade—first, from neglect to give instruc tions to our minister,—and secondly, by omitting to recommend the repeal of the discriminating duties—and lastly*, they are balmed for abandoning terms that were asked by a former administration— which terms, it was ascertained, could ne ver be granted. We will meet these objections by a plain statement of the facts belonging to the case—and although none would more sincerely deplore the loss of the direct trade with the British West Indies, and none would be more prompt to resent its loss, where it could be ascribed to bad con duct, than ourselves, yet we are far from implicating the conduct of others by inde fensible suspicions or attacks to answer po litical ends. It is presumed that-the Administration is not held responsible for any measure ions, but as they do not particularly relate those which distinguished the Admin that took place before it came into pow- j to the view of the question we arc now ti cn 0 f Mr. Monroe, and which then er—it will be unnecessary therefore to j taking, we decline it. | universal satisfaction to tbe people o look back beyond the termination of the j We conclude this part of tbe subject Union. negotiation in the hands of Mr. Rush, in i with the declaration, that the refusal of the \ Resolved, That we highly apprect the year 1824. This unadjusted nego- British government to pursue the negoci- ; the services*of General Andrew J;tcl tiation left us at that time in possession of I ation, after their invitation to our own for but have no faith in his experience, ah a very advantageous trade with the British ! that purpose, was as unexpected by the tv, or moderation, as a statesman. Ti West Indies, and at the time it was sus- ! world as it was bv President Adams—nor « e deprecate his election to the first ci pended, it was with an understanding that j could it have been calculated on or con- office in the gift of the People, merely the negotiation should be again renewed | jectured by any one who was not admit- at a future time. In-the appointment of ed into the secret plansof tbe British : a successor to Mr. Rush, tbe strongest ev- : Ministry. | idcnce was given that could be given, in! Having thus gone through the objec- the selection of Mr. King, of a desire to ! dons made against President Adams, in j to the Presidency*, we fear an abandon persue this negotiation effectually and with which we have tested conjecture by facts,' ment oftlie policy of Internal Tmprove- advantage to the country. The establish- j and controverted arbitrary inferences by ; ment; and ns far as executive influence ed diplomatic character and eminent qual- j those rules cf construction which obtain tfications ofthat gentleman, together with in cases of most important concern before tbe highest tribunals of our court, we cheerfully submit tbe decision to the un prejudiced opinion of our fellow-citizens. If we believed that the measures cf the the result of his military achievements, z asi example fraught with danger to the III erties of the American people. I urther that by the elevation of General Jackson his known acceptable »nd high standin^ at the British Court were the best pledges ot this—but the history of die world is full of examples how unforseen occurrences have fnistated the plans ofhuman wisdom —Mr. King, unfortunately and unexpect edly, was taken ill on his voyage to Eng land, and after his arrival there continued to be an afflicted and debilitated invalid —inso much so, hat he was incompetent to any thing like labor, and could only at tend to some minor subjects that remain ed unadjusted, that yvere less difficult of arrangement. But it is said be received no instructions to enable him to renew the question on the Colonial Trade if his health had improved—The reason he did not receive these instructions is obvious, viz : because no intimation had been giv en on tbe part oftlie British Government of a disposition to renew the negotiation, after the suspension. After the negotia tion in the hands of Mr. Rush there was but little reason to believe, from the cor respondence, that we could speedily ob tain the terms proposed by our Govern ment ; and therefore, as we were in the enjoyment of a good trade, there was no inducement on our part to press the sub ject. Our greatest interest was, in hav ing tbe trade permanently secured by treaty, rather than to leave it tp the muta ble and unsteady arrangements of legisla tive acts on bo'Ii sides—Forbearance therefore on our part, so far from being a fault, was rather advised bv policy*. Some time afterwards, when the British Govern ment appointed two ministers to renew the negotiation, and sent information of it to our Government, though Mr. Vaugh an, the British Minister at Washington, in March, 1826, with an invitation to unite another Minister with Mr. King, on ncffuipl Jif liio 111 h/iailJi • ilia colontiniv another Minister engaged the immediate attention of Mr. Adams, and whilst he was consulting with a gentleman who should go out for that purpose, a letter was received from Mr. King begging to be recalled, and stating, that be had no- longer a hope of recovering his health— the truth of winch has been lamentably confirmed by the death of that distingusih- ed man, who was soon after “ gathered” to his associates, the departed Fa'hers of the Federal Constitution, The Admin istration could but yield to the petition of Mr. King and a minister (Mr. Gallatin) was immediately appointed with ample powers of conciliation, and hurried on to London with all convenient despatch.— Where, upon his arrival in August, in stead of meeting with the British Commis sioners to enter upon tbe negotiation, as he had been invited, he was met by the British Order in Council of July prece ding, interdicting her West India ports to our vessels. Mr. Gallatin used every ex ertion to revive the negotiation, But the British Government, up to the last ac counts, have proved inflexible. It is further stated by Opposition, that President Adams neither recommended the repeal of the discriminating duties,nor did he countenance the proposition brought before Congress for that purpose. He did not recommend any measure to Congress in the session of 1825, 26, in re lation to tbe colonial trade, as the ne^o- ciation was then suspended—tior at that of 1826, 27, because the British interdict had been previously issued—but be sub mitted tbe whole matter with the corres pondence to Congress for their consider ation—'That neither the President nor the Secretary of State discountenanced the proposition to repeal tbe discriminating duties, is satisfactorily proved by the tes- j then the people have reason to approve of timony of two distinguished members of; the conduct and measures of a Chief Ala- Congress, viz. Gen, Smith, a Senator J gist rate, they act wisely to continue him from Maryland, and Mr. Cambreleng, a ; the station in order to prolong the utiii- Representative from N. York. The for- j ty of his talents and virtues, and to secure mer of whom, in a speech in the Senate, ! to the government, the advantages ot per- exonerated President Adams from hav- j manency in a wise system of ad.uinistra- ing entertained any opposition to that ; tton.” measure; and the latter, in a speech in' Fellow-Citizens of Maryland : our the House of Representatives, was equal- ! task is fulfilled—Midi this appeal to you, ly explicit in a similar defence of Secreta- ! we offer our humble and reverential sup- ry Clav—Withsuch evidenceagainstthem plication to the Author of all Good, that we presume even the opposition must cower and retire. That the Administration have abandon ed, in their instructions to Mr. Gallatin, the terms which were insisted on under the Administration of Mr. Monroe, which were the terms upon which the negocia- tion was broken off in 1824, may be true, and certainly this Administration has ac ted wisely in so doing ; but is there any thing derogatory in an Administration yielding up terms which had been unsuc cessfully urged bv a preceding one, and which it found unattainable ? Oris it ei ther unusual or disreputable in govern ments, finding that they cannot obtain oil they want in their commercial negocia- tions, to abandon a part of their preten sions in order to secure others ? We omit to touch upon the views displayed by the British Cabinet in the matter which would further illustrate our onin- can effect it a prevalence of the “State right” doctrine in the construction cl the Constitution. Resnlved, That wo earnestly recom mend to tbe People of Mai viand a cordial and active support of JOHN QUINCY present Administration weie impioper, or ! ADAMS as the next President of the U. if a rational hope could be held out to us i States. that a different course of measure * more propitious to the interest oftlie Republic, would be pursued by another more capa ble of administering tbe Government than tbe present incumbent, our duty to our country would oblige us uuhesitatinglv to support that man. We desire not to cloud this great ques tion with any thing that can lead us from simplicity of truth, or furnish a doubt of tbe sincerity with which we speak. Wo know of no act of General Jackson’s life, of nothing that has proceeded from him, that can justifiy Hf in the belief that be is qualified to fill the station of Chief Magis trate of this country ; and if we can trust his bosom friend and biographer (Eaton) who is amongst the most ardent of his sup porters, the General’s sense of duty has hitherto obliged him to resign the several subordinate civil stations to which lie has been appointed, because he felt himself incapable to discharge their duties proper ly, and as the Jackson manifesto would adroitly impress the belief, that it was to “ take higher ones.”—Thus, in the ab sence of all other qualifications, tbe mil itary popularity of tbe Chieftain is to be the club of Hercules in the hands of an aspiring Opposition with which they are to fell tbe present Administration—and the dynasty of the nation is cast, that af ter the reward of a single term in the Presidential Chair, his sun is to set in the west and a new orb is to arise, whose shorn radiance is in the mean time to be relumed. But with a Chief Magistrate thus pro nounced incompetent by his intimate friend, at a guileless moment when there was no expectation that the General would ever be thought of as a candidate for tho Presidential Chair, what are we to expect but that his course will be directed by a privy council of friends ?—and look to those friends, talented as they are, and see what a heterogeneous mixture of political policy they present, so far as their views are made known—how destitute of any es sential principle ofcohesion—how versatile some have appeared in tbe progress of events. Can the people of this country act so unreflectingly as to reject a compe tent, and tried, and approved Adminis tration for the purpose of running the risk of such a state of things as the contempla ted change would be likely to entail on them ? Satisfied with tbe present course of measures, they ought to be cautious bow they permit this change—for to use the thought of one of our earliest and sound est statesmen, “ To undo what has been done by* a predecessor is considered by a rival successor as the best proof of his own capacity and desert; and where the change of men has been the result of pub lic #toico, the person substituted will consider himself warranted in supposing that the dismission of his predecessor has proceeded from a dislike to his measures, and the more he varies from his course, the more he will be likely to recommend himself to the favor of his constituents.— These considerations in the case ofrival candidates, where an administration has been supplanted by a competitor would be apt to induce the new President to pro mote changes which would not only sub vert the existing policy, but occasion a disgraceful and ruinous mutability in tbe administration of government. When thev NOTICE. All persons having- demands acainst the undersigned, will please pie- sent them on or befoie the 10th of September, v. hen can receive the cast) tor the same. N. BYRA3I MOORE. August 9 27 3t During my absence from (lie City, Mr. Tim’s G. Casev, and my broth- or, Frederick Harris, will attend to a 113- business in which I am interested. WILLIAM HA KRIS. August 9 27 tO August 9 Mr. L. IT. Hamilton is authorized to transact bu siness for us, during our ab sence from the State. JEWETT, ABELL fc Co. 27 4t ATTENTION!!! A1‘ persons who have taken away BOOKS from No. 2, Cumming s Range, ere re. quested to return the same, and especially the 1st Vo!, ol the “ Wars of Europe," and “ Lavoisuc’s Atlas. August 6 26 2fm M. W. WARREN has removed his Slock of GOODS, for a shott time, to the Tenement in the Budge Jimcily occupied to- Mr. Philip 2-1 3t Rarnn M’Kinne, Esq. is our authorized Agent, du ring our absence from the HAND & BARTON. 23 tf NOTICE. All persons iiavisfr business w itli the subscribers, vvd'i please cad on Messrs. P,- B. fc D. G. Haviland, who are duly authorized togire receipts, and act as our agents during our ah-’ sence from this State. WASSON t NICHOLS. Augusta, Ceo. June27, IS27 16 3m We are authorised to announce Robert Dillon, Esq. a candidate for the Representative Branch of tbe Legislature at tho next election. August 2 24 tf NOTICE —We have appointed Mr. Alexander Bry an our Agent, during our absence from the city. H. W. SCOVELL & Co. August 9 27 81 |feg§P NOTICE. Mr. L. TT. *Hamilton anti T. H. Airy, will act as my Agents, during my absence from the S* ate - JOSEPH AIRY. August 9 07 2t-.v We have appointed Mr. C. F. \ erdlry, our lawful Attorney, during our absence. J L. ANDERSON, & C.-. 11 tf June 11 &OTXGE. John P. King, Esq. will transact business for me in my absence. SILAS BRONSON. ' June 25.-1S27 15 tf NOTICE.—During the Subscribers’ absence from the State, Messrs. L. P.ec-d and R. Gresham, will act as our Attomies. CARLTON, COOK &c KNOWLTON. June U JI2in3.il to the in the He, will be pleased to direct with wisdom the Councils of our Country,and lead our 1 Fellow-Countrymen in all their acts to the best and happiest results. In accordance with these views we sub mit the following resolutions: Resolved, That, in the opinion of tills Convention, JOHN QUINCY' ADAMS was elected President of the United States, pursuant both to the form and the spirit of the Constitution, and therefore, in tbe execution of Ins high and responsib.e du-i ment of the right baud half of a note for Slt>> anil Dr. George A. Buck li.v, offers his services inhabitants of Augus'a and its vicinilv ■ professions of Medicine and Pnrgery," j ^ His office is in the adjoining building to M i Latin's hoarding houst, on Mackintosh-Street j June 11 ]lt{ - to the Bank ■ Notice is hereby given, that application will be made of the State of Georgia, for the n 1 ; kj 1 it liout? 1 or ; ties is entitled to the support nno co-oper- Letter E. No. 369, dated December 1327, ation of the good People of Maryland Resolved, That in the opinion of this Convention, tbe charges of intrigue and corruption alleged against John Quincy Adams and Henry Clay, in relation to the last Presidential election, are totally without foundation in truth. Resolved, That the principles and poli cy of the existing Administration, are made payable 10 S. H 4e, at the Branch Bank . Augusta—which h:tif note was endorsed L. Goo.' win &i Co. and has been lost or stolen from the mail between Marion, in Georgia, and Chaile - ton, South Carolina. •Tun 7 L. GOODWIN h. C 10 9<Vr JOB PRINTING. Ni atlv executed at this Off* - ^ -y — .. -