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GEORGIA COURIER. J. G. M’WHORTER HENRY MEALING, PUBLISHERS. Term*. —Thi* Paper is published every Monday and Tfh\r»tlay afternoon, at *5 00 per annum, payable is ad vance, or $G 00 at tbu expiration of the year. IT Advertisements not exceeding a square, inserted thu 3 rat time or tii 1-2 cents, and 43 3-4 cents for each con fl nuance. Mr. Appleton, an intelligent and highly faspectable Boston merchant, ,has latejv deliveied a speech before the Massachu setts legislature, in relation to manufac tures, and the further protection of wool prid woollens, which will be fount! in our Columns this evening. Although Mr, Ap pleton is a friend of free trade and liberal principles, his extraordinary mercantile and manufacturing experience, and ac curacy, entitles his statements of facts to great respect and consideration. They certainly ought to be conclusive as re spects the opponents of protection, who have so ofien qnoted the Waltham fac tory against increased protecting duties.— We say conclusive against the opponents, 6tc. inasmuch as Mr. A. has, we believe, from the commencement of that concern, been one of its principal proprietors and managers. We ask of out readers a care ful perusal of that part of his speech that delates to the manufacture of woollens.— 'The unpardonable mistatements of the Boston committee, in their pamphlet of 196 gages, is clearly and pointedly ex posed. He estimates that our woollen manufactures, under the tariff, have not more than 16 per cent, advantage over the foreign, while the Boston committee tell us it is equal to 80 per cent. Why Should the manufacturer of coarse cotton be protected by a duty nearly equal to the cost of the fabric, while the protection on Woollens does not equal one-sixth of its cost, when the latter requires more cap ital, more skill, and a much greater combi nation of art? We ask why is this ? If the duty on cotton goods should be redu ced one half, a3 Mr. A. thinks it might safely be, there would be double the pre sent duty on woollens. This speech con tains many valuable facts, which, if op portunity permits, may' be hereafter the subject of consideration. N. Y. Statesman. [fromthe eo ton daily advertiser.] Encouragement of Manufactures. We are gratified in being able to pub lish the speech of Mr. Appleton, of this town, in the House of Representatives, on Thursday last, on Mr. Calhoun’s re solutions, declaring 'the opinion of the House, that the depressed state of the Woollen Manufacture, and of the Agri cultural Interest, calls for the interposition of the National Legislature. His history of the establishment of the cotton manu factures in this country, is particularly in teresting. Mr. Appleton,s remarks on the resolutions of the House of Representatives, fx- pressing an opinion in favor offurther protection to Woollens. Mr. Speaker—Before giving my vote pn the resolutions on your table, express ing an opinion in favour of fuhher pro tection to the woollen manufacture, I must ask the indulgence of the House, to a statement of the views by which my mind is brought to support them,—differ ing, as I do, very widely, from a major ity of those who come to the same result. On this subject it is well known the country is divided into two great parties, giving themselves very complacent names —on one side the friends <>f industry, of the American system,—on the other, the friends of free trade, of commerce, of the liberal system. I am willing to adopt any or all of these names in their natural im port,—but am willing to enlist as a parti san of neither of these parties. Hcannot join in the cry which denounces Adam Smith as a dreamer, and a visionary, any more than I can shut my eyes to the dif fusion of wealth, prosperity and happiness, consequent on the introduction of man ufactures. I agree fully to the general principle, '.hat human industry is most productive when left free from restraint, unshackled by monopolies. But in admitting this principle as funda mental and paramount in regulating our own industry, I do not feel under any re straint in reference to that of another na tion,—especially do I fed at perfect lib erty to meet restriction by restriction. . On this point there seems to be no difference of opinion, since the most zeal ous and most intelligent, of the opposers of any addition to the duty on woollens, (the Boston commute,) state in express terms, that it will be incumbent on Great Britain to retaliate on our system of pro hibitory duties, and this in perfect con sistency. with the principles of free trade for which so much credit is given tq. her. For myself, Sir, I do not perceive in the late measures of the British govern ment, any very rapid advances iu the sys tem of free trade, of which so beautiful a demonstration was made a few years since. I see nothing of it in her pertinacious ad herence to the corn laws—a system of prohibition. I see Nothing of it in her shutting up the colonial trade, at the mo ment she discovered we were ready to adopt her own construction of reciprocity, on which she had offered to place it. I see nothing of it in the regulation of her intercourse with our northern frontier, where she counteracts her own avowed policy of encouraging the production of her colonics, by naturalising our produce, provided it descend the St. Lawrence, since thereby the freight is transferred from an American to a British ship. In stance, among others, the article of pot and pearl ashes, one of the few articles of our produce she consumes, on which she gives a bounty of 61. per ton, (three or four times the freight to Europe,) to force it into that channel. Iu 1625, upwards of -10,000 tons, more than half our whole ex port, aDd more than her whole consump tion, were thus tempted into that direc tion. I do not, however, mean to put the question 09 this ground, any further than relates to consistency. I consider ihe true ground to be the ex pediency of the measure of granting fur ther protection to the woollen manufac ture, as a matter of national interest—and I shall discuss it on no other. I lay down the proposition that the car rying on of manufactures requiring cap ital and skill^and producing articles neces sary to consumption, is generally an ad vantageous application of the industry of a nation, inasmuch as the possessors of that capital and skill, wherever situated, will take care to. be well paid for the use of them. At the same time the first introduction of such manufactures is attended with much of hazard, difficulty, and expense, and will hardly, be made in any country without a reasonable expectation of great er profit than the same business affords when well established; it is therefore good policy to offer such inducements as will produce the effect, or will in fact in troduce and support the manufacture in its early stages. I would not apply this principle to eve ry branch of possible industry. I would only apply it to those manufactures re quiring much of capital or skill, or of both —and for the carrying on of which the country possessed facilities and advantages equal or nearly to those of any other — On this point I differ entirely from the zealous advocates of the American sys tem—I am entirely opposed to the gener al and universal forcing. As a general rule, agricultural products require no protection. The most barren spot of earth which will support a human being, can only do so, by yielding him something in the shape of produce as the fruit of his labor ; this something is the only commodity he can give in exchange; protection to that would imply that there was danger that he should buy the only thing, which he has to sell. If it would be absurd to protect the produce of the poorest soil, still more would it be so to proteci that of the richer, where nature does so much and lahor so little. As an exception to this rule, the article of fine wool, requiring for its production a good deal of capital, and being essential to an important manufacture, may, properly enough, be the subject of particular en couragement in the first instance—and of a moderate permanent duty, to guard against the fluctuations of foreign markets; but the laying of a high prohibitory duty on this raw material, does appear to me irreconcilable with every principle of cor rect policy, Now, Sir, the woollen man ufacture is a business requiring skill and capital, and for carryiug on which this country possesses every natural advan tage; its introduction would seem to be desirable, if any munufacture is so. It, in fact has been introduced, has been estab lished, and flourishing—it has absorbed a great amount of capital. It is now in a state of extreme depression, threatning the loss of millions. The question is not therefore merely, whether or not it is ex pedient to stimulate the introduction of a new manufacture, but whether the capi tal invested in it shall be saved from ruin. This is the representation of the state of the woollen manufacture, and I believe it to be true. I have no persona! know ledge of its correctness, but it is vouched for from quarters which leave me no room to doubt it. The state r f the case is, be sides, precisely what I should expect, reas'oningfrom analogy in reference to the cotton manufacture, of which 1 profess to know something. The success of the cotton manufacture in this country takes date from the intro duction of the power loom in 1815. Pre vious to the war of 1812, the spinning of cotton had been introduced,—the extrav- egant prices of goods during the war had occasioned a rapid increase of cotton mills and the manufacture of a considerable quantity of cotton clothes. But the whole business was conducted in a very imper fect manner, without the latest improve ments in machinery, and with little, of sys tem or skill. The first effect of the peace was a total prostration. I was myself in Rhode Island in 1815. Nothing could exceed the deathlike stillness of her man ufacturing villages. A few solitary spin dles in a single factory, was the only sign of life in the village of Pawtucket. But at this very moment, the power loom was es tablished and in successful operation, in one single spot—that spot was Waltham. The individual, to whom, in an eminent degree, this country is indebted for the impulse given to the cotton .manufacture, was the late Francis C. Lowell. Having retired from mercantile pursuits, his at tention was attracted, during a visit to England in 1811, to the wonderful devel- opement*-of the cotton manufacuture in that country. The process of weaving by power, was about this time introduced with partial success. He became forcibly impressed with the idea, that the perfec tion of this process was alone wanting, to ensure a brilliant success to the whole manufactory in this country. He devoted himself to the object; and with the assistance which he knew how to call to his aid, he put in operation an es tablishment, more perfect in its entire combsnation, as I fully believe, than any thing of the kind then existing, in England. Seldom had a mind of so much science been turned to this object—and the tri umph was complete. As a proof of the importance to the entire improvement, I will only mention the fact that the price of woavihg alone, in 1815, was jnst about double the whole expense of the manufac ture, by the improved process. From the practical success of this es tablishment, confidence was by degrees restored, power-looms were universally introduced, and the manufacture has ra pidly grown up to what we now.see it. It is a common opinion that this suc cess is owing solely to the high tariff Im posed on imported cottons, 6 1-4 cents the square yard in 1816,, raised to 7 1-2 in 1824. This I consider altogether a mistake. Had the tariff been half the sum I am of opinion it would have made little or no difference in respect to the coarser fabries;it was the cottons oflndia, which were alone feared as coming in competi- with our maunfacture; but from the mo ment power loom cottons were brought to market,'their superiority was so apparent that the inferior trash oflndia disappear ed at once. The truth was, the Ameri can cottons were an entirely new article —a fabric more useful for common purpo ses, than any then in use, was produced. As proof of this, they have been a fa vorite article in every country to which they have been introduced, and were free ly sold abroad at a profit, even when the price was double what it is at present.—— The British made nothing like them, but have at length succeeded in making toler able imitations, and the manufacture of these exportations, with the stamps of our most noted factories, is at present a very considerable branch of trade at Manches ter. It needs no argument to show, that our tariffhas had very little to do in brin ging forward the manufacture of these coarse goods, It is true, v’e have been extending the manufactures to the finer branches, until we now furnish most of the staple articles formerly imported from Great Britain, and on those the tariffhas acted, directly and effectually 7 . I must here Mr. Speaker, beg leave to say aifew words iurefeienceto a charge formerly widely circulated, that the pro prietors of the Waltham Company oppo sed an addition to the duty on cottons in 1819 and 28, out of a selfish regard to their own interest, in opposition to the general interest of the cotton manufac turers. This is an old story, and would not have been adverted to by me but that it was repeated inadvertently I have no doubt, in the circulars distributed to tho members of this House at the June ses sion ; and at the late Harrisburg Con vention it was seriously brought forward as a matter of history, with a statement of the fact that the same spirit were still a- live and active. It is impossible to place the absurdity of the original charge in a stronger light,than by a simple statement of it. The cotton manufacture was a bad business—a further duty was necessary, to make it good, the Waltham company preferred a monopoly of a bad business, rather than competition in a good one.— What was the fact ? At that very time thisbusiness, was paying a profit of 20 or 25 percent, per annum, which was not concealed, and the selfishness consisted in refusing to join to promote a measure, the effect of which was to raise the price of goods and to add so much to our profits. The truth was* the gentlemen to whem I have alluded, Mr. Lowell, was at Wash- ton at the time of tbe passing of the Tar iff of 1816, and had much influence in in ducing the high minded representatives of the Sotuh amongst whom I will mention the late Mr. Lowndes, to vote for that measure, by assuring them that the mod erate duty of 6 1-4 cents the square yard, would be ample to protect the manufac ture. It turned out so, and it would have been disgraceful to deny it. Another and successful attempt was made in 1824, to raise the minimum on cottons. At that time competition had a good deal reduced the profits on the coarse goods, but the manufact ure of the finer, of which alone the tariff h id any effect, was paying a full and rather an extravagant profit. Capital was rushing into that branch of business more rapidly than at any former period, when tho additional stimulus was applied, which could have no other effect than to urge on the wild spirit which became, as we all remember a perfect mania in 1825. But mark the change since 1825 ;—and in that change Mr. Speaker, I had abundant materials for reflection in referonce to this whole subject. There seems to be a tendancy in hu man enterprrsa to punish success to an extreme which causes reaction. In com merce, and manufactures, we constantly see periods of over trading, and expan sion, which produce ’ revulsions, more or less violent, frequently connected more or less with political events, or tbe states of the currency. It is not always easy to race their remote cause, or to distinguish, cause from effect. A memorable one took place in the year 1819, producing a great change in the nominal value of all proper ty, caused principally, no doubt, by the return from a depreciated to a specie cur both these branches were overdone, the population dependent on them was grea ter than could find employment—and as a demand for goods revived, were glad to accept any wages which would support life. Thus the price of goods in Man chester settled down at a monstrous re duction. I am assured that grey calicoes fell i* the course of six months, from l6s. to 9s 6 ; and with slight fluctuations, pri ces have continued nearly on the same lev el to this time. There was no country which did not feel the shock of this revulsion—in this country it will not soon be forgottoD.— It was necessarily the roost severe on the manufacturers of cottons and wool- lens. On those cottons with which English competition interfered, a corresponding fall of prices took place—it was more than the amount of the protecting duty.— So that the effect of this state of things was the same or worse to the cotton manufacturers, than if the whole duty on cottons had been repealed, and prices in England had remained at their former lev el. In this state of things, the tariff, which had been unnecessarily high in ordinary times, interposed its protecting shield to save the cotton manufacturers from ruin ; in the finer branches, especially in the article of fine prints, the present tariff leaves the manufacturers but au exceed ingly moderate profit; perhaps an addi tional protection would not be unreasona ble on the last article—but I lo not think it necessary—the severity of the crisis is past, and any change must be for tbe bet ter. Besides, sucli has been the liberali ty of Congress to the cotton manufacturers, that for one I feel an extreme reluctance to .ask for more. Now, sir, it is clear to my mind, that the real difficulty with the woollen manu facturer lies in the same cause, the ex treme depression of woollen goods in En gland, commencing in 1826, and continu ing to the present time, and likely to con tinue for an indefinite period longer.—’ From all I can learn, I believe-the fall iu prices has been much the same as in cot tons; but the effect on woollen manufac ture is more severe than on the cotton, from several causes. Tn the first place, the duty is much less—it is nominally S3 1-3 per cent ad valorem, which should amount to 362-3 per cent, of the actual cost of the goods— but this is reduced in the ratio of 10 to 12 per cent, of it by the pound sterling being so much undervalued in the estimation of duties at the custom house—that is to say, the duty is estimated on the pound ster ling at the rate of $4,44, whilst the actual value for the last 10 years has been 4v§0 to 4,95—the last being the present price of bills on London. This has resulted from a gradual advanee in the price of gold, the basis of the British currency, compared to silver, the actual basis of ours, since the establishment of our mint regulations, by which the value of the pound sterling was estimated. Thus the whole actual duty on woollens is reduced below 33 per cent of their actual cost.— In the next place, the duty on wool makes the cost of the raw material on the average full 50 per cent higher than in England, since our own supply is inade quate to our consumption, and the price of the whole is regulated by the cost of importation. In point of fact, however, I am informed that-wool imported from England has on the average for the last six months, sold at an advance of 75 per cent on the cost, paying a large profit to the importer—but estimating it at 50per; cent higher than in England, since at least one third of the entire cost of wool len goods, on the average, is the raw material, (his difference amounts to about 17 per cent, now deducting this from the actual duty of 33 per cent leaves 16 per cent as the whole advantage the Ameri can manufacturer has in the shape of pro tection, over the foreign manufacturer, with the single exception of the expense of transporting his goods to our market, and which I am not disposed to estimate very highly, since it is a notorious fact, that the Yorkshire clothers, after selling what they can of their stock at home, are in tbe habit of shipping the remainder to. this country, to be sold at what it will bring—& great quantities are sold on their account so low as to nott them less than the low prices in England. It is obvious, then, that woollens are not protected, under the circnmstances of the case, in any proportion to cot tons—and I ask myself what ought to be done, supposing the tariff cn cottons were abundance of tbe raw materia!;—this.it der by the gentleman in my rear, I rency, both in Europe and - the United; only half or one third what it is, and in States. That of 1826 seems to have been more especially connected with over trade in commerce and manufactures. In 1824 and 5, every branch of industry and trade was, in England, pushed to the ut most possible extent—the property was almost overwhelming, it was difficult to dispose of their boundless wealth. Loans were made to every nation that would borrow, and the wildest speculation was the order of the day. At this very mo ment the materials were collecting for a sweet storm ; it hurst forth with terrific fury in December 1825 ; a few banking houses stopped payment—an universal panic was created, which shook London and England to their centre. No fewer than 70 banking houses, if I recollect had stopped payment before the first of January. Many of the richest houses only saved themselves by immense sacri fices and all the energies of the Govern ment and the Bank of England were bare ly sufficient to allay the fury of the storm. The whole currency was disturbed—mer cantile embarrisment followed—-a total stagnation of business, a ruinous depression of prices, misery and starvation, in the manufacturing districts brought up the year, We all recollect the riots in Lan cashire—the mad warfare against power loins. The weight of thi* revulsion seems to have fallen on the manufactures of cottop and of wool There can be 00 doubt’ that consequence of the extensive depres sion of prices, arising wholly out of the starving condition of the population of another country, that whole interest or a great portion of it, wore in imminent jeopardy ?—Sir, I cannot doubt that ^the arm of the Government would be stretch ed out to save if. Should it refuse to do so, it would do what no other government everdidina similar case; it would be acting, in my opinion, against the sound est principles of political economy ; for I fully believe that cotton goods can be made here on the average of years, quite as cheap as in England. We make use of a greater proportion of female labour, at a rate of wages not exceeding those usually paid in England—and in looking at the whole manufacture, we must take into view the high wages of the skilful artist: and the high profits of the proprie tor when times will admit of it, as well as the low wages of the ordinary workman, and the depressed prices of hard times.-— We have a great advantage in the cheap ness of water power compared to steam, and in having the material at our own door. There can be no doubt that we shall eventually supply the whole western continent with cottons. Now, sir, according to every examina tion which I can give the subject, we have precisely the same advantages in re ference to the woojlen manufacture, with the single exception of tbe cheapness and is said, will soon be obviated by an increa sed supply at home. But in the mean time, the high duty imposed by the go vernment on this raw material, places the manufacturer in a dilemma which the go vernment seem bound to remedy. We find here tbe same application of machi nery, even to the pewer loom—the same application of female labour. It cannot be good economy to let this great interest go down.—Neither do I think it a good answer to say the cause of depression is of a temporary character, time will cure it. In a case peculiar as this, that reme dy may come too late—a moderate additional duty will be sufficient—but it should be speedy. I cannot believe any other interest will be injured by grant ing this relief. I cannot account for the alarm of the ship owners, for the cry that commerce is in danger—the idea that the extension of manufactures is injurious to commerce, appears to me preposterous,— especially that New England manufactures should injure New-England commerce.— We have no other resource to increase our population. And without population, bow are we to have commerce? Under these impressions, sir, I cheer fully adopt the essential part of the reso lutions, the expression of an opinion in favor of relief to the woollen manufacture. I should have prefered that they had been limited to such an expression—and should bo pleased it they shall be so amend ed. The editor of the Boston evening Bul letin, who formerly edited the Nantucket Enquirer, evinces much occasional hu mour in his sketches and remarks. The playful satire in the annexed article is not misapplied.—Chas. Gaz. Usages.—Much time and breath are spent by members of Congress and of our several state legislatures, in the discus sion of what are called questions of order. Mr. Higgledy makes a motion, which Mr. Piggledy moves to amend ; Mr. Hurley moves a substitute, and is called to order by Mr. Burley. A debate arises, fruitful of declamation and redundant of historical lore. The whole assembly becomes ani mated—every man’s wig begins to curl; because it is a matter that effects every man’s legislative rights. Nothing can be more interesting. The tariff—Foreign Aggressions—The Fisheries—Internal Improvements, yea, the Bill for the better preservation of woodcocks and flounders \, are all neglected and forgotton, by reason of this new and sudden incident. It must be settled however, without delay ; for the benefit of coming generations, as well tis for the present regulation of affairs.— On such occasions, speeches like the fol lowing are commonly uttered or reported. Mr. Hurley—I rise, Mr. Speaker ; to declare my conviction, rav solemn convic tion, that the motion which I have had the honour to offer, is in order, entirely in or der. It is a well known fact, that in all parliametUarv discussions, questions on amendments take precedence of all other questions ; and not according to priority, but by the good old rule, that the last shall he first and the first hast. I insist upon it then, and in doing so I discharge my con science, and my duty to my constituents, that the proposition which I have now the honor to offer, is strictly in order. It is perfectly in accordance with every known usage of deliberate assemblies, in every quarter of the civilized globe ; and there fore I again declare most earnestly and positively, my setiled and immoveable be lief, thatriie motion which I had the hon or just now to submit, is altogether in or der, and perfectly consonant with all known and established usages. Mr. Burley—Mr. Speaker, I do not rise, sir, because I am apprehensive, sir, that the pernicious doctrines, sir, just a- vowed by the gentleman on my right ma_v prevail. Sir, it is contrary to all prece dent, instead of agreeing with established rules as that gentleman insists, to put a question on a minor proposition when a major proposition is pending. Sir,it is un parliamentary, it is monstrous, and sir, I will take it upon myself to say sir, in the face of this honorable body, in the face of the community, in the face of the world sir, that, sir, it is not only monstrous sir, but sir, it is preposterous—^es sir, pre posterous. And now sir, what is the ob ject of this pernicious doctrine ? Why sir it is in effect to defeat the momentous a- amendment which I have had the honor to propose. A proposition, sir, the conse quence of which will be felt from Cape Cod to Cape Horn, from the artic to the anti-artic circles, and from the Oriental to the Occidental regions of the globe. Sir, no longer ago than to day, I was assailed sir, in apublic print, for my independence in maintaining the very principle for which I now contend sir. Yes sir, in pub. lie prim. But sir, I regard such things as the idle wind, Sir. I can say, sir, with my Uncle Toby,sir, when he opened the win dow sir, said he sir, go sir, poor devil, sir, the world is wide open, sir, for me and thee, sir—and now, sir—ahem !—I fee! better, sir. Mr. Higgledy—Mr. Speaker, it really seems to me, that the learned gentlemen who have just had the honor to precede me, have both mistaken the true intent and meaning of the question now before this honorable body. I have moved sir, for a committee to inquire into the expe diency ofimposing a tax on gingerbread. It is a general proposition—one of infinite importance to the nation ; but the gentle man on my right proposes an amendment to which indeed, I have no objection ; he advocates the general principle, though he would confine the tax to two and a half cents on the square yard ; while the gen tleman on my left thrusts in a new mo- ■ tion in the shape of a substitute, that em braces, not only the imposts for which I contend: but a tax on that wholesome, that healthful, and indispensable article, sir-*- molasses candy! Mr. Piggledy—Sir, defence of the amendment which I feel it my duty to, propose, and in defiance of tho col! to ©r- must trouble tbe House with a few remarks i the course of which I hope to show how extremely erroneous are that gentleman’s ideasin relatjonto usages of other wise and deliberative assemblies ; both in A merica and in Europe ; both i n modern and in ancient times. Sir, I wip g0 no farther back than the days of Kins AlfrnA urhpn ParvUnol . . .* when Cardinal Woolsev was archbishop of Edinburgh, in order to establish the fact that questions precisely similiar to the present, weie decided in ihe mode and manner which it is my good fortune to ad. vocate. Sir, when the Welsh Parliament was in session at Dundee, in 1547, it was moved by a certain peer, that no membe- should enter the hall, without feathers in his hat, a motion to amend was made by another noble gentleman, whereby it would have been lawful to appear with a- ny number of feathers or plumes, not ex ceeding seven. A substitute for the whole proposition was then submitted by the Earl of Pokeatem, which embraced not only hat and feather,but boots aud breech es—whereupon a call to order was inter posed ; and after due discussion it was not sustained. But Sir, what does all this signify ? Some people pretend to scout at ancient & esrablishedusages. But I consi der them, especially when derived from a wise and magnanimous nation, essential to the preservation of our glorious liberties. Sir, a person lately had the civility to tell me, that the precedents and usages of old en time were all nonsense—he even went so far, sir, as to say that those usages might be converted to almost any purpose —yea, said he, by prefixing two letters only, may transform all usages into sa-usa- ges. Mr. Smudge—Sir, I am reminded by the last word of the gentlemen before ine, that the hour of adjournment has arrived. Wherefore I move you sir, that this house adjourn to Tuesday next. aefiffllatur* of Soutfj=<£arolfn;r. SENATE. WEDENSDAY, JANUARY 30. The Senate met agreeable to adjourn- ment, and the journal of yesterday read with closed doors. The President submit- ted a communication from Mr. Graham, relatiug to liis votes on the impeachment of Judge James, which was ordered to be laid on the table. On motion, the Senate resolved itself into a Court on the impeachment of Judge James, and Mr, Huger submitted the fol lowing, which was agreed to, viz.; “ This Court, in discharging the painful dutv imposed upon it by the Constitution of the State of South-Carolina, having passed sentance of removal from office upon the Hon. William D. Janies feels it incum bent upon itself, in justice to the said Wrn. D. James publicly to declare their sincere conviction that his charac ter for honesty and integrity as a man, has not been impeached by this sen tence ; and in consideration of this be lief, as well as in consideration of the re volutionary services of the said William D. James be it therefore. Resolved, That this court recommend to both branches of tne Legislature that the said William D. James be authorised to draw on the Treasury of the Upper Division for the full amount of salary, al ready appropriated, up to the 1st Jauuarv 1829. The President having enquired of re spondent if he had any cause to urge why judgment should not be pronounced, he rose, and in a firm voice, addressed the Court as follows ; Mr President—I have served mv conn* try too long, not to be sensible of mydu* ty to submit as well as I may, to this hea* vy stroke. I could have wished that my old age bad been spared this awful calam ity ; but Providence has thought proper *o bring me through the varied and trying scenes of a long life, to this bitter period. To the Almighty Ruler, and to him alone I look for support and consolation in my affliction. I pray him to bless and pros* per my Country, which while it casts me off, cannot and I trust will not be disposed, to deprive me of the consolations which re* suit from a consciousness of good inten* tions, and honest conduct in office. The President then pronounced tha following sentence ; Hon William D. James—The Court has fouud you not guilty of the charges in the third and fifth articles of impeach* ment preferred against you by the house of representatives. The Court has found you guilty of the charges contained in tha first, second and fourth articles, aud the sentence of the Court is that you be re* moved from office. The Court was then dissolved. Extract of a letter from Washington, dated Jan. 9. “Mr. McDuffie is confined with indis position, and unable to bring forward the usual appropriation bills for the present. “The Jackson dinner was not as crowd* as on former occasions, although a large number attended. I am told that the transparency of the General on horseback, which was placed at the end of the room, in the midst of the festivity, caught fire, and that some one of the tipsiest of the throng cried out, “let him burn; the old fellow is used to standing fire. jV. Y. American- Origin of the word grog. The British sailors had always been ac* customed todrink their allowance ot bran / or rum clear, till Admiral Vernon order those under his command to mix it water. This innovation gave great o • fence to the sailors, and for a time rec er^ ed the Admiral extremely unpopular-"*' The admiral at that time wore a gtograi me wwig - o « coat; for which reason, they nick-Ba®-^ .U him old grog. Aod hence^ by degro®^.^ mixed liquor he constrained them t0 rl . universally obtained among them ‘“S ap pellation of grog.