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[Judges mtthe Supremo Court are from ,the Southern or slave-holding States; and another is, that five out of seven of the Committee are from the same States; and another fact is, thatjf the bill, as amended by the Senate in the last Congress, shall be reported and passed, eight outjof ten of these Judges may, and probably will, be from those Senates. [Here the SPEAKER called to order] Mr. V. said, he would always cheerful ly submit to the decision of the Chair.— He spoke of facts, he intended to speak freely, but not disrespectfully ; he knew ‘his own feelings, and his liability to err, but no man, on being convinced of error, Would with more cheerfulness and prompt ness do justice toothers. He said, he Would now proceed to complete what he Was at when called to order on yesterday. If he recollected right, he was at the State of Virginia. That Stare has two Chairmen, six members, all in the Op position. North Carolina has no mem ber on either of these Committees.— South Carolina has two chairmen, six members, all in the Opposition ; Geor gia has two members, both in the Oppo sition; Tennessee has one chairman, four members, till in the Opposition; Kentuckv has two members both in the Opposition ; Ohio has four members, One in the Opposition, and three for the Administration ; Louisiana has three members, one in the Opposition, and two for the Administration Illinois has one member in the Opposition; Indiana has onemembpr; Mississippi has one mem ber In the Opposition ; Alabama has one member in the Opposition ; Missouri has no member on either of these commit- fees. On these committees there are fifty-six-members—thirty-four in the Op position, and twenty-two for the Admin istration; and, with this strong organiza tion against U3, we are chided by the member from Virginia with sitting de murely and silently, taking no part in legislation, making no proposition, but pouncing upon theirs—-relieving ourselves of responsibility, and ungenerously throw ing it upon our adversaries. Sir, this is not a matter of our seeking ; and if gen tlemen find themselves unequal to the task they have undertaken, do not let them blame us with their misfortunes. The member from Virginia [Mr. Rax- "t»0LPu] asks who it was, in the other branch <lf the National Legislature, that toted against extending our laws and giving protection to the citizens of Louis iana. This allusion, sir, is direced n- gainst the President of the United States, Who, it appears, had, ar that time, the lame constitutional scruples relative tn this business, that were entertained by Jefferson, and many others of the most worthy men of this nation. But, at the $ame time that he ga ve this vote he was fts much in favor of the aCquH'ion of Louisiana as any man then in the Senate, as his '.fficial acts will abundao 1 shew. But when, let me ask did the member from Virginia fall in love with the Peo ple of the Western States? and more uar- ticularlv let me ask, what burst o ! ' light has drawn forth all these affectionate re gards in favor of the Louisianians? Is it since 'he year 1822, when he said the framers of the Constitu ton mistook the poliev of this country bv admitting the Western States into the Union, on an equal footing with the original Sta es? When he said we of the Wes' night do ‘ > fule People under the R >ckv Mountains, but we should not rule him ? In 1822 we were not, in the member’s opinion, enti tled, or, at least, ought not to be, t > equal privileges on this floor; but in 1528 he becomes so extremely fond of us, that an unimportant conscientious vote of thepre- sent President of the United Slates, is viewed bv him with indignation, yea, feel ing indignation, and the whole sympathy of his nature is awakened and alive to our interest, prosperity and happiness. But, lest I should be misunderstood, permit me to read an extract from the member’s speech, mad'.* in the debate on the noporiionmeut bill, February the 6th, 1822*. * “ Mr. R vvnoLPii said he would again 41 call tit" a tention of the eblo r brethren “ of the Confederacy—the poli'ical Es- “ sans ofjo- r tribe to tbepredicament in “which they stands We have heard a “great deal of th * l * who framed the ” which we now sit. wsdoin rifthe mem Constitution under I have much faith “ in their wisdom, an unshaken and un- “ changeable faith in their virtue ; but I “ will believe experience against the word “ of Solomon himself. I then say, that, “ in my feeble apprehension, they c-unmit- “ ted an error, fundamental and fatal, as “ practised upon since by their sucres- '* sors—they made a provision for the ad- “ mission of new States into ’he U- Ji nion.” Yes sir, .in the year 1822, it was an err ar, fundamental and fatal, in the opin ion of that gentleman, for the People of the West to have die same weight in the Councils the Nation that was enjoyed bv the elder Esaus of the tribe. And, sir, who is it til»; held this language rela tive to the Western People? Who is it that manifested this feeling of proscrip tion towards us and our nosterity ? Sir, it is the man who is now a' the head of the Opposition to this Administration ; it 13 the man who was placed, by you, sir, at the head of the principal committee of th is House. Yes, sir, he was placed there by aid ofihe vote of the very Peo ple that he has derided and abused, and, ! an extract from the letter itself, if ill health had no* prevented, would j Mr. V. read the extract, have been in that exalted station. It is j “ And it is a matter worthy of notice, of tha South. Our Southern brethren were made to believe that we of the North were political fiends, ready to oppress them with heavy and onerous duties, and even willing to destroy that property they held most sacred. Sir, these are not ex aggerated statements relative to the course of this distinguished individual. He is certainly the ablest political recruiting sergeant that has been in this or any other nation— [Here the CHAIR interposed. It was not in order to use terms of reproach, or speak disrespectfully ofany member of the House.] M. V. said he had no such intention, but was only using as strong terms us be could to describe the powers of the indi vidual as an able and efficient rallying po litical partizan. I disclaim any thing else and will cheerfully take back any effen- sive words that I may have used in the heat of debate. My object is to state truths, yes, great truths ; and God forbid that I sheuld here or elsewhere, manifest any feelings towards any man, but those of honor and propriety. I will then pro ceed ; this same member, and in the same debate from which I have already read an extract, in speaking of Ohio, and its admission into the Union—and this I wish the members from Ohio, particularly those of the Opposition, to pay some attention to—used the following terms: “ A vast augmentation of weight, in this House and elsewhere, was now to be given to some of :he States—and of all the States in the Union, to the State of Ohio —which Stale—but not by Iiis vote, he believed he stood alone on that occasion —he would not dress himself in borrowed plumes, he would claim no credit for o- thers’ liberality. The subject had been referred to a committee, ofwhich he [Mr, Randolph] was chairman. For some cause, not necessary to state, it was after wards put in other hands ; in fact, to two individuals was entrusted the marking out the boundaries of that state, out of which arose the existing dispute between her and Michigan, They had a carte blanche, and they won the game accordingly. That greatJSlate, one of the greatest intriguers who ever wormed himself into any De partment of this Government,said, he was laying off for the purpose of clipping the wings of Virginia. Little did l then dream that I should ever politically live to witness the fulfilment of this prediction, although.! foresaw it must come, and took my measures accordingly.” It will be perceived by this extract, that the member from Virginia, in this debate, prided himself in voting against the admis sion of Ohio—indeed, he has heretofore prided himself, I believe, in voting against every new State that has been admitted into this Union. Here let me ask, with whaf propriety he can now come forth & chide tho Chief Magistrate of this nation, because bo thought it unconstitutional to t ixand extend the laws over the citizens of Louisiana—opinions at that day held by Thomas Jefferson, the pride of Virginia and the Nation ? But I will read an ex tract teken from the same debate, before alluded to, and then let the House judge which of *he two, the member from Vir ginia or the President, has held the stron gest language on the subject of the acqui sition of Louisiana. In speaking of that State, in‘he debate on the apportionment bill, in 1822, tho gentleman from Virginia said— “Wewere then called on, Mr. R. con tinued, bv some of the very men who had a hand in framing the Constitution, and whose wisdom has been so loudly and not unjustly applauded, to pause before we signed that treaty admitting vast regions of country into the Cenfedei atiop. We were forwained, but not forearmed, said he, as is proved by what we are now ex periencing, and what we are now begin ning to experience, I repeat—for we are vot in the green tree—and when lire time comes when the whole country is filled up,if thpse things are now done in the green free, what then will be done in the drv? I, for one, although forewarned, was not forearmed. If I had been, I have no he sitation in declaring, that l would have said to th" imperial Dejanira of modern times, take back your fatal present. I would have staked the free navigation of the Mississippi on the sword, and we must have gained it.” These, sir, were, in 1822, the feelings of the member from Virginia towards Louis iana. His’modern conversion every man in this House'and in this nation will not be at a loss to comprehend and appreci ate. I have another document, of more au thenticity, as it is sanctioned by tho name of the member frotrs Virginia. Tt is a let ter dated the 17‘h of May, 1824. dated from the ship Nestor, at sen. It will be recollected that this letter made some stir once on tho floor. It was written in fa vor of Mr. Crawford—to this I have no object,ons—my objections to tills letter are of another character. I repel the as sertion, rhat tho Western People, as a People, ever had any feelings towards that distinguished individual, than those of respect and gratitude, And, sir, was it jnst in the member from Virginia to pro claim to the world that we were his ac cusers and persecutors; that we, like the Hounds of Actaon, had assailed him by whom we had been cherished and fed.— Sir, it i sin justice to tho Western People, to attribute to them any such feeling; but, ! lest I should be misunderstood, I will read Here tho man that is entitled to more credit, if it is right that this A Iministration should go down, for his efficiency in effecting that object, than any three men in nation. This is Dot a hasty opinion of mine; it is one long held, and often ex pressed. I have been an attentive ob server of his course ever since the first organization of the party to which he be longs. From the moment he took his seat in the other branch of the Legisla ture, he heshme the great rallying officer that the very People, at whose prayers and entreaties, and to save whom from ut- ’ter ruin ho has pursued a certain line of this I conduct, have been his most virulent ac cusers and persecutors for that very con duct which has contributed at once to their relief, the serviceable to the Go vernment, by rescuing a large debt from the almost total loss which would have followed a rigid exercise of his authority. He has availed himself of discre;ionary powers, reposed in him by the liw, for that purpose, and with that intent, to mit igate the severity ol the sufferings of our Western fellow citizens, whose clamors, hadjhe taken a different course,would have dissolved the present feeble and distracted Administration of our Government, and Ac'aeon like, lie is assailed by the very hounds that he has cherished and fed.” Now, Sir, as it regards the individual to which this letter alludes, I can say, for myself, that, in the course of my life, I have never written but two or three polit ical essays, and they were in his favor, and that at a time when he was not my choice for the office of Chief Magistrate ; but I threw in my, feeble mite to try to arrest the current of calumny and detrac tion that was bearing down upon this per secuted man, in successive torrents, that at last over-whelmed him. It is true, that from the succession of attacks, and the boldness with which they were published to the world, many good and honest men in the West did believe that he had almost exhausted the Treasury to get into power. But, Sir, under all this calumny and de traction, be still retained manly enlight ened and firm friends, who never for a moment believed him guilty of the smallest dereliction of public duty. I thank God that the public moral feeling of this country is restored in favor of this once injured and persecuted individual. Let it not be said of the West, as a People, that they are chargeable with the persecutions of Mr. Crawford. They are the last peo ple on earth liable to such a charge. Yes, his celebrated report, in favor of the Western land debtors, will be remember ed with gratitude, and the memory of its author will be cherished by generations to come, as a noble act of a disinterested and generous man, laboring to rescue their fathers from a debt that they were totally unable to pay. Sir, I never think of the fate of that man, but I am chilled to the bone. By calumny and detraction, he was not only politically, but physically, and mentally destroyed. The noblest and best feelings of our nature, possessed in such an eminent degree by that high- minded and honorable man, were laid un der contribution by his defamers and abu sers, and made the daggers that pierced him to the heart. I was going to say more on this subject, but I forbear ; I have no disposition to harrow up feelings and recollections that ought to be buried—no, no; fo bearanee is a nobie quality, and I obey her dictates. There is another individual, whose character has not been permitted to es cape in this debate ; and who has been held up to the American People, not only hero, hut elswhere, as one whose princi ples were fo be avoided and detested. (I mean the eldpr Adams.) Sir, that this distinguished patriot committed errors in his political course through life, there can be no doubt;—many of his political doc trines were not my doctrines; but, from the justice that has been done to him hv all parties throughout the United States, since he has bpen gathered to, his fathers, I had supposed he might have been suffer-, ed to sleep in peace with bis compatriots and compeers, Washington and Jeffer son Mr. V. said, pointing to the De claration of Independence, the hallowed corps that there surround him, and the distinguished stand that he there occupies ought to shield him from abuse and de traction. I envy no man his feelings who has the heart to assault the humblest indi vidual amongst that group of worthies ; and assault them as we may, for effect, or not, they will still live frpsh in the hearts of their countrymen. Yes, John Adams will be pointed out by living fathers a“d living mothers, to their children, in gene rations vet unborn, as the friend of Wash ington, the companion of Jefferson, thro’ life and in death, and ‘he ablest and most efficient defender of our National Inde pendence—when his defamers and abu sers shall he swaPowed up in forgetful ness- Sir, I am aware that I am wan dering. It is not my wish so to do, but to answer the arguments and repel the assaults of those that have preceded me. That member from Virginia [Mr. Ran dolph] talked very pathetically about the poor uian ; his pound of sugar, peck of salt, &c. Now, Sir, I would be glad to know when all those feelings came ath wart the member. Are they since the Huskisson dinner at Liverpool; Th c y do do not comport with what the member is re ported to have said after the excursion in the Dublin steam packets. Mr. V. said he would read, for the information of the House, tho member’s sentiments at that time. [The CHAIR said it was out of order, and again admonished the gentleman from Ohio, that personal allusions couItTncrt be admitted.] Mr. V. said, he had no wish to read any thing that was out of order; but,af ter the member from PennsyIvania(Mr. Ingham] had, on yesterday, read the let ter of Levitt Harris, going to impeach the character and motives of the Presi dent, ho thought it would be admissible for him to read the paper referred to ; but, as he had no dispoirion to do or read any thing contrary to rule, he would sub mit to the decision of the Chair, and speak of the fact from memory alono. The member from Virginia, at the time and place to which I had last alluded urged the People to keep down the dregs of society. Verily, John Bull must have stood perfectly astounded, to hear a Vir ginia democrat haranguing the nobility of England, to oppress and keep under the lower orders of society. Yes, give them another wrench of the screw, or they will not only prove blue but-blaek ruin Sir, this was the feeling ofthe mem ber in 1826, but they have materially changed in 1828. The member from Virginia, [Mr. Ran dolph,] has informed us that he has wit nessed the progress of salaries under this Government, and has referred particular ly to that of tho Attorney General, which, at the time of his entering into public life was onjy $1200 Now, sir, for the bene fit of the member, as well as the House, I wiinnform him bow if came to be increa sed, as well as almost all the other salar ies of the officers of the different Depart ments. If the member will examine the files of the Intelligencer, of the 18th of November, 1803, he will find that it was himself that made the motion- to have i increased to $3,000, together with many other motions for the increase of salaries generally throughout the different Depart ments. A few more words, Mr. Speaker, and I am done with this subject. I will now, as I always have done, vote for any in quiry relative to the correction of ahnses, or the economy of expenditure. I anp not particular whetherr the amendment, or the resolution as proposed by the mo ver, shall succeed. I will cheerfully vote for either; and I trust that either will be found to answer the ends of cor rection, if indeed correction is needed; and if Dot, I hope those that have thought otherwise heretofore, will come forth and declare to the world, that the disburse ment of the public money has been faith fully made. The member from Virginia lias said that this is riot the time. Sir, I hope the House will think otherwise, notwithstanding he has told us that the great matter must first be attended to— that is, they must first get the power, and all their energies must first be directed to that great object. Will the member be so good as to inform us, what great benefits are to result to this nation, when the pow er shall fall into their hands? Will State rights be again restored, agreable to the Virginia construction ofthe Constitution? If so, we want to know it. The coun- have a deep interest in these doctrines that are to follow the halcyon days of the new dynasty—when all may either walk, ride, or drive through the mad up to the| hub, shouting huzza in favor of the South ern policy of No Roads, No Canals, No Manufactures; but Cotton and Tobacco, the Richmond Party, and Gen. Jacksou forever! s y " = nT On Friday night last, a man who said his name was Wagner, and that he came last from Gwinnett county,t*eo., was de tected in passing Counterfeit Money at the Ticket Office of the Theatre. He was arrested, and on being searched, be tween 600 and 700 dollars of counterfeit Bills on the Banks of this State, Sooth and North Carolina, were found concealed in his shoes, stockings and other places. Besides the bills, he had spurious ten cent pieces. He was committed to jail, where he robbed the law of its penal operation by hanging himself with his handkerchief during the same night. 1 It was owing to tlfffvigilance and inge nuity of Mr. Dinmore, that this fellow was detected. He was induced to be watchful from attempts the preceding night to im pose spurious bills upon him. Three five dollar bills were offered, but from the scrutiny they underwent by the keeper of the ticket office, suspicious fears were ex cited in those who offered them, and they decamped, leaving the bills in the office. No doubt exists but that there are several such characters in the city, and the public are cautioned to be on their guard against their imposition, and requested to be vigi lant in assisting to detect them. r Since writing the above, we are inform ed another ingenious gentleman who calls himself Young, and says he is from North Carolina, has been in the ha&ds of the Civil officers The SPEAKER laid before the House a communication from the Secretary of War, tranrmitting an abstract of the an nual returns of the Militia; which was read, and referred to the Committee on the subject of the Militia. Abstract of the general annual returns of the Militia of the United States, by States and Territories, according to the act of March 2d, 1803, taken from the latest returns received at the Depart ment of War. Maine, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Vermont, Rhode Island, Connecticut* New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, Tennessee, Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, Michigan Territory, Arkansas Territory, Florida Territory, District of Columbia, 40,209 30,159 54,935 25,581 9,460 25,731 150,027 42,283 157,775 7,451 40.091 100,662 60,660 36,429 39,056 23,000 12,274 5,291 42,985 70,266 110,364 37,787 8,310 2,824 1,503 2,028 00 2,317 1,150,158 We do not recollect a session of Con gress in whieff the practice of letter-writing from Washington, to the editors of news papers, has been abused to the same ex tent as at the present session. It is impos sible for the readers of these letters to form a correct opinion of the talents and the political character and influence of our public men at Washington from such representations, so distored and discolor ed are they by the party views of those who indite them. The custom has degen erated into a system of mutual abuse and coarse party slang. Tho most respecta ble papers in the union are lending their columns to aid in the dissemination of these discreditable effusions. What must for eigners think of us, in the conduct of our party feuds, for many of the letter-writers from Washington are believed to be mem bers of Congress themselves, who enter into this vile and vulgar course of mutual disparagement. We do not in thie remark include the whole of these political epis tles. Soma of them we have admired as well for the talent of elegant writing they display, as the candour and moderation of the opinions expressed, and such we have had thB satisfaction occasionally to trans fer to our columns. But the greater num ber present the reverse of this description, the style being as vituperative and coarse as the sentiments are uncandid and illib eral.— Charles'on Pat. We learn that the City Council has readily complied with the request of the Committee appointed to procure a char ter for a Rail Road Company, to have a model of a Rail Road made and exhibit ed for the inspection of the citizens— Council have directed a committee to have the model constructed, provided the expence of the same does not exceed Five Hundred Dollars.— Charleston Pat. The contract for opening Elliott’s Cut by a Canal has also been formed. The work will begin immediately, and be completed in July 1829. The canal will be 40 feet wide at the bottom, 100 feet at top, and have eight feet draft at high water. The estimated cost of this work was $11,000. The contract has been made at $11,500. Charleston Pi/L AUGUSTA. MONDAY, FEBRUARY 18, 1828. i been in the hauls for commitment^ Accident.—On Friday night last, we regret to learn, that the Engineer of the Steam-boat Samuel Howard, in returning on board, fell into the river and was drowned^ Many prescriptions and remedies have been made and invented for the preven tion and cure of intemperance. They have all failed—even Chambers* Infalli ble has begun to lose its credit—we are inclined to think ourselves, that the world will finally settle down in the belief that the surest and safest remedy is—ho? to drink at all. We have received the first N timber of the Southron, printed at Milledgevile, by P. C. Guieu and John A. Jones. It is printed in a very handsome style, on an imperial sheet; and the Editors say, “our colours are American—our signal, free trade, state rights and the Federal consti- tutionf* The celebrated Burletta of Tom and Jerry, will bo brought out this evening, under the direction of Mr. De Camp. Its great attraction ought to draw a crowded audience. la our short Editorial career, we have proba bly steered as clear of unpleasant controversies with our brethren, as most others; and consider ing the inflamed state of public feeling, we have reason to congratulate ourselves on our good luck. The liberal and intelligent part of our brethren have, without exception, extended to us the hand of courtesy, and where our sentiments have been different, they have never descended to personal abuse and blackguardism to show that their opinions were right and ours wrong. Their own good sense directed their remarks to the merits of the question, and not to the demerits of the disputants. With such opponents, temperate debate tends to elicit political light, and by the liveliness and wit of the replies, to relieve the dullness of regular discussions. But when the disputant seeks only to misrepresent the views of his opponent, and has nothing better in the way of argument than personality, of which the Edi tor of the Chronicle has generally presented so striking an example, both himself and his cause, deservedly suffer republic estimation, and all the advantages which might be derived from the dis cussion to the cause of Troth, are lost in the ma levolence of personal abuse, and the vindictive feelings which are thereby generated. That the Chronicle deals in nothing else in all its diatribes, is so notorious a truth, that we will hai dly be accused of high treason for mentioning it. This is the only weapon he wields, and we are sure n» good man can be desirous of becoming his rival in the use of it. As we expected, he denies as a “ false and ma licious insinuation,” that he lately refused to pledge his paper to support Gen. Jackson. If he will be good enough to examine his May Nos. for 1826, he may refresh his memory and that of his friends. At the period, when the Georgia Courier was started by its original owners, the Chronicle attempted by the perversion of a gen eral term, to fasten upon it a charge, which he then conceived to be unpopular, and hoped, might blast its success in Georgia. The Editors then pereeived the drift of bis cunning and were aware of the meanness ofthe motive; aad it was during the replies which followed on this subject, that the Chronicle refuse ! to pledge itself, as we have stated. The Editor's motives are best known to himself, but we believe, he thought it was rather too soon for him to swerve from the dignified and enlightened course, which bad dis tinguished the administration of his predecessor. ^The period of which we speak, was a period of “non-committal,” for our other neighbor at the same time refused a similar pledge. Up* men tion it not in censure ; for we did not expect he would support Mr. Adams; much less did we ex pect him to take up Gen. Jackson, as long as there existed the slightest probability of a third candidate, who might be less obnoxious than either, to Georgia in gseeeal, «r the party inpap- t»enter, who swayed her destuue?. Fcr titty body knows that Gen. Jacksou would not receive the vote of Georgia, if John Quincy Adams were not his only opponent, and that auy other third candidate of respectable pretensions would be supported in preference to either. Gen. Jackson is supported only as an alternative—as a />.. in the opinion of Georgia4P The expression “ hireling presses,’* which we said had never made its appearance in the de cent columns of the Chronicle, he is pleased to warp from its true reference, and give it a parti cular application to the Junior Editor. Who the Junior Editor ofthe Courier is, is more than the Chronicle knows : if he means the humble indi vidunl whose idle pen was amused by an occa sional paragraph in its columns in its early ca- reer, the Chronicle has missed his aim and hi* arrows tipped as they have been with gall and bitterness.instead ofproducing“rankling wounds’* have spent their malignant strength on the vield- iug air. Above all, we never penned a solitary line in reply to the malignant falsehoods, which a: that time teemed in the Chronicle. Our pen could not be boughtfor such a service, and if the pub lic shall forgive us for our present transgressi on they will have more clemency towards us than we deserve. The Chronicle comments with its usual discern raent on the motives which induced us to endeav or to sooth the passions which agitated the pub- lie bosom, and still the tempest, which with such desolating fury, swept the political horizon. At our outset, we determined to exclude, as much as we could, all offensive, merely-party matter from our columns, and particularly not to write an- thing which could possibly add to the public ex citement : but by a moderate and impartial course endeavorltoipresent the merits ofthe different cas. didates instead oftheir faults—to praise all—and this is the “head and front” of our offendin'*'.— Whether we have effected anything, or whether we deserve any credit for our motives, the pub lic will decide. They have already decided, and given the Georgia Courier a patronage never sur passed in this city. The “ gentleman” of whom he speaks, we sup pose may be the Author of “Indian Hostilities," but be he who he may, gentleman or not, he hax grossly mistaken us, if the Chronicle has correct'y reported him. We remember, hoth before and after the Baltimore Address, and at the time of the Election, maintaining that as General Jack- son recieved the greater number of electoral votes, according to the spirit of our institution*, he ought to have 'been President of the United States; but that this circumstance did not ex' lude the constitutional discretion of the House of Re- presentatives, when the selection between the three highest on the electoral ticket was referred to their decision Of the ability ofthe Baltimore Jackson Address we have both spoken and writ ten; but dissented from its conclusions at the time, and certainly never had any idea, from statements contained in it, which we disbelieved at the time, and which have been abundantly re fused since, of abandoning Mr. Adams, for whom our preference was early, and even decided, af ter the declin!itio'*of Mr. Calhoun. The Chron icle’s “gentleman” may be a gentleman, hut h<r has mistaken our meaning and intentions, if hi; conceptions, are truly presented in the Chronicle. The sneer at our commercial friends, whom hp was afraid more distinctly to particularize, we we leave to its reward—statmg simply that be could not have meant our Irish Kindred, whose good feeling he has repeatedly attempted to alien ate from us by the most wanton and perverse misrepresentation. From the time of the unfor- nate Dunlap, who awakened snch unwonted svffi- pathy in the tender bosom of our neighbor, he has found, in every little anecdote, displaying the off hand wit of the Irish character, a deliberat** fc wanton attack upon the pride and glory of the Irishnation That we receive commercio/patro nage equal, if not superior to the Chronicle, it is our pride to acknowledge ; but that this is not at tributable to political reasons, the Chronicle knows as well as we do. We have as many friends of one party as another, and hope to have as long as the course of impartial and equal jus tice, which we have endeavored to pursue, shall deserve their countenance. We consider ourselves no man’s men—we la bor for no party, but endeavor dispassionately to present all views and considerations, which we think will aid the cause of Truth and subserve the interests and glory of our country As we have often said, we prefer Mr. Adams on the score of superior intelligence—not that we believe he is a greater patriot—but that we know the great in terests of a great nation will be more ably con sulted and promoted by the Statesman, whose life has been spent in the acquisition of wisdom, and is illustrated by the rich trophies of long experi ence. The Chronicle say3 of us: “ They talk of dis interestedness 1 and that too while they areevery moment sacrificing thir own opinions, prefer ences, and views of public good to a Coalition founded on the most sordid and mercenary feel ings of self-interest!” Oh l mon sicur, you do u* de grand honaire. FOR THE GEORGIA CGURIEft- DECOMPOSITION OF WOOD. If timber could be completely saturated with lime, or acid, as aquafortis, (diluted,) or mineral as cobalt, or completely coated with charcoal, then we could entertain reasonable hopes of its duration. These substances have the property of extirpat ing insects of almost every kind, and if they can be kept from wood, no decay will be apprehended, at least for a very long time, for although moisture is the primary cause of decay, yet unassisted by worm* its action is so slow that it is scarcely per ceptible. Paint of all kinds are used for the purpose of preserving timber from moisture, and they would answer the pur pose did not the cost limit the application to only one side of the timber, whereas, it would be requisite to cover the whole back, front and sides, to effect any good purpose. Paint mixed of metalic oxides* answer the purpose also of extirpating tho worm, as they are generally poisonous. We have been led to the fact, that mois ture is the true and primary cause of decay, from the following observations:—Pests set in the earth, sills of houses built near the ground, the sleepers and floors of cel lars, add wooden gutters, are, from their situation, more exposed to moisture, and ve the first that decay; aoft.wood of wj