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2 TitiM CPU BY J- G. M’WHOUTER. TER VS ''his Papor is publislnd every MONDAY, WEDNE9D4 and FRIDAY Afternoon, at $0 per an mini, payable in advance. COUNTRY PAPER—Published every FR.ID VY afternoon at $3 per annum, in advance, or $4 at the expiration of the year. . . , , , , U3* No Subscriptions received for less time than six months. [O' ADVERTISEMENT -, not exceeding a square will be insertedtlfe first time at 75 cts. per square and 37 1-2 for each continuance. Advertisements of one square, published ffc.tkly. at 75 cents tor the first insertion, and 50 Cents, for each con tinuance. .. Persons advertiaing by the year will be charged .50 dollars including subscription and will be entitled to one square in each paper. - , When persons have standing advertisements ot several squares, special contracts may be inade. ID* No deductions will be made in luture fr A!| l advertisements must have the number of iusertums marked od them; otherwise they will beinsorted till so hid, and charged accordingly* _ ..., fill If *ll FFS,CIiERKS, and other public officers) wal have 25 per cent.dcdw.tedin their favor- ALTERATIONS. Os the tines of holding Courts made by the last Legislature. CHATTABOOCUEE CIRCUIT. Superior court of Stewart shall be held on the 2d Monday in January and July. Randolph on the Thursday thereafter. Lee 3d Monday in January and July. Sumter Thursday thereafter. Marion 4th Monday January and July. Muscogee 2d Monday Feb. aud Aug. luferior couit of Talbot Ist Monday February aud August. Du. Carroll Ist Monday Feb and Aug. SOUTHERN CIRCUIT, Superior court of Twiggs 3d Monday m March and September. Lowndes Thursday before the 4th Mon day in May and N®v. Thomas on Monday thereafter. Dooly 4 b Monday March and Sept. Flint Circuit. The Superior court es Bibb to be held on the 3d Monday in May and Noveni her. Houston 4 h Monday in April and October. Inferior court of Bibb, 3d Monday Au gust and February. Houston 4ih Monday July and Janua ry- Congress of the United States. IN SENATE— Wednesday, Jan. 30, SPECIAL ORDER OF THE DAY The Senate then proceeded to tho ape ejal order of the dty being the, bill to rtlake further provisions for the collection of the duties on imports Mr. Wilkius (Chairman es the Judi ciary Committee) resumed his opening speech c»o the bill, before reporting which a summary view is given of the cl«se of his remarks on Monday (emitted in «wr last from want of time) io tho following brief sketch. Adverting to another circumstance, as tending ta show the excitement prevail ing id South Carolina against the general Uuverement —he said that in every part of the stftte, the blue oockade, with the Paunetto button; was generally worn. That bit of ribbon, and the button, were uo trtfling sign of the military spirit pre valent among the people. 1 1 seemed to him, indeed, from nil these fac's, Ituewu to us officially and by rumor, that it was impossible to avoid a collision with South Carolina, while her Ordinance remained in force, and that those gentlemen who represented that the passage of any bill by us would defeat tbn Ordinance, and proveut a collision, had mistaken the sense of the Ordinance and the intention of dispeople of South Caro lina. [M . Miller here interposed, and said ho had not expre,ssod the opinion of Nel liflcation would be abandooed’upou the passage es a bill of any character in refer ence to the Tariff. If Congress passed a bill altering the tariff acts of 1828 and 1832, be was of opinion that such act would set aside the Ordiuance, which was specific in its application in its appli cation to the Tariff act ot 1.328 and 1832. Even if a bill more oppressive than the existing acts should pass, the Ordinance now existing would thereby be defeated, aud South Carolina would be under the necessity of assembling another Conven lion, and passing another Ordinance.] Mr. Wilkins found, he said, that he was uut far from right. What prospect then was there of abandonment, by South Carolina, of he* present position ? She offers us but two modes of adjusting (he (natter in dispute. The first is by she total abandonment of the protective system; by the admis sion of the whole list of the protected ar ticles free ot all duty, and raising the wh.de i etemie, dei ived front duties on imports, exclusively, from the unprotect ed articles. The consequences of the adoption of this policy would be most fa tal and disastrous to the industry of the Northeru States. It would put the Id boring classes of Pennsylvania on a foot ing with the paupers of the old world. It would prostrate at once and forever the polciy which Pennsylvania had long cherished, and Sooth Carolina had uni ted with her in establishing and maintain ing, and under which she was prosperous aud happv. The admirable speech made bv the Senator from South Carolina, in 1816,iu favor es the protective policy was «• graved eu the hearts of the people of Pennsylvania. In the dwelling nf the farmer, the mechanic, aud the maoufac tui.-r, ii hung upon the wall, by the side of Washington,s Farewell Address. He well remembered that speech, for it had a powerful influence on his own mind in relation to the policy of the protective system. [Mr. Calhouo here said, I (bunk-the ge o'Umau for alluding to 4>e Speech. 1. has been much and very often misrep resomod, and I shall tako aneatly oppor luuity to explain it ] Mr. Wilkins. I shall be happy to witness the exhibition of the seuoator*S ingenuity in explaining the speech in such a manner as to make it accord with his present views. I should not have al luded to it, had notthe senator remarked upon the bill from our committee as a bill •‘of abominations.” [Mr. Calhoun it requires no apologv'J Mi. Wilkins proceeded to the state the the consideraiions which rendered a com pliauce with the terms proposed by South Carolina improbable, if not imposs.ble. For his own part, he was free to say that ho could nut bring his mind to assent to so destruciive a measure. He spoke on ly for hrmself. What were the views of otlters of this body on this subject, he did nut know, for he was nut in the hab it of making inquiries as to the opinions of others on such topics. Much as he loved the Union —much as he deprecated any collisions between the State and Fed - eral Governments much as he whs dispos •and to- respect the opinions and withes of a sister State, he would not himself as sent to a total destruction even of iuciden tal protection to our domestic iudustry. He would, however, go far, very far, e ven to the sacrifice «f much of that pro tection which we claim as just and neces sary; but to the point proposed by South Catoliua as her ultimatum, he could not go- He did not believe that there was any probability of the assent, on the part of Congress, to the first proposition of S, Carolina. There was bat one other pro position made by South Carolina for the adjustment of this controversy, and that was even less hopeful than the former. It was by the call of a general convention of the States, and the submission to them of an ultimate arbitrament on the dis puted powets. Mr, W. was of the opin ion that the decision of tho State repre sentation assembled in convention on the matters iu controversy, would not differ from the judgement of the representatives assembled in Congress. He did not think it ut all probable drat the convention would either alter the constitution in respect to the powers of the government over rhe subject of revenue, or that the protective laws would be pronounced by them un. constitutional, and null and void. But it was not at all probable (bat twu-thirds <>/ Congress and three foruths of the States would ngree to the call a General Con vention. The People were averse to any change in the constitution, and were of epinien that it could not be amended for ihe better. For his own part, it was his earnest hope, & confident belief, that n<> change would ever be made iu (he terms of our admirable compact. Os resuming the floor to-day. Mr. Wilkins einbiaced the opportunity to state that, «n a proper occasion, he should move ene or two amendments to the bill, ene of which would be >o limit some of its provisions to the end of the next ses sion of Congress: the provisiuns which it contain* for amendments to the judicial system, he presumed, there would be ue objection to leaving, us they are in the bill, unlimited. When the Senate adjourned yesterday, Mr. W. continued, I was spanking of the Tariff System—of this system, for the protection of American industry, which a vast portion of the American people be lieve to be intimately connected with the prosperity of the country. Asa justifi cation of the adbeienct), as far as practi cable, to this system, he had inference to the conduct of getr.lemeu from the South in regard to it. At one period, he now added, Maryland had been con sidered a Suuthoin State, as she was still a slave-holding State : ft uni the chief city of that Stale, directly after the meet ing of Congress, under the Constitution of 1787, a memorial was transmitted to Cougiess, reciting the weakness and inefficiency of the old Confederacy, and its inadequacy to protect the manufactur ing interest, aud rejoining that we had now a Government, possessing power tw protect domestic industry, aud praying the interposition of Congress for that pur pose. Another incident be mentioned, which, he said, many members would re collect, of a member of Congress from S. C. having, in the year 1809, offered a resolution proposing that all the members of Congi oss should appear, at the com mencement of the uext ensuing session, clad entirely in clothing of American manufacture. He had already adverted to the agency of the Souih in passing the tarifflaw of 1816, and now, said ho, let mo make a personal reference, in connec tion with it, to another gentleman from South Carolina, oow a member of this body (Mr. Miller) which reference I make with ail possible respect for that gentleman. When the bill of 1816 was under discussion, that gentleman, then a member of the other House, made a mo rion, deeply interesting to Pennsylvania, and for which I, as one of her sons, feel grateful to him, to raise the duties on hammered bar iron (which the bill propo sed to raise from nine to sixteen dollars oer ton,) to 2Cf dollars per ton. Thus amended, the hill passed the House, but the duty was reduced in the Senate to 16. On ihe final passage of the bill, iecluding that and other duties, three members only from South Carolina were present, and they all voted /or the bill Strange rev olution of opinion! Jt ; 8 now contended by the same gentleman, that a duty of 18 dollars upon the same article, (two del- Ur S below his own proposition,) as fixed by the Tariff of 1832, is- so onerous, op pressive, and tyrannical that the whole country is to be involved in a civil war if not only that, but every other protective duty he not abolished!' Mr. W. said, he had also spoken, yes*- terday, in justification of the strongest provisions of this bill, of the talked of resistance to the laws in South Carolina. He had understood the Senator frumSouth Caroliua,[Mr.Calhoun,]tbe other day ac knowledging 'hat there was military ar ray in South Carolina, but contending that it followed and did not precede the a ray of force by the United States. [Mr. Calhoun said he had admitted that there was roilitaiy preparation, not Mi. Wilkins said, ts we examine the measures taken by the Administration in reference to the present crisis, it would be found that they were not at all of that military character to justifiy the measures of South Carolina which it was. alledged had followed them. [Mr. Calhoun said that South Carolina was undoubtedly preparing to resist force by force. But, let the Uuited States withdraw its forces from her binders, and lay this bill upon the table, and het pre parations weuld cease.] Mr. Wilkins resumed. That is, sir, ifw# do not oppose any of her move ments, all will be right. If we fold our arms, and exhibit a perfect indifference wether the Laws of the Unton are obey ed or not, all will be quiet! This, I ad mii, would be an admirable mode to a void collision and prevent disturbance : but is it one that we can submit to? The moment we fail to counteract the Nullifi cation proceedings of South Carolina, the Union is dissolved; io this Govermetit of laws, union is obedience, and obedience is union. The moment South Carolina — [Mr. Calhoun.—-Who relies upon force in this controversy ? I have insist ed upon it that Seuth Carolina relied al together on civil process, and that, if the General Government resorts to force, then only will South Carolina rely upon force. If force be introduced by eiiher party, upon that party will fall the respon sibility.] Mr. Wilkins.—The General Govern ment will not appeal in the first instance, to force. It will appoal to the patriot ism of South Carolina—to that magnani roityof whicty she boasts so much. [Mr. Calhoun. I am sorry that South Carolina can not appeal to the sense of justice of the Geneial Government.) Or der/ Older! (from one or tw<> members.) Mr Wilkins.—The Government will appeal to that political sense which ex hurts obedieuce to the laws of the coun try, as the first duty of the citizen. Ii will appeal to the moral force in the com munity. If that appeal be iu vam. it will appeal to the Judiciary. If the mild arm of the Judiciary be not sufficient to execute the laws, it will call out the ctv.l force to sustain the laws. If that be in sufficient, God save and protect us from the last resort. But if the evil does come upon ihe country, who is responsible for it I I {force he brought to the aid o law, who, 1 ask of gentlemen, is responsible for it to the People of the United S ates? That is the question. Talk of it as you please, mystify matters asyou vill, ’hcor ize as you may, pde up abstract prnpogi tions to any extent, at last 'he question resolves itself into one of obedience » rre sistance of the laws—in other words, of union or disunion. Wherein, said Mr. W. consists out liberty t What is the foun dation of our political institutions which we boast of; which we hold up to the world for imitation, and for ihe enjoy ment of which the votary of freedom pants in every country cf the g obe— I what is it? It is that of a governmen where the People make the laws, and where the People obey the laws which themselves have made. That is our sys tem of government, and by a large ma jority of the People it is respected ac cordiogly. Why, Sir, said Mr. W. if you were to cany into effect the ultra doctrine of South Caroline at this mo ment, repeal your protective system, shut up our factories, stop our wheels, extin guish our fires, &e.—nay, ruiu us by your legislation—yet woeid the People of Pennsylvania obey the laws, and abide y<-ur decision. But then they would ap peal to tire People, ihey would endeavor to bring public opinion to act upon Con gress, and bear them back into the right course. Titey would appeal to moral in fluence, and to that alone. I know, said Mr. W. that the gentle man ftom South Carolina cannot antici pate the application of force in the case presented; but I pray him, again and a gain, to avert to one particular paragraph of the Ordinance. There were several cases in which the use offeree is referred to in the Ordinance, in which Mr. W. ad milted the right to use it. if, for exam ple, as incase supposed, Congress inten ded to everrun and subdne the S'ate of South Carolina and overturn their liber, ties, he had admitted the right of resis tance by force. But, come down to ihe contingency in which the Ordinance de clares that force shall be used, and it is in the event of the attempt by the United States to enforce the execution of the Revenue Laws. “Enforce’' is the word employed iu the Oidinance. For the meaning of this word it was not necessary to resort to fJuhnson or Webster : the law may be “ enforced” by execution, by judicial process, a simple demand of pay ment of duties by an United S'ate* Offi cer. I« needs not the Iron grasp of power, the naked sword or the fixed bay onet, to constitute enforcement of the laws. You enforce the laws every day and every hour of every day, in the most tranquil state of society. This enforce ment of the laws it is which is, after the Ist of Febuary, to be constructed into an atttempt to put down the people of South Carolina, and to justify the calling lorth of thousands upon thousands of armed men to resist it. Mr. W. here referred to the Charles ton Mercury, which he held in his hands, containing the proceedings of a great meeting held at Charleston, S. C. ou the 21st instant, among which weie i number of resolutions, adopting the cockade to which ho had reference yesterday, in-* termingled with notices of “ Call to arms!’ “ Attention, volunter* ! ” &c. and one of those Resolutions (which he read) declares that the parsons assembled at this meet ing not only the affirm do right of ihe State peaceable to secede from the Union but are prepared, if need be, te peril tlioir lives in the assertion of this claim, Yes, Sir. said Mr. W if not prevented, ‘secession is at baud; for the very mo* ment that the Marshall of the District calls out the pos*e comitatus , and heads that posse to enforce a judgement of the Federal Court to compel the payment of duties on imports (after the first of February) theo has the contingency; oc curred of an attempt t« enforce the laws; then has secession become the alternative. With regard to secession, Mr. W. wont on to cite cases to shew the consequences to which the admission of this right in a tty State would lead, should other States adopt the heresy affirmed by the meeting whose proceedings he had read. This view of the subject he followed by sav ing, that Nullification, unless merged in revolution, was not to be stopped. The hprorable member had told the House, that laying this bill on the 'able, and passing the bill depending in the other House, would put a stop to nullification. But whai suretv was 'here even of this 1 After the fitst of February, Nullification, with all its attributes and incidents, was to be in full operation in South Caroli na. What would be its political oppeiac tion 1 Where would it end ? Ho put this question plainly to the gentleman from South Carolina. A Convention of the States was out of the question ; an a meodinent of the Constitution was out of the question : where was the contest to end ? Why, the laws must be suspended. South Carolina, whilst represented on this door (abiy as she is, and he hoped long would be,) participating in the mak ing of laws, would be obeying just such of them as she pleased, and no more— cutting and carving with her own sword to suit herself! What a state of things was this ! [Mr. Calhoun here said, that South Carolina would be con tern to maintain this comes! upon the principle of protec tion, paying wi'houi objection whatever taxes might be required *o be levied for the purpose of revenue.] Mr. Wilkins. If South Carolina ap peals to the Federal Judiciary, she can bring up thrT question of the validity of any nan of tho rev riue laws for decision, bv the Federal Courts. Mr. W. had no doubt of the influence > f the Senator from South Carolina over the people of hat State, bu no one had power to say * hat c urse that Sta : e would take if the suggestion of the Senator should be adopt ed. Wo muxi take this matter as we fi and it. The merc hant', of Charleston may import goods free of duty, and merchants of Baltimore, New York, &c. must pay duties. The people of South Carolina are exempt from all taxation, by dulies on imports, which is the only taxation known t< our laws; and (he people of the rest of the Union; are compelled to pay (axes. Sou-h Carolina participates in the benefi s, but nut in the burdens of the Government. The O'dmance io this effect, Sonin Carolina :s pledged to main tain, and it declares that no power shall prevent free ingress and egress into and from her ports. Every stream of water in the limits of the State, accessible from <he ocean, is made a free port. Wherever goods are introduced and lan ded, all obligation to pay the dunes van ishes before the magical iufluouce of Nul lification. The State of S uth Carolina is quoad the teveuuelaws out of the Union As to the revenue system, our feliuw-cirizens of South Carolina aie gone from us. What then 13 to prevent the goods impor ted into the State from being distributed into every part of the interior and along he coast? A legalized system would l>e introduced,he would not say of smuggling, for he would not impute so opprobrious a crime to the authorities of that State, but tree ports make free goods, and nul liflcation makes free ports. Well, sir, what will prevent the goods from being sent to other States? Take the marks off from the goods, and they may be soot any where. If nullification exempts goods from duties in South Carolina, it exempts them every where. They are milked “State rights,” and the vessel is called “State sovereignly.” They will not be imported under the glorious flag of the Union, but under the flag of South Car olina. South Carolina has got her Or dinance. Now we shall see h»w she will put it iu execution, how it works practi cally, it will make general confusion; de feat equalityin public burdens, and demo ralize the community. As nullification is now about to go in to full operation, what is to stay the hands of South Carolina, and prevent her from executing her present purpose? He was aware of the wide range of discussion which the question connected with this subject would lead to. But this w»S the time for bringing those questions before Congress for decision. They should decide now in one way or other. I am young and stout, said Mr. W. and am willing to see the quesrion tried, and te a bide the end of rt. The whole question comes to a single point. What is the consitutional relation of a single State to the United States? If the Govern ment is merely an ‘‘alliance” of States, a federal league between several district and independent sovereignties.from which any one may withdraw, there is an end of the question and of our bill.—For South Caiolina, leaning upon her sover eignty and reserved rights, has exercised the power which she claims of obeying & disobeying a law of the Union, jusr*as she may construe tt, to be constitutional or nncons'itutionai. An attempt on his part to thrown a’ny additional light on this subject w .uld be as unect-ssary as to contribute a drop of water to the ocean. It was enough for him -hat he bad a few well settled princi ples on this point, which he had Biways enters med, and which had been acted ue from this foundation of the government to the present time. The Constitution whs forrnpd by the People It was adop ted by the States, which, like individuals, surende ed a porrioo of their sovereignty for ihe security of the res*. Those pow ers which are thus surrendered, however limited in number, are supreme in extent and applicat ion. Tho second paragraph in the 6- h aiticle of the Cooslimtisn was, as If appeared to him, framed to meet this very case—to meet State legislation Sta e nullification—to meet the case of State legislation which attempts to over throw national legislation:— “This Constitution,and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pu rsuance thereof, and all treaties roede or which shall be made under tho authority of the United Slates,shall be the supreme law of the land, and the Judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any thing in the Constitution or Laws of any State to the conirary notwithstanding. This supremacy of power was necessa ry For the general welfare, because it con sists in the use of powers which could not be confided to, nor exercised by, any one State. We always bad a Union. The great object ®f the people, from one pe- I riod to another, has been to render the i Union “more perfect.* Virginia took flu* lead in the attempt, and her States men were among its foremost champions. Experience had manifested the want of a supreme power to bear immediately up on the people of the States. The laws of ihe Old Confederation boro on the States alone. Hence the Constitution begins, “We, the People;” and ibe con clusion of the 8h section of the Ist ar ticle, giving power to Cengress “to make all laws which shall be necessary and pro per for carrying into execution ihe foie gfting powers, and all other powers vest ed by this Constitution in the Govern ment es the United States, or in any de partment or rfficer thereoff,” and the em phatic conclusion declareing such laws to be the supreme law of the land,in the ag gregate sense of the terur We owe allegiance bcPh to the United States and to tire State of which we are citizens. Are there, sir, any citizens who owe no allegiance to the United States.? have the People ofSuuth Carolina aban doned the proud title of citizens «f the U nited States? Has the General Govern ment any power or quality of political sovereignty as all ? If it has, that power uiu«f be brought io bear directly upon the People of the Slates, and of each State, The Government of ihe United States forms a part of the Government of each State, enteis into it, and supplies what ever may be wanting in S ate powers. You cannot bring about obedience to the laws, if their obligation and binding are not directly on the People. If ihe laws are brought to bear on the States they may wrap themselves up in their sovere ignty and their reserved rights, resort to nullification, and, claiming the powei to t>ot their veto ou the acts of Congrpss, they may overthrow your whole system of legislation. This doctrine impairs not ihe sovereignty of ihe People. The People retain their sovereignty in reference to tlit? United States as well as to their res pective Stares. They act here as well as in their State Legislatures. Whenever you exercise one of your great constitu tional powers, the People act here, and am therefore bound by the law which they themselves made. This is the perfection of political institutions. The People make the laws, and the laws govern. The Suites are secure in their rights, and al ways were secure* He admitted their ori ginal absolute sovereignity ; but as he had said before, they yielded up a portion of that sovereignty f«r the General good. This is a constitution of power “ gran ted,” as a lawyer would suy “ for a val uable consideration. ” By the grant of these powers, you created the constitu tion of the Union. You cannot take them back at pleasure. Here are we asked— can the creature be groater than the crea tor ? No. But the creator mav be hound by the act of the creature ; the principal mav be bound by the act of the agent, if the agent acts in pursuance of delegated power, particularly when the inteiests of third persons are concerned. We say to South Carolina, our prosperity depends upon the permanence of a system which you created ; and you can'i take back the power which you gave to out agents to exercise. On the subject of practical nullification, Mr. VV. said he had made some notes, and th« very circumstances which he had an ticpatedhad happened. From a late num ber es the Charleston Merc.,which be held in his hand, he read an account of a great State Rights meeting at Charleston, whereat resolutions were adopted for forming companies to import goods free «1 duty. The merchants of South Caro lina would, it was thought, be reluctant to hazard their commercial credit and con venience by availing themselves of tho Replevin Law, and it had been doubted whether the force of the Ordinance! would be tried. But, as ho had expected, the politicians, not the merchants* had formed a plan for trying the experiment. Pre parations had been made to bring the ques tion to an issue as soon as the Ist day of Februaty arrived. He had made a .nose of the question which would arise out of these considerations, but he would not de tain the Senate by noticing them. He woold pass to the consideration of the provisions in the bill. The first sec tion of the bill contains provisions which are preventive and peaceful. Mr. W. then read from the first section of the bill, as follows : “Be it enacted , <s’c. That whenever, by reason oi unlawful obstructions, com binations, or assemblages of persons, or unlawful threats or menaces against offi cers of the United States, it shall become impracticable, in the judgment of the Pres ident, to execute the revenue laws, and collect the duties on imports in the ordi nary way in any collection district, h shall aad may be lawful for the President to direci that the custom house for such dis trict be established and kept in any secure place within some port or harbor of such district, either upon land er on board any vessel,” &c It enjoins forbearance on the Execu tive and gives him power to remove the custom house to a secure place where the duties may be collected. It leaves l»t® ports and districts as they now are, oP® n for the commercial convenience of ih® good people of the State ; and even the custom house would not be taken from the port or haibor where they now are. Our object in removing the custom house is to pi event all collision if possible. The winds “threats and' menaces,” do. not run through the lesidue es the section The power given in this clause is not'new the clause is simply declaratory of the ex isting law, as it has been held by our courts ; fur it has been decided, that where it is impossible to collect he duties the officers of the customs may remove the custom house. L.ATEST FROM HOtiLAIYDi 1 he Bustou Atlas of the'3o:h ult. an nounces the atrival of the bug Alexander Capt. Pendleton, from New Dieppe, whence be sailed on the 29th of Deceit her—but brought no papers. Capt. P. furnished the Ist intelligence in Bostou of the fall of Antwerp. It will have baen observed by the reader of the intelligence recieved at this port, that 1 t ie has been said of the loss of life occasioned by the defenders of the citadel, to the assailants. Capt P. reports, that the loss of the French was computed at from 16,000 to 18,000 men. The citadel was taken possession of on the 23th. The less of ihe Dutch was not known. Ton thous and bombs were thrown by the French engineers into the citadel, which destroy, ed all the provisions and water of the be sieged. Gen. Chaste defended ti, e cita del 2 days after the destruction of his provisions and water. Capt Pendleton further states that the impression prevailed that a general war would be the inevitable consequence It was supposed that the Dutch would be assisied by the Russians, Prussians and Austrans. Indeed it was reported that a Russian army of 100,000 men were on the.r march lor the frontiers of Belgium and Hultand. Extract of a letter from Liverpool, da ted Dec. 22 : “ It is now quite evident that the stock of cotton in the poits will at the end of he year be very much lar ger than they were computed tube, aud all hopes of higher prices have vanished, all ihe importers have lately been willing sellers. .4 good deal of cotton is effur iog fer Sale.” ENGLAND. In relation to the home affairs, the English papers are filled with accounis and speculations concerning the New Par liament. The opposition pap.-rs have a great deal to say of the election ofCohliett and his probable doings in parliament ; lie has peon elected fro n Oldham. Mr. Wal tet, editor oil lie F imes, is returned from Beiksliiie. Hunt has lost his election at tries on. Cobbe t and waiter haru long been at loggei heads, aud much ainusemeut is expected from their collision. It will he a rate sport, says the Guar dian, worthy of a reformed Parliament. It w ll be no ordinary canflxt ; for the two antagonists bear ilia most inveterate and unrelenting hatred towards each oth er. Mr. Gobi e;t has lie abuse of twenty years to repay, and Mr. Walter the same to answer for. All the worst epi'hets col lected from- Ihe w- rrt places, from all the hulks, frwrti the treadmill and the pot house, have been baudied between ih \se honorable gentleman for marly a day, to the inexpressible delight es the reading & curious public. It is rumored hat his Majesty with the kind consideration of saving to the coun try for (he presen , the late Speaker’s re tiring pension of 40001. per annum, has made it his person and request to Mr. Man ners Sutton, that he wou and resume his high office in the new Parliament, and that such is, consequently, to be the case. There is a rumor hat the Right H UP. C. W. Williams Wynne w II be put in nomi nation for the Speaker’s chair, imn edi a'e'y on ihe assembling of Parliamet t The minis eria' majority in thi new/ Ileum of Common* it is Said will be 257 frem England—the returns from Scot land are expected to make up (he number to 300. Mr. Liigh oj Virginia. This gentle man has, as was t» have been expected, from the peculiar delicacy of his situation politely declined the invita ion extended to him by the City Council, to consider him, the “Guest of the City,” and to partake of a public dinner. It is said that Mr. Leigh will leave this place for Vir ginia in a day or two. It is rumored, but we cannot vouch for its correctness that “the Powers that be,” have decliued taking any step in confor mity with the request ofVirginia, until af ter the adjournment of Congress, and that should that body adjourn without a satisfactory adjustment <»f the Tariff, the State Convenriou will be again called to gether, to act on ihe question of seces sion, with a view, however, of afterwards submitting their decision to the people, for ratification or rejection.— Charleston Courier , 8/A inst. Shot Guns and Pistols. JUST RECEIVED, 20 Elegant Double barrelled Fowling Pieces, with Percussion Lucks 1 pair Duelling Pistols 10 pair Pocket do FOR SALE, BV J. MARSHALL. Feb 4 15 ts Sheriff’s Sale. WILL be sold, l«t Tuesday in March next. One NegroMhi*. named FRANK, taken ns the property, of John Conyers, to satisfy a fi. fa. from the Superior Court of Scriren Couh tv in favor of Boston & Williamson. JOHN C. FERRILL, a. s. c. Feb 4 * , Id 15 _ AT COST! Books and Stationary. Selling wholesale and retail, at Cost, at St&rs No. 810, Broad-street. Jan 81 V