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2 THIS OODIIIER. BY J. G. M’WHORTER, '£FHMS~ tits Papar is publish’d every M'JNDAY, W .OvisDA and FRIDAY Afteruoon, at *S per an mi in navable in advance. COUNTRY PAPER—Published every FRID AY afternoon at S3 per annum, in advance, or $d at tho expiration of the year [pr> ?jo Subscriptions received for less time tnan si* months. ipr ADVERTISEMENTS not exceeding a square will be inserted the first time at 75 cts.,per square and 37 1-2 for each continuance. Advertisements of one -square, published Weekly,- at 7a cents tor the first insertion, aud 51) cents, for each con tiuuuQc.e, persons advertising b. ibe year will be charged 30 dollars including subscription and will be entitled to one square in each paper. When persons have standing advertisements of several squares, special contracts may be made. . IDT No deductions will be made in future from the Adi*advertisements must have the number of iascrtwris marked on them; otherwise they will bemser.cd till for bid,and charged accordingly. SHERIFF*), CLERKS, andother public officers, wid have 25 per cent, deducted in their favor. From the Charleston Courier. u I WON’T VOLUNTEER.” Air—“ 1 won't be a Nun.” Now is it not a pity, such a pretty bar as I, ' Should volunteer lobe shot at, & in a ditch to die ? But 1 won’t volunteer—no I won’t volunteer, I’m not so foud of Sugar, as to be a volunteer. I’m sute I’m not oppress’d, for my Pa supports his son, Theo wherefore should I volunteer, & shoulder a gun ? N.n I won’t volunteer—no 1 won’t volunteer, I’m not so fond of Sugar, as to be a volunteer. I could not bear the Camp, no it would not do for me, For I like to lounge in King-street, tbe pretty galls to see, No I won’t volunteer—no I won’t volunteer, I’in not so fond of Sugar, as to be a volunteer. I love Caiolina, and I love tbe Union too, But with a brother's blood, my hands .i’ll ne’er embue, No I won’t volunteer—no I won’t volunteer, I'm not so-fond of Sugar, as to be a volunteer. So mother don’t you smile,now get your scissors, Rogers made, And sever ftoni iny beaver hat, the Blue Cock ode. No I won’t volunteer—no I won't volunteer, I'm not so fond of Sugar, as to be a volunteer. of the United States. IN SENATE— Wednesday, Jan. 30. SPECIAL ORDER OF THE DAY MR. WILKINS’ SPEECH. (Concluded from our last.) T-Jae next paragraph provides for cash payment of duties under circumstances which render it impossible to called the duties in the ordinary way. This is no great matter. We have aheady abolished the credits and duties to some extent, and this law carries out the system farther. Why should the practice of taking bonds bo persisted in when they say they are not bound in pay the bonds. 11 is a mockery to take bonds when the Consti tution and the law release the people bound from the obligation of tbe h-Mids. Soil must be brought to euforce the pay ment of the bonds, and ihe authority of tbe State and Federal tribunals would thereby be brought into conflict, which conflict the Dill sought to avoid. The 62d section of tho act of the 2d March, 1799, refuses credit to merchants who have refused to pay their bonds. The jmue principle is applied to the present case, wheie people are combined to pre vent the paymont of bonds. The third and remaining exigency pro vided fir in this first section,is the author’ ity to employ rite land or oaval forces, or militia. This provision is entirely de fensive. It merely confirms the author ity for (he protection es the custom-house and revenue officers. The simple ques tion is—do you require obedience to the laws ? How can you make the people of South Carolina pay the dudes] The custom-house officers are not sufficiently numerous to enforce obedience to the laws: pains, penalties, indictments, all bang over the head of that man who is bold enough to exact payment. The Legislature forbids the enforcement of tiie law; and lie who attempts to enforce i( must suffer the penalty es the law as surely as he is convicted of tiie offence. The Marshall in this stage of tho business, cannot interpose. The Militia cannot be called out, for the best reason in the world, that they are committed in sup port of the other side of the quostion. Now what is to be done ] It is the duty of the President to take care that ihe laws sh ill be executed. He is invested with power by the Constitution, & the public hold him responsible for its exercise. You cau vest the power no where else. Tiie first section of the 2d Articlo of the Constitution invests the President with the ** Executive power,” aud he is re quired to take an oath faithfully to exe cute the office and pieserve the Consti tution. The second section of the same article makes him the ccmmander-iu chief of tbe army and navy of the United States, and of tho militia, when called in ti. actual service. The only question is —is it necessary to give these means to enforce the laws. If we iutend to en force obedience to the laws, these powers must be £iven and no where can they be constitutionally lodged but in the Presi dent. We give Andrew Jackson power simply to execute, for a limited time, the revenue laws of the country. Well, we confide this power to a man who has nover abused any power reposed in him. He said that these pteceedings were long anticipated. They were the subject of discussion during the late Presidential contest. Every vote had an eye to tho South. He spoke this with respect to the other candidates, all of whom he knew would have supported the Constitution. He made no invidious distinctions, Why did South Carolina throw away her vote on a distinguised individual, who was not a candidate] With an eye to tbis question. Wby did the people of the United States vote for Andrew Jackson I With a view to this same question. For this provision in the law, there was a pre ; cedent to which he would refer. The act ofoth Janaary, 1809, sec. 11 —l3 vul. 14, p. 194 —5, to onfoi-ce the embargo, ! &c. The 2d section es the bill extends 1 the jurisdiction of the Circuit Courts \Aa revenue cases It gives the right to i sue in these Courts for any injury incur ! r ed by officers, whilst engaged under the i laws of Cotigress in collection of duties !on imports. It declares, that propei'y j taken under the authority of the laws of | the United State shall be irreplevia- ble, and only subject to the order and decrees of the Courts of the United States ; and it gives the penalty for the rescue of the properly as is prescribed by the act of 30th April, 1790, sec. 22, vol. 2, p. 95. The provisions of that law make the penalty not to exceed SOO dollars, and imprisonment for three months, This section has two objects in view; first, it gives power to the officers to stfe in the Federal Courts; and second provides that they shall not -be disposses sed of property seized by them unfit)r die laws of the General Government, without the authori'y of the Courts of the United Siates. The object of this section is to meet legislation by legislation. There is nothing iu this provision shocking or harsh. Tho laws of Suuth Carolina, made to enforce the ordinance, are harsh and op pressive beyond any of tho Federal Laws. Under the replevin act of South Carolina, the goodsare first seized, if they are uot given up in, the return is made and a ca pias in withernam issues; iheie is then a suit to recover back the duties; the Cus tom House officer and jurors who are to decide the case are under oath to sAjport the ordinance. For this misdemeanor tbe officers are subject to a fine of 500 dollars and 2 years imprisonment. And they are liable to have ther own property to double tbe amount of the goods seized, taken, and carried away. Every profes sional man knows to what cases a reple vin ‘law is usually confined. It views the custom- house officer while discharging his duty, as a trespasser. If the replevy is not obeyed, tho intermediate enquiry which the Common Law provides is dis carded, and a writ of reprisal issues. It is not left discretionary with the Sheriff to take enough to satisfy »he demand ; but he is bound to take doable the amount. There is no danger that this part of the law can ever be executed, for no one person will have property enough fer so tremendous a grasp. The goods are ta ken finally from the custom house officei and carried off, and if he attempt to re captuie them, be is liable to a fine of SIO,OOO, and 2 years imprisonment. No such indictment is subject to traverse ; that is, the accused shall not cross it; he shall not deny the facts alledgnd ; ha shall net plead “ not guilty ;” This is the tecli niul effect of refusing a traverse. Out can the word be taken in that sense in South Carolina 1 Perhaps the word, as uaed in the Ordinance, has a meaning pe cular to the Seutb. Mr. Miller explained. The word had a peculiar meaning in South Carolina. At il»e first Couit the accused could tra verse, but he had no right to continue the action. The Ordinance denied the right to the accused to continue the case after the first terra, except for cause shown. The Ordinance, in creating this misde meanor, merely applies to it (he legal forms which in that State apply to all misdemeanors. Mr. Wilkins. It was apparent that the constitution of the Courts in South Carolina makes it necessary to give the revenue officers the right to sue in the Federal Courts. It was net intendod to restrict this right to any amount in contro versy, nor to citizens of other States. It fulls under the clause of the Constitution which gives jurisdiction to the U. States Courts in all cases arising under the Con stitution, Treaties, and Ltnvsef the United Slates. He would put a case in a few words : Suppose the Collector of the port of South Carolina is prosecuted. Ho is curried to prison, or the capias in wither nam is issued against him. His properly is carried oil’ and sold. The case comes before the State Court. He sets forth that, under the laws of the United Statos, he was obliged to do his duty. On the other side, it is said that the laws of the United Slates had been nullified ; and the State laws had taken their place. Out of this issue springs a case provided for by the bill. But it is objected that the case will arise under the State law. But shape it which way you may, the case arises out of the Laws aod Constitution of the U. States, and the judicial power extends to all cases in law and equity. It ought to be so. There ought to be a judicial pow er co-oxtensive with the power of legisla tion, and a co-extenstve executive power. Without this co-exiensive powei, legisla tion would be useless in a free goyern <nent. Neither domestic tranquillity, nor uniformity of rules and decisions, can be secured without it. It may be said, (continued Mr. W.) that in this way you overturn State Jegis <ition, and that they ought to give their own direction to State controversies. ' So thoy may but let them not come in col lision w.th the Constitution and laws of the Union. In every controversy within any State arising under . State law, com tug in collision with the Constitution or with a law of the United States, the Fed eral Coutts have appellate jurisdiction' He felt himself too much exhausted to read a case or two to which he desired io call the attention of the Senate. But he meant to content himself with a meie reference te the case of Martin vs. Hunt er’s lessee, ie Ist Wheaton, p. 304, and the case of Cohens vs. the Slate of Vir ginia, 6th Wheaton, p. 264, where this point had bsen decided. If appellate jurisdiction be giveo, the original could not be desired, all the residuum of ju risdiction remaining after the original ju risdiction given in specified cases, to the Supreme Court, might be exercised in any way by 'he inferior Courts that Con gress might direct. These observations were applicable -to the third section es the bill, which also provides fer the exten sion of Judicial juriedictiiou,by allowing tho party or officer of the U. States sued in the State's Couit for executing the laws of the Union, to remove the case to the Circuit Court. It gives the right to remove at any time before trial., but not after judgment bad been given, and thus affects in no way the -dignity of the State tribuuals. Whether in criminal or .in civil cases, it gives the right of removal. Has Congress this power in criminal cases ? He wotfld answer the question in tbe af» firmative. Congress had the power to give this right in criminal as well as in civil cases, because The se-cond section of the third article es the Constitution, speaks of “ all cases in law and equity,” and these compiehensive terms cover all. He referred to the case of Matthews vs. Zane, 4tb Cranch, page 382, which-de cides that, if two citizens es the same State, in a suit in their State court, claim title under tho same act es Congrew, the Sapreme Court has an appellate Jurisdic tion, to revise and cot red the decision of that court. This decision was founded upon the principle that the 3J act of the constitu tion, considered in connecfion with the Judiciary act of 'B9, would not give it a more extensive construction than it mer ited ; and that the great object was, to render uniform the construction of the laws of the Coiled States, and decisions under them upon the rights of indi viduals; and in such case it was eutiiely immaterial that both parties were citizens of the same State. It was admitted by Mr. Harfbr, Coun sel for Defendent in error, that the exer cise of jurisdiction in such case would be undoubted if it was to maintain the au thority of the laws of ihe United States , against encroachments of the State au thorities. The clause in the Constitution to which he had adverted, refers to the character of the controversy, without regard to the parties, or the particular form of the ac tion. The object of the suit, and o«*t the tribunal, determined the jurisdiction. Was it to try the validity of an act ofCongress that question determined the jurisdiction. Was it in try any indictment for treason? That question determined the jurisdic tion. It was more necessary that this jurisdiction should be exteuded over crim inal than over civil cases. If it was not admitted that the Federal Judiciary had jurisdiction over criminal cases, then was nullification ratified and sealed forever : for a State would'have nothing more to do than to declare an act a felony nr a misdemeanor to nullify all the laws «f the Union. There w-ere numerous prejudi ces—prejudices peculiar to particular States which, under any other view, would throw all jurisdiction into the State tribu nals. He would pul a case to the Southern gentlemen, by-way of illustration. It was one which they would feel disposed to resent, and one to which he had felt a repugnance to refer; but be would take it as illustrative of the opinions he had thrown out. There was to bo found in the constitution, a clause which gives the right to the owner of a slave to pursue him from one State to another, and to take him wherever he may find him. Now it was known that there was in some States a strong Tooling on this subject, and that particularly was this sensibility to bo found in the State of Pennsylvania, where it was carried lo a very groat ex tent. In great party times, he would suppose that a party in Pennsylvania rallied on this great principle. Pennsyl vania was covered over with zealous aud highly respectable abolition societies. He would suppose that Pennsylvania car ried those feelings to such on extent, as to pass a law to nullify this clause in tho constitution. He stated that he had, in tho judicial station which he had occupi ed, had cases brought before him for de cision, in which he had f**lt it to be ex tremely difficult to keep down this feel ing. It had been even con'endcd before him, that the pursuit of the slave by his owner into that State, was an unconstitu tional act. He would suppose that Penn sylvania was to pass a law, declaring, that the moment a slave sets foot on her soil, he shall be at once elevated to the rank and privileges es a fteeman, and that thus she should nullify the clause in tbe constitution on this point. It would be deemed vety hard by the Southern gentlemen that they could not try the quostion ms the constitutionality of that law before the Supreme Court. Aud if the State of Pennsylvania were to pass a law imposing a fine of 10,000 dol lars and five years imprisonment on anv owner of a slave found in pursuit of him, and that her jorofs and judges are all sworn to regard this law, he would ask whether the Uuited States Courts could uot have jurisdiction in this matter. The power of the Jediciary would be eatirely nugatory if it could be evaded by throw iug the case into the form es a criminal proceeding. He referred the Senate to the cases of the United States vs. Moore, 3d Cranch p. 159, where it was admitted that Congress might give the power ; and to that of Martin v. Hunter's Lessee, 1 Wheaton p. S5-o— l, where it was ad mitted that criminal are the strongest ca es. x Tilt) fourth section of the bill was mere ly matter of form. There was no consti tutional principle involved in it. It only authorized the Courts of the United S. to supply the want of a copy of the record. It was intended to obviate the difficulty which was iikely to arise from the novel provision confined in the Bth section of Replevin law of South Carolina, which makes it penal in the Clerk to furnish such record. This provition did not meddle tviih the penalty of the of the State Court, bot contented itself with providing means to supply the deficiency. The fifth section authorizes the employ ment of miiiiiary force under -extraordin' ary circumstances too powerful to over come without such agency, and to be preceded by the Proclamation of the President. What he had already said had reference also to this section of the bill. He would now merely refer the Senate to some precedents. Tire first precedent which he would notice was to be found in the Act of May 2d, 1792, vol. 2, p. 284, repealed by the Act of Feb. 28, 1795, renewing the pow er to call forth the militia, which Act was still in force. This law grew out of the Western Insurrection inPensylvania. Like the present bill, although it was merely intended to meet that exigency, it was so framed as to continue iu force. So the bill under consideration, although it had special reference to South Cato liua, pointed not to her alone. If the opposition to the laws should extend it self, and the spirit of disobedience should exhibit itself, whether in the South or the North, tbe general principles of the bill woufld toe equally applicable. It was an amendment of our code of laws to which the attention ofCongress had now been called, and which was rendered im mediately necessary by the peculiarity of »or present si toe lion. The second precedent to which he would invite the attention of ihe Senate was the Act of the Sd, of March, 1807, vol. 4, p« 115, “tosuppiess insurrections & obstructions ditto cause the laws to be duly executed.” That act autliorized the President to call out the laud and naval force to suppress insurrections, &c. These were the objects for which then, ns iu the present bill, this extraordinary power had been cenfeir-ed. Another precedent would be found in the Act of Jan. 9, 1809, sec. 11, vol, 4, p. 194, to enforce lire embargo, and which gives the power to employ the land and naval forces, in general terms,, to assist the custom house officers. There was at that moment a great excitement, al though nothing 1 ke the solemn position in which South Carolina has now placed herself. Yet it was deemed expedient to cunfer on the President this p.wer. He would now refer to the last prece dent with which he should trouble the Senate. It happened irt the History of Pennsylvania,that State took fr»mVirginia a strip of land belonging on the Alleghn-_ ny and Ohio rivers. On this sirip es laud where Viigmia had been accustomed to exercise jurisdiction,for which she had opened the titles, and where she had held her courts, there arose an insurrec tion. This had beeiv called the Western Insurrection, but it was a singular fact that it was confined to this narrow strip of land which Pennsylvania took from Virginia. . The President was then au thorized to call out the Militia of the State, because they were not committed against the United Slates, but were willing to obey the call. The man to whose name histwry has no parallel,put himself at the head of these troops to quell the insurrec tion. All power was placed in his hands by the act of November 24, 1794, vol. 2, p. 451, and the President was author ized to place inWest Pennsylvania a corps of twenty-five hundred men either drafted or eulisied. The sixth section of the bill had refer ence to the reptev.u law of South Caro lina, and was justified and rendered no cessary by tbe 12th sectiou of that act which prohibited any person from hiring or permitting to bo used any building, to serve as a jail for the confinement of any person committed for a violation of the revenue laws, under penalty of being ad judged guilty of a misdemeanor and fined 1000 dollars and imprisoned for one year The State law, therefore, closes all the gaols and buildings of South Carolina a gainst prisoners held by process from the U. States for a refusal to yield obedience to their laws. Ii was necessary, there fore, that something should be done. The case might n<>) be fully met by the reso* lution of Sd March,l79l, vol. 2, p. 236; and this section merely incorporates that provision, without the introduction of any novel principle. The seventh and remaining section of the bill extends the writ of habeas corpus to a case not covered by existing laws. These laws do not extend to any other than cases of confinement under tho au thority of the U. States, and when com 'ranted for trial before the U. S. Courts, or are necessary tn testify. He referred the Senate to vol. 2, p. 63, to the 14th section of the Judiciary act. The pres* ent section merely extended the privileg esef (hat act, which was so essential t« the protection of tho liberties of our citi zens. It extended the act to cases of imprisonment for executing the laws of the U. S. There would be nothing ob jectionable in this section,it came in con flict with code of laws. If a citizen were confined under the provisions of the Ordinance of the 24ih Nov. 1832, he could have no remedy tinder the laws as they uow exist. As all such cases arose under the laws of the State of S. C. this section only extended the privileges of the writ of habeas corpus to meet those particular cases which had originated in the piesent state of things* He had now done, having fully attem pted to explain the reasons which had in duced him to give his sanctiouto the bill. He should only say, in addition, that if it were the pleasure of Congress to enact this hill into a law, he should most fer vently pray that no occasion might ever occur to require a resort to its provisions It was bis desire the present bill, when it should become a law, might be rendeid unnecessary by a return of the state wf happy tranquility which would renew the cement of our Union, and might lie for ages to come, without the necessity of re ference to its provisions, slumbering in the libraries of the lawyers end among the archival of legislation. IVom the Washington Globe. S’afATE SOVEREIGNTY. What a mockery Gen Hamilton is ma king of the 'sovereignty of South Carolina! A Convention has been assembled which has ordained in the most solemn manner that the Tariff laws shall not be executed within that State after ihe fir>t day of February. The Legislature havo been ca led together, and have passed acts to prevent their execution. Cannon, musk etsand munitions of war have been pur chased, and arrangements made for the march of troops to enforce this peace ful rented)/. The State is placed in her panoply and stands on her sovereignty, ready to execute the high behests of her august Convention, But, are the fated day arrives, Gen. Hamilton and his associa’es collect to gether a few hundred of the people of Charleston in the Circus and there resolve and declare, in substance, if not in form, that they will net obey the sovereign voice of their State, on the first of February ; that the execution of the Ordinance aud the Legislative acts, and the obligation of their oaths to enforce them, shall be post poned until March!! Is not this a solemn mockery of (hat State sovereignty which is professedly so much the object of their adoration] A fact was disclosed by Hamilton in his spnech which illustrates the chaiucier of this excitement. It seems the patriot ic General was fearful t-hat the peaceable merchants and citizens of his State would not avail themselves of his peaceful reme dy, and that nb opportunity would be afforded to bring the two governments in to collision. He, therefore, deemed it necessary to make an occasion for the ex press purpose! He sent a part of his crop to the West Indies and procured a return in sugar with the sole object of producing a conflict with the autherities of the General Government! Look dl this. Here are a few men who raise an excitement by misrepresen tation and salsa reasoning; they work up a majority «f the State to the call of a Convention, for a peaceful purpose and then entrap them by the adoption of rev olutionary measuirs, by that body and 'he Legislature; they organize several thousands of velunteers, and provide Hints and munitions of war; and after all. the people take so little interest in reeking re. lief from alleged oppressions, that the managers have actually to mal e a case to put the ball of revolution in motion ! What could more clearly prove, that the whole is gotten up for the special benefit of a few leading men who had rather “rule in Hell than serve in Heaven.” AUGUSTA. WEDNESDAY, FEB. 12. O' We received no papers this morning be yond Norfolk, Vir. James Primrose, Esq wag chosen Tax Col lector of Richmond county, on Monday last, by a 51 cat majority. The Theatre wng re-opened last night with the pUy of Otheilo.—To-night will be represented Tizarro, or the Death of Roll*. The Stage has been enlarged and its beautiful scenery may be displayed to tho best effect. Wo forgot lo mention in our last, that Mr. Harrinoton has delayed his departure, ami o pened the Circus in the rear of the Store of Frederick & Cos. Literary 1 The students in the University of Georgia, lust week, burnt Gen. Jackson in ef figy. This amiable Academical exercise was performed, immediately after morning prayets, in front of the College Chape) We have not understood what Professor presided on the oc casion. A Theatrical Church arid fighting Parson.—ln a neighboring Church in South-Carolina, their Preacher locently, on tbe Sabbath day too, (old his Congregation, (he was preaching politics, not religion) that he would rather come down from the sacred place, where he wag-standing* and fight with them, (in the cause of Nullifica tion) than dispense the bread of everlasting life. His audience clapped their hands, stamped and shouted, as in a Theatre. About the time Geo. Hamilton was giving his recent orders relative to depots of corn and ba can on his three great routs from the mountains to Ihe sea-board, a Tennessee drover, learning that his hogs might be wanted for some of the depots, consulted one of our butchers, whether he should make pitkled pork of them and keep it for the anticipated market which the Nuilifiers were likely to create for its profitable sate. The Butcher, being more inclined to starve the Nub lies than feed them, advised him to sell Lis Pork to houc9t folks, and he did so. The retreat.— The creeping out place of the Nuliifiers, we think, ie fixed at last. They will shun all danger, t notwithstanding their chivalry and re-assembling their Convention throw the responsibility of seceding or not, on the people, whom they have been deluding. That people will renew the lamp of patriotism at the altar of of their common country, Rnd swear to liveßnd die under its glorious banner. The people will (decide against their schemes of disunion, and their disappointed leaders be coveted with the shame of defeated guilt. The Governor of Illinois has pronounced the South Carolina Ordinance ‘ a treasonable attempt to dismember the Conft deracy,” and both Hous es of the Legislature, with only one dissenting vote, have pronounced it treason, if attempted by armed lorce. Mr. Ritchie in commenting on Mr. Leigh’s mission to Carolina, says, if it fails, •• It will show that South Carolina is still more precipi-' tate, more “ wandering,” or her purposes more mischievous than ever we had supposed them and that it is still more urgently our duty to re sist her schemes, and to rally around the Un ion.” The nature of this mission is attempted to be mis represented, by saying Mr. Leigh had a pledge te give South Carolina, if she would suspend her Ordnance, and the Tariff watt, not reduced, that Virginia would go with her. We can uot say we know this is false—but have every rea. son to justify such a belief. The Virginia Le gislature had no secret session, and Mr Leigh could have received no such instructions. He was simply the honored bearer of Virginia’s wishes and advice, as exhibited in her resolu tions adopted publicly by the Legislature, Be sides, it was at Ji r st one of the objections the Carolina nullifiers made to acceding to the me diation of Virginia—that Mr. Leigh was the hearer of no pledge of what she would do in future, if her advice was now taken by Caroli na. They may reconcile their first course wiih their present, if ihey can. But this is another species of the art of bolstering up a falling cause. It will he found as baseless as any of its predecessors. she Senators appear to be apprehensive they w*l! not all get „ chance to speak. Mr* Cal houn has been extremely impatient under the strictures which he has been doomed to hear on South Carolina’s conduct. He is constantly in terrupting the debate. Mr. Gru idy was rude enough so intimate, chat gentlemen should be made to take it regularly turn about. SUMMARY. Mr. Adams give notice satin* time since ihai he would move t» strike out the enacting clausß in the Tariff Bill, It'lvas rejected. Ayes 68 Noes 86 Mr. Appleton’s amendment to Mr. Whim's amendment on the subject of duties oil Cottons wag also negatived, 70 ayes, nays 80.— Mr. Howard proposed, in lieu of Mr. White's amendment, rhe provissions of the act of 1816, on the same subject. Rejected without a CoWrU Mr White’s amendment was then adopted.— Ayes 69, Noes 6§— the Chairman of the Coins mitleee of the whole, Mr. Wayne, voting in thu affirm Itive Mr. Joeifei moved t 0 amend the hill by reducing the duty on Iron one half—lost Me then moved to stiike out all aft,. r the enact ing clUuse and provide that the p«esenr rate of duties remain until the 3d, March 1834, and af ter that time the duties be reduced at the rale of ——r per cent., so as to reduce the revenue to 16 millions—this was lost. Mr Umy moved trt reinstate the duty on iron, ag in the act of 183$ lost. The Committee weie proceeding slowly* in mati> ring the details ol ( the bill, on the (till inM. the failure of Mr. Adams’ motion renders it more probable, tlint this bill m »y wado through the House, this session. Every thing that reaches us from Washington renders it nlm :st certain, that nothing wit) tie done with the iat iff this session of Congress. We wetc nc vet sanguine of it. As the bill oflaft session only go<* into ■ peration m at month,- its effects might be considered w orthy of ascertain ment before u new bill was passed; and ft e same members composed the National Lcgisli*. lure, whoso reluctantly consented to Ihe bill of 183 J On the b tek o t these disadvantageous ci• - cu Distances comes the dictation of Jjoiith-Csroli nn, and the suspension of the Tariff discus-iott b v the necessary consideration of the new peti tion ot uff.irs and the means of meeting it in ;i proper manner. We are nearly sure, Mr. Vrr plnivk g bill will not piss the H -use and cetinin it will uot the Senate, this sesdr.iri- The fieri Coegress, composed fts it will be of so many iu w members favorable to reduction, is the oi»r to which we have confidently looked for this result, in conformity to the situation ot tile Country, its freedom from debt, and tiie lessoned necessity’' for high duties front the eucreased ability of thu manufacturers to meet foreign competition. Jn that time Ihe national dtfi.t will he so nearly paid off, tlint it may be considered ns done—the ef fects ofthe law of 1832 will be ascertained—the supiemacy of the laws vindicated, and all the national interests likely to be .->ffc*clcU by a modi fication of the policy, will have bad time grad ually to accommodate themselves to the chmpn. of circumstances The duties were imposed gradually—the pulley gradually adopted— the manufacturing establishments it lias fostered were gradually built uj sweep them not awn/ by a sudden transition fioiu'-oiie extieme to tha other. Ihe rights of individuals, as wedasthp national interests, would suiter hy such sudden, rash and empirical legislation as is demand and by tliose, who ate nnre governed by passion than reason in this m'itter. Southern interests would suffer as much as these of any other quarter. Take a single instance. If the maonfacturing interest is generally crushed by a sudden aboli tion of protecting duties, how will it affect our staple article? This year not less than 1150 000 bales of cotton will be used in the domestic con sumption, without any additional factories.— Throw that much more into our already glut ted foreign market, by ihe destruction of our manufactories, and what is the consequence T The increased quantity produces a less demand &i a lessened priee. How does the matter now stand? Who opens the unitket .'every ye?x from New Orleans Is Providence ? Who gives Ihe highest pi ire ? Does not the manufacturer give, every year, from u £ to 1 cent inure for our cotton than the speculator? Destroy thp (Ongumpuon oi couon ro me amount or the home consumption by the'sudden abolition of protecting duties, and you will see the conge, quence. Instead of destroying any manufac tory in the Union, it would be the part of good citizens to build them up every where. There ijr an overproduction of cotton, which is increas ing every year* place the surplus hands in, manufactories, and the country rewps a double benefit—from the matiufactuies themselves, hsr fron the enhanced value of the raw material, produced by the lessened production and increa sed consumption. We regret, that the Man#, facluring Companies in this State, ioeorpore. ted by the last Legislature, are lying upon tbeir oars to see the fate of the protective system. We think delay is injudicious, for however that question may lie settled, manufacturing must he. a profitable business here, even if the process is. carried no farther than spinning the yarn. Those now in operation *• the South cannot supply the demand for the domestic loom; if they could, the hand cards and wheel, over which oui country girls chant the song of contented happi. ness, would give place to the cheaper and more rapid production of improved machinery Rest, assured. Southern Manufacturing would not only be profitable both to individuals and the cornmu-. nity; but it is the surest, the safest and most cred'- itable way of obviating the alleged inequality* of the Tariff in favor of .Northmen ir,trr«^p>