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TH EC OU K I EK,
By J. G. M’ W hor tcr.
TERMS.
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From the Boston Atlas of August 4.
THE SLAVE QUESTION.
We have expressed but a single opin
ion on this agitating topic, from the time
that it first became necessary to discuss it
in the public journals. We have uniform
]y and decidedly condemned the violent
movements, and still more violent lan
guage, of the immediate .Abolitionists.
The evil, great as it is, we shall only ag
gravate by agitating. The sufferings of
the slave— great as they may be—we shall
only increase by our rash interference.
'Let Abolitionists ask themselves, In
what manner can we interfere with the
slaves of the South, with any reasonable
expectation of bettering their condition?
It must be either with or without the con
sent of their masters. It you propose to
adopt your measures with the con-ent of
their masters, go among them and pro
mulgate your doctrines. If they will con
sent to their adoption, they will certainly
consentto listen tothem. If you mean to
force your opinions on them— to compel
them to a manumission of their slaves—
you at once light up the flames of civil
war. The whole question resolves itself
into this—and can be < onsidered only in
this point of view.
If this is then your intention, avow it.
Proclaim that you are agitating in New-
England, and are preparing to agitate in
Europe, for the purpose of compelling a
release of all slave property —avow this
intention—snd this must be your intention
if you mean anything—and see how many
of your deluded followers would still
cling to you. We abhor slavery as hear
tily as we hate any thing else that is op
pressive, unjust, and odious. But there
is no more reason fora movement in New
England, to reduce the Southern States,
and compel them to release their slaves,
than there would have been for our join
ing Poland in her struggle against the
Autocrat of the North—or in exciting the
serfs of Russia to a rebellion against their
legitimate Government.
As far as this question is concerned, the
slave States are, to all intents and purpo
ses, a Foreign Nation. We have no more
right, and no more power to meddle with
the slaves of South Carolina, than we
have to meddle with those of the West
India islands. And if we attempt it, it
can only be through battle and bloodshed
that we shall succeed in such a plan of
emancipation.
We regret to learn that there is to be
more American agitation on this subject
m England. The Abolition Society is
sending on, agents to work for them there
—how, and to what end? To raise funds
for the purchase of the slaves? or to pay
itinerants for preaching up an excitement
iijNew England and New York?
It is of the greatest importance that pub
lic meetings should be held throughout
New Isngland, to declare the sentiments
of the People at large with reference to
the movements of the fanatics and aboli
tionists—those who profess themselves
ready to go through the double horrors of
a servile and a civil war for the remote
chance of succeeding in a compulsory
emancipation.
From the N. Y. Journal of Commerce,
Atrocious Conspiracy.— The time has
arrived when it is necessary for everyAm
erican, for every citizen more especially
of the non-slave holding states north of
the Potomac, who value this union and its
institutions, to speak out boldly, and to dis
claim in the most unequivocal manner, all
connexion with the horrid conspiracy
which there can now be no longer a doubt
the Abolition fanatics of the north are
plotting against the peace and lives ofour
southern neighbors. The late extorsive,
plans developed thecargoes
of seditious and treasonable tracts and
pamphlets, a few days since noticed as ar
riving at Norfolk and Charleston, incon
sequence of the enormous quantity ofthese
publications brought in the Columbia,
steamer, from New York, in the public ;
mail, clearly demonstrate a preconcerted
and most atrocious conspiracy set on !
foot by the incendiaries of the Tappan and
Garrison School, to light up the torch of
civil war over every part of the Southern
States.
We have hitherto, from a reluctance to
intermeddle with the freedom of discus
sion abstained, as much as possible, from
touching on this exciting subject, hoping
and trusting that the impressive lessons
which the abolitionists received in New
York, a year since and in the general
sense of indignation wh ch every honest
citizen of the north have expressed against
their revolting doctrines, would have de
terred them from proceeding farther, and
brought them back to a returning sense
of propriety. We had fondly cherished
the expectation thatthe subject would have
gradually died away, and been abandon
ed by the madmen who had agitated it,
We have been most grievously disappoint
ed; and we are now convinced that they
are determined to proceed in their crimin
al designs, be the consequences what they
may. It therefore behoves our fellow citi
zens,and|our municipal & state authorities,
to adopt at once, such public measures as
may enable us to operate with our friends
at the south against the base wretches
who are the authors ofthese treasonable
schemes. As wi possess the power and
the means,it is our imperious duty to make
I common cause against, and to apprehend
’ these incendiaries, wherever the}’ may be
; found, as the enemies and traitors to our
■ country. Their vile pamphlets should
be seized upon as common nuisances a
gainst the morality and peace of the com
munity, and such proceedings be immedi
ately put into execution, as will effectually
secure the public from being contamined
or exasperated by their inflammatory doc
trines, either through the pressor post of
fice, or any other medium by which they
can be circulated or disseminated among
our citizens. The time has arrived when
these excesses must be promptly put down
if we wish to save our country, our liber
ties and our laws, and prevent a scene of
carnage and massacre, and of civil war,
such as ought to make every man who
reveres the land of his fathers and the sa
cred compact which binds us together,
tremble and shudder to think of it.
But if the case of right were never so
plain, how is a separation of the States to
be a remedy for the wrongs of which the
the South complains? How would that
check the effect of incendiary meetings,
and speeches, and books? In the case of
the Tariff, we could see how a dissolution
of the Union would dissolve the Tariff
But in the present case we do not see what
possible relationship there is betweinthe
disease and the remedy. If the Union
were severed,no territory would beannihi
lated The country North of Mason’s
and Dixon’s line would still exist, and Ab
olitionists would he as thick in it as be
fore. Ths necessities of communication
by mail would not be lessened, nor do we
see that in any way any thing would be
accomplished for the security of the South,
On the contrary, we can see that much of
the security they now possess would be
taken away. In the first place, the dispo
sition to stand by the South, and by all
proper means to discountenance and op
pose the violent measures of which she
complains, would be cooled by the con
sci usness, that by separation she had
grossly violated her duty and her consti
tutional obligations. The constitutional
pledge by which all the States are bound
to assist in the suppression of insurrection
whenever it may occur, and to restore fu
gitives, would be at an end. Indeed, we
see nothing but loss to the South by the
desperate measure which we are sorry to
hear sodreely talked of. It would be a
loss irreparable to all the States, compen
sated by no good,—no, not the smallest, to
any one of them. Why then, in the ab
sence of all motives but the restlessness of
passion, should we talk so freely of pro
ving ourselves unworthyofour birth-right
—recreant to the mheritance which our
fathers purchased for us with their blood?
******
If we may be left to the fair warfare of
argument, Northern intelligence and in
tegrity will soon frown them (the Aboli
tionists) into silence. But alas for the
poor negro! What is he to do in such
a conflict? If the Abolitionists have any
compassion where they pretend so much,
we pray them pause in their cruel ca
reer.
The Post Office and Abolition Tracts.
—The remedy for the uuworthy conduct
of Abolitionists in sending their publica
tions in cart loads by mail, is quite within
the control of Congress, and we presume
the laws now existing would be suffi
cient if applied. If publications are for
warded by mail to persons not subscribers,
and so are taken out, on being returned to
the office where they were first deposited,
the depositor is bound to redeem them
with double postage. If this is not suffi
cient, Congress could amend the lawsoas
to compel the editors of periodical or news
papers, and the depositors of phamplets,
wnenever required by the Postmaster to
pay the postage at the time of making the
deposit, and to give security to treble or
quadruple postage, in case they should be
returned. Such a law would be no a
bridgoment of private rights. Under it
letabolitionists lumber the Southern mails
with tomes of inflammatory abuse; and
let the South send them back. It is easy
to see that the game could not last long.
From the New York Journal of Com. 7th inst.
Excitement a t the North and at the
South.—\\ hile the better discretion of the
North is engaged in counteracting the vi
olent eflo ts of fanatics here, we find our
selves assailed by fanatics at the South,
not less deserving of rebuke. The threat
of separating the Union, which had scarce
ly died away since the settlement of the
tariff question, is revived, and made again
to stalk abroad to affright us. It is a cry
we always dislike, come whence it will.
1 o our ears it speaks ill of the patriotism
ofthose who make it, and their readiness
to adhere in good faith to the compact of
the Constitution, d’hat the instrument
was not drawn up with the understanding
that each State should either have its own
way in rill things, or throw up the bar
gain. 1 fiat would have been childish,
Cur lathers agreed to trust themselves to
thc working of- ie great instrument they
at famed,and abide the result. To sound
the cry of dissolution as the grand argu
ment on all occasions of dissatisfaction? is
,m i er just nor manlv. Something like
a dissolution of the Union has been at
tempted once by the Nullifies, and it was
found to be an exceedingly awkward busi
ness Politicians were never more puz
zled than were those of S, Carol ini in
framing a nullifying system. The reme
dy, though pretty enough on paper, was
I found far from “peaceable” in practice In
the present case there is no pretence for
{separation which has the semblance of
I soundness. The movements of which
I the South complains are made by a por
| lion ol the community too small to impli
i cate the whole, especially as a great ma-
jority think with the South that the course
of the Northern fanatics is wrong, and are
doing not a little to counteract it. ‘ The
Richmond Whig says the South is enti
tled to legislative interference for prevent
ing the manufacture in the Northern cit
ies of those missiles which assail its tran
quility. Is it possible (asks the Whig)
thatthe power of the States is not adequate
to the suppression of cases of offence a
gainst a sister State, which between for
eign States, would be just cause of war?”
We shall adopt no such measure as the
Whig recommends. The thing is as im
practicable as the plans oft he Abolitionists.
We reason errors down in this part of the
country, except that now and then of late
years we have tried a mob" But by the
process of reasoning, we have brought the
Abolitionists to a stand, and by tire same
process, with the favor of Provider ce, (if
the South will let us alone) will weentire
ly deprive them of any power to do mis
chief. It is about two years since the Gar
rison sect assumed consequence enough
to attract the public attention, and we dare
engage its race is full half run. We ac
knowledge that we think the South has
reason to complain loudly, and to be in
some measure alarmed for the effects of
t h e i n flam ma to r y con d u c I of the fu riou s Ab
olitionists; and iftbeir course should ever
come to be pursued by the great mass of
A orthern men, the South would have rea
on to look about for remedies, perhaps e
ven forthose which are violent. But why
should the South be separated from its
friends] from a community, an immense
majority of whom are for repressing all
violence, why take such a course mere
ly to revenge the doings of a small minor
ity?
From the New York Spirit of the Times.
THE ABOLITIONISTS.
We cannot refrain from the earnest and
sober expression of our feelings in regard
to the excitement which has been raised
at the South by the infamous and insur
rectionary movements of our Northern
abolitionists.—That a small band of igno
rant and fanatical, though influential and
wealthy men, urged on by the cheersand
bowlings of mercenary and wicked quack
philanthropists, and foreign, travelling
missionaries of evil, should be allowed to
jeopardize our national Union, and put at
hazard the lives and property of our
Southern citizens by the circulation of in
flammatory writings in the slave holding
States, is wicked and monstrous beyond
endurance. The number of abolitionists
in our immediate vicinity must be small—
for we do not recollect having ever yet
met one—a solitary one in private life; but
that, small as their number is, they are
doing incalculable mischief at the present
time, no one pretends to doubt.
There are certain interests of men, a
bout which, when placed in jeopardy, we
do not stop to deliberate or to consult the
tedious and uncertain forms of law ; but
we act from natural impulse,—the instinct
of self-preservation, which is earlier than
all written law. Precisely such an inter
est is that ofour southern fellow citizens
in the slave question. Their personal
safety and their fortunes are ata stake in
the matter, and no one demands or expects
them to act otherwise on this subject than
to put down, at any hazard, summarily
and decisively, the slightest attempt to in
terfere with them. Knowing this as we
all do, we must regard the efforts of our
Abolitionists to excite disturbance at the
south as wicked and outrageous.
But Southerners ought to be made to
know that the number of this fanatical
crew is small, and that they are universal
ly regarded in this city and state, and in
the northern states generally, as vain reck
less and uncharitable bigots.
It will be seen that the citizens of
Charleston have committed the manage
ment of the fanatics to the care of the most
eminent of her citizens, and what has al
ready occurred, gives us the firmest assu
rance that the whole business will be man
aged with a dignity and discretion which
the occasion demands.
On Monday afternoon tin? store-keepers
of Charleston met, and resolved to have
no dealings with any northern merchant
or other person who is engaged in the
cause of abolition. This is but sheer jus
tice, The miscreant who would seek to
shed the blood of a brother in violation of
law, justice and humanity—and without
the slightest provocation, is not only un
worthy of being dealt with, but deserves
to be hurried from human society. We
fear, however, that this resolution will not
bear heavily upon the abolitionisfs, as the !
mass of them are a set of unprincipled fa-1
natics and beggarly wretches. But so far I
as this resolution operates, it will do good.
We cannot refrain from expressing our
satisfaction at the absence of any unkind
allusion to the people of New England, i
in the late proceedings of the citizens of j
Charleston. We had feared a terrible '
explosion of popular feeling, which would 1
have visited with vengeance the entire
people from whom the incendiary pamph
lets have issued. But the utmost dignity
and judgment have characterised "their
deliberations. Indeed it seems to us high- '
ly important that a clear discrimination I
should at all times be drawn between the
abolitionists and the great body of the
Northern people who frown upon them
with as much austerity as we do ourselves.
We acknowledge the patriotism of such a
course, and we are anxious that popular
resentment should fix itself only on those
who deserve it.— Norfolk Beacon.
Crops.— Never have known them bet
ter at this season of the year. Our corn
fields resemble canebreaks,—and our Cot
ton, fields look well. Should the season
continue favorable, the harvest will be
great and the husbandman amply reward
ed for his labor.— Montgomery [,l/al :
ver/iser. J !
From the Constitutionalist of Friday.
We give in this day’s paper the proceed
ings of the meeting held in Charleston
on Monday last. The resolutions adopted
express, in a language that cannot be mis
taken, the sentiments of every Southerner.
The 7th resolution recommending a
Convention, in order to express the feel
ings of the South, we object to, as un
necessary. TheSouth doesnot require a
convention to make known her sentimmts !
—on this subject there is but one senti-'
meat —under the constitution of the United
States our rights are secured to us—
should an attempt be made to deprive us
of our rights, is there a southerner that
will not lay down bis life in defence of
those rights? To v horn is the convention
to make known the truth, “that however
I we may differ on other points, we are on
1 this subject united as one man, in the fixed
land unalterable determination tomainiain
; our rights and defend our property against
all attacks —be the consequences what
I they may?”To our noithern friends? Have
our northern brethren attempted to de
, prive us ofour property? Do our norlh
| ern brethren encourage the few fanatics
I among them in their diabolical schemes?
■ No. They have too much veneration and
| love of country to be instrumental in vio
lating the constitution of their common
country —they know’ that under that con
stitution we hold our rights—and they
would be the last in the world to assist in
unlawfully depriving us cf those rights.
Who are the people of the non slave hold
ing states, thatthe south should hold a
convention, for the purpose of making an
earnest appeal tothem? Are they foreign
ers or enemies to the south? No, they
• are our brothers-bound to us by every tic
I that can bind the human heart to country
—is there any stronger tie than this?
Did not their forefathers leave mothers,
wives and home, and laydown their lives
in the cause of their country —did they not
'march poorly clad and barely shod from
the north to the South, to assist us in dri
ving from our shores the enemies of our
common country? And have the sons of
the north become so recreant, that it be
comes necessary for the south to hold a
convention in order to appeal to them to
secure to us our rights guaranteed by the
constitution? We are opposed to a south
ern convention, we hope we may never
i live to see one held; there, is already too
; much sectional distinction in our country,
I and every American should endeavor to
put it dowu—we are all brethren —Ame-
ricans—out of our country, come we from
the North or South, we are looked upon
and feel proud of the name of American!
We think no good can ever come from a
southern convention—it would only be the
means of drawing a line, which every A
merican should endeavor to obliterate—
our Union we compare to the bundle ol
sticks given by the old man on his death
bed to his sons to break; so long as they
were closely tied together they could not
be broken, but no sooner were they untied,
than they could all easily be broken. So
with our blessed union—while it is bound
together by friendship and brotherly love
—we can bid defiance to the world—and
it should be the object of every American
to strengthen these chords.
As to the fanatics, the cause of this pub
lic meeting, we think it is proper for the
south to adopt measures to counteract their
unhallowed schemes. But it is time
enough to adopt a southern convention,
when we seethe north disposed to uphold
them—but not to appeal! Do the citizens j
of the north uphold the fanatics in their
mad schemes? Is there a press in the
northern states, except those established
by the abolitionists themselves, that up
holds them? There is not one. And
from the evidence we have before us, the
day is not far distant when the citizens of
the north will, in one body, demolish, not
only their presses, but the abolitionists
themselves.
Post Office Department, )
August 4th, 1835. <j
P. M. Charleston, S. C.
Sir: In your letter of the 26th ult. just
received, you inform me that by the steam
boat mail from New York your office had
been filled with pamphlets and tracts upon
slavery; that the public mind was highly p
excited upon the subject; that you doubt
ed the safety of the mail itself out of vour
possession; that you had determined as
the wisest course to detain these papers;
and you now ask instructions from the
Department.
Upon a careful examination of the law,
I am satisfied that the Postmaster General
has no legal authority to exclude newspa
pers from the mail, nor prohibit their car
riage or delivery on account of their char
acter or tendency, real or supposed. Pro
bably, it was not thought safe to confer on
the head of an executive department a
power over the press, which might be per
verted and abused.
But I am not prepared to direct you to
forward or deliver the papers of which you
speak. The Post Office Department was
created to serve the people of each and of i
the United States, and not to be used as
the instrument of their destruction. None ;
of the papers detained have been forward
ed to me, and I cannot judge for myself
of their character and tendency; but you
inform me that they are, in character, “the
most inflammatory and incendiary —and '
insurrectionary in the highest degree.” ,
By no act, or direction of mine, official i
or private, could Ibe induced to aid, know- 1
ingly, in giving circulation to papers of '
this description, directly or indirectly.— .
AVe owe an obligation to the laws, but a t
higher one to the communities in which 1
we live, and if the former be perverted to 1
destroy the latter, it is patriotism to disre- •
gard them. Entertaining these views, I i
cannot sanction, and will not condemn the
step you have taken.
our justification must be looked for ■
in the character of the papers detained, (
and the circumstances by which you are '
surrounded, AMOS KENDALL '
8 DAYS LATER FROM ENGLAND
New York, Aug. 8.
By’ the arrival,this morning, of the pack
et Sheffield, Capt Allen, from Liverpool
whence she sailed on the 9th July, the ed
itors of the Commercial Advertiser have
received their complete files of London pa
pers to the Sth inclusive,and Liverpool to
the 9th. Considering the present State
of Europe, they are singularly barren of
intelligence.
i Capt. Allen informs us that on his day
I of sailing, a telegraphic despatch was re
ceived announcing that an attempt had
been made to assassinate the King ol
France; but, of course, there is no mention
of it in the papers.
ENGLAND.
Mr. O’Connell, on the Ist July, announ-
I cd his intention to bringing Lili for the re!
' lief of the Irish poor, if no other member
' should do so, but named no day, and the
! wording of his notice was such as to lead
■ to the beliefthat he should not fulfil it du- i
’ ring the present session.
I Lord Brougham introduced his prom-!
1 ised bill on the subject of general educa-l
tion, on the third, when it was read a first
■ time.
| On the same day a petition was presen
‘ted in the Commons, by Mr. H. L. Bul
wer, from New South Wales—signed by
six thousand persons.and praying for the
adoption of a legislative assembly in that
colony.
The official tables on the revenue for
the quarter ending on the sth of July,
show a deficiency, both upon the financi
al year and quarter, as compared with
those of preceding year—upon the form
er of 1,758,886/ — upon the quarter of
646,407/
The marriage of Ada Augusta Byron
with lord King, is announced to take place
on the 7th July.
An election was going on to supply the
vacancy occasioned by the death of Mr.
Cobbett. The candidates were Mr. John
Cobbett, radical; Mr. Lees, conservative;
and Mr. Fergus O’Connor of the O’Con
nell faction. The latter retired from the
contest after a short trial, and it was ex
pected Mr- Lees would be elected.
On the 6th July Sir Robert Peel gave
notice of the course he intended to pur
sue in relation to the Irish church bill
It was in substance, to move an instruc
tion to the committee to divide the bill, se
parating that part which goes to the ap
propriation of ecclesiastical property to
other than ecclesiastical purposes, from
that which goes to relieve the suffering
clergy of Ireland. The former portion,
he said he should ever oppose, while the
latter properly’ modified; would receive
his cordial support. The great battle up
on this bill was expected to take place on
the 17th or 21st,
FRANCE.
There is scarcely an item in the papers
respecting this kingdom, worth noticing.
The latest dates are of the 6th July, under
which date a letter from Paris says, “No
news afloat, save the statement of the
Pure, a Bayonne paper, that Don Carlos
has ordered the arrest of the physician
who attended Zumalacarreguy, for
havinggiven him too much laudanum.
SPAIN.
From this distracted country’, there are
rumors in abundance, and statements
which contradict each other as flatly as
yes and no. The seige of Bilboa does
not appearjto have been raised, but the
following telegraphic despatch, dated Bay
onne, Saturday, July 4th, had been receiv
ed at Paris.
‘The Queen’s troops, to the number of
20,000 men entered Bilboa on the Ist inst
at 2 o’clock, P. M. No fighting took
place. Doo Carlos established his head
quarters, the preceding day, at Onate.’
Thread Memorandum.- —The custom
of tying thread about the finger byway of
a visible memorandum, is a very’ ancient
one, and seems to be derived from a Jew
ish law—“thou shaltbmd them for a sign
upon thine hand, and they shall be as
frontlets between the eyes.”—Deut. 6, 8.
An Irishman who was offering oranges
for sale, was asked what they called them
,in Ireland? Says Paddy, “we don’t call
them at all, when we want them, we go
and fetch them.”
DEWARE OF DECEPTION!!!
A TTEMPTS have recent]}’ been made by
a house in the City of New York, to prac
tice one of the most unblushing impositions ever
conceived by the most, designing.
It is know that “Rowand’s Tonic Mixture,”
after an extensive trial of its merits throughout
the country, has proved its usefulness to such
universal satisfaction as a thorough and radical
cure for Fever and Ague, as to have become
identified with the necessities of a great portion
of the inhabitants of the United States.
The unbounded popularity,therefore, that this
medicine has secured to itself, has excited the
cupidity of certain no strum-venders of notoriety
who have dared to mix up a trash hoping to put it
off upon the ignorant and unwary as the genu
ine “Rowand’s Tonic Mixture.” For this pur
pose they have substituted a fictitious name in
sound and appearance very similar to the true
“Rowand’s Tonic Mixture.” The border of
the envelope has been very closely imitated, and
one half of its reading matter purloined where
by the copyright oi the author has been infring
ed; and have without authority and fraudulent
ly made use ol the namesand certificates of high
ly respectable individuals, who have testified to
the value and excellence ofthe true “Rowand’s
Tonic Mixture,” attaching the same to the base
and spurious imitation. This trick cannot suc
ceed amongst the careful and intelligent part
ol the community—but is calculated to deceive
to a dangerous extent the ignorant and uncau
tious. Legal proceedings, however, will be im
mediately instituted to punish the fraud, and at
the same time an appeal is earnestly made to
all who may have an opportunity to expose
the imposture, toextend their influence in order
to protect distress and sufffering from such inhu
man designs.
N. B.—The genuine “Rowand’s Tonic Mix
ture” may be had of Wm. J. Hobby, sole agent
for Angusta and its vicinity.
July 30 3t 91
FOUR months after date, application will be
made to the Inferior Court of Richmond
county, when sitting for ordinary purposes tor
leave tosell a Tract of Land and Negro belong
ing to Valentine W. Watkins, a minor.
may 15 mlm R. A. WATKINS. Guard.
AUGUSTA,
MON D AY, AUGUST 17, 1835.
for governor.
WILLIAM SCHLEY.
FOR CONGRESS,
JABEZ JACKSON.
JESSE F. CLEVELAND.
An error occurred in our last, relative to the
North Carolina elections. Hawkins is elected 1
—not Crudup —to Congress.
We publish the judicious and excellent letter
of the Post Mastei General to \he Post Master
of Charleston, on the subject of Incendiary’ pub
lications in the Mail. The same one was ad
dressed also lathe Post Master here, who, we
hope, will have no occasion in future to furnish
us with the names of recipients, as he will cer
tainly distribute no more moral poison in this
City or State.
Head the Extracts we make from leading'
Noithern papers, and see how contemptible, in*
either influence or numbers, those fanatics
whose operations in the South our opponents
would have turned, if they could, to political
influence in their favor.
GREAT MOB.
Baltimore was agitated, on thisday week and
the two preceding days and nights, by a dread
tul Mob. It had not ceased when we heard
I last. The Governor of the State had arrived
and was endeavoring, we fear in vain, to reduce
the public ferment to order and quiet. Several
lives had been lost, and many persons had been
wounded, some supposed mortally. The Mayor
of the city was wounded, had resigned and fled
—his house, with others of the wealthiest citi
zens, demolished, and their rich furniture burnt
in the streets. Among the houses attacked are
Mr. John Glenn’s, Beverly Johnson’s, Jesse
Hunt’s, (Mayor), John B. Morris’, Evan T.
Ellicott’s, and Capt. Benzinger’s (of the Caval
ry), and Job Smith’s and Hugh McElderry’s
threatened. The Mob of 1812 was nothing to
the representations of the late one. All this
has grown out of the public discontent produced
by the failure of the Bank of Maryland. That
Bank failed under circumstances that gave rise
to the belief that there had been foul play, and
nosatisfactoiy explanation of its affairs had ever
been made to the sufferers. Promises had been
given, that there should eventually’ be little or
no loss to the creditors of the Bank; but finding
that these promises were delusive, the citizens
became enraged, and adopted this dreadful
mode of revenging themselves for their suppo
sed injuries.
An Englishman of the name of Robertson,
had been, a short time since, detected in dis
tributing abolition pamphlets in Petersburg—
the citizens seized and slicked him. Shortly af
terwards, however, the same individual was as
certained to have been guilty- of the like crime,
at Lynchburg, and the indignation of the people
of that place was such, that they took him pris
oner, and hunt! him on the spot.
We learn that a sentiment of indignation,
(says the Norfolk Herald,) has been aroused in
N.York, with the aid of the press, at the late at
tempts of the Abolitionists to stir up insurrec
tion and anarchy in the Southern Slates, to a
degree very' little short of that which prevails at
the South. Rumor goes so far as to speak of a
determination to break up the Tappan concern,
by summary process.
Gen. Sanfohd has resigned his seat in Con
gress from this State., and rumor speaks of a
similar act by Gen. Coffee froln loss of sight.
II so, had we not better try the whole Congres
sional election over again? Our opponents
grumble, and think they have not been treated
justly. May be, they could do better next time.
We are willing—we love to beat them.
The Hopewell Presbytery, lately sitting in
Washington, Wilkes county, determined in fa
vor of Midway, (near Milledgeville) instead of
Washington, for the location of their College.
The Moderator gave the casting vote. Wash
ington had subscribed $15,000.
The Montgomery Advertiser of the I tth,states,
that there is no doubt of Judge Clav’s election
as Governor of Alabama, “by a majority’ of at
least 10,000 vote.- over Gen. Parsons, the While
candidate.
The degree of A. M. was conferred on the
following gentlemen of this State, at the late
Commencement at Athens:
Philip C. Clayton, Athens.
Stevens Thomas, jr. do.
W. R. H. Moseley, do.
Edward R. Harden, do.
John T. Grant, do.
H. C. Carter, do.
Daniel Inglis, Walton county.
T. F. Montgomery, DeKalb do.
Bennet Harris, Putnam do.
John B. Mallard, Liberty do.
James J. Gresham, Burke do.
Allen B. Means, Morgan do.
C. R. Ketchum, Augusta.
Wi’liatn Taylor, Sparta.
Francis R. Goulding, Greenesboro’.
Henry Sanders,
James A. Nisbet, Macon.
A. B. Powers, do.
Rev. A. T. Holmes, do.
It is a favorite argument with the Nullifiers t
against the alleged secret agency and under
standing of some of them with the Abolitionists,
that they are interested, like other people at the
South —are exposed to the same danger and
would not be accessory to cutting their own
throats. Not to urge, further, their utter reck
lessness of all consequences, provided they could
swim, we reply, that no set of men, than these
same agents, know’ better the perfect security of
the South from tl e alleged machinations of th?
North against our peculiar property—they know
perfectly well, that the fanatics are a mere hand
ful of “vain, reckless, uncharitable, bigots,” as
the New York Times has it, and that the great
mass of the Not them population are as sound
on this point as w’e could wish them. We say
they knew it and know that there was no dan
ger; but truth was not their object—they would
icse their own falsehoods, and the fanaticism of
the Abolition bigots, to build a Temple at the
South, of which they would be Chief Priests.
They are dirty materials, gentlemen, but they
suit the house aml the workmen.