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2 T H E C 0 U 111 ER, By J. G. M ’Whor(er. TERMS. This Paper is published every MONDAY, WEDNES DAY and FRIDAY afternoon, nt ,$0 per annum, payable iu advance. COUNTRY PAPER—Published every FRIDAY siP.er «oou at $3 per annum, iu advance, or i-4 at the expiration ■of the year. No Subscriptions received for less time than six months. ADVERTISEMENTS, not exceedinga square will be inserted the first time at 75cts.pcr square and 37J for each coutii nance. Advertisements of one square, published Weekly, at 75 cents for every insertion. Persons advertising by the year will be charged 30 dol lars including sub»cription and will be eutiilcd to one square in each paper. When persons hay • standing advertisements of several squares, special contracts may be made. No deduction will be made in future from these charges. A|l advertisements must have the number of inserrions mrrked on them; otherwise they will be inserted till for bid. and charged accordingly. SHERIFFS, CLERKS,'mid other public officers, will avn 25 per cent deducted iu their favor. • Extract from Governor M’Duffie’s Message, continued. If the benevolent friends of the black race would compare the condition of that portion of tin nr which we hold in servi tude, with that which still remains in Af rica, totally unblessed by trie lights of ci vilization or christii nity, and equally des titute of hope and of happiness, they would then be able to form some tolerable esti mate of what our blacks have lost by slavery in America, and what they would gain by freedom in Africa. Greatly as their condition has been improved, by their subjection to an enlightened and Christian people, (the only mode under heaven by which it could have been ac complished.) they are yet wholly unpre pared for any thing like a rational system ofself government. Emancipation would be a positive curse depriving them of a guardianship essential to their happiness, and they may well say in the language ol the Spanish proverb, “save us iffim ot.r friends and we will take care of ■ mies.” If emancipated, uh* r v. ■ i , live, and what would be their condition? The idea of their remaining among us is utterly visionary. Amalgamation is ab honnt io every sentiment of nature; and it they rt main as a separate caste, whether endowed with equal privileges or not, they wdl become our masters or we must resume the mastery over them. This state of political amalgamation andconflict which the abolitionists evidently aim to produce, would be the most hcriible con dition imaginable, and would furnish Dante or Milton with the type for another chapter illustrating the horrors ol the in fernal regions. The only disposition therefore, that could be made of our eman cipated slnvfs, would be their transporta tion to Africa to exterminate the natives or be exterminated by them; contingen cies, either of which may serve to illustrate the wisdom, if r.ot the philanthropy of those super-serviceable madmen, who in the name of humanity would desolate the fairest region of the earth, and destroy the most perfect system of social and political happiness that ever has existed. It is perfectly evident that the destiny of the negro race is either the worst possible form of political slavery, or domestic ser vitude as it exists in the slave holding states. The advantage of domestic slavery over the most favorable condition of political slavery, does not adgiit of a question. It is the obvious interest of the master, not less than his duty, to provide comfortable food and clothing for his slaves ; and what ever false and exaggerated stories may be propagated by mercenary travellers who make a trade of exchanging calumny for hospitality, the peasantry and operatives of no country in the world are better pro vided for in these respects, than the slaves of our country. In the single empire of Great Britain, the most free and enlight ened nation in Europe, there are more ' wretched paupers and half starving ope ratives, than there are negro slaves in the United States. In all respects, the com forts of our slaves are greatly superior to v thosd of the English operatives, or the Irish and Continental peasantry, to say nothing of the millions of paupers ciowd ed together in those loathsome receptacles of starving humanity, the public poor houses. Beside the hardship of inces sant toil, too much almost for human na ture to endure, arid the sufferings of actual want driving them almost to despair, these misera.b e creatures are perpetually an noyed by the most distressing cares for the futurecondition of themselves and their children. From this excess of labor, this actual want and these d.stressing cares, our slaves are entirely exempted They hab itually labour from two to four hours a day less than the operatives in other coun tries, and it has been truly remarked by some writer, that a negro cannot be made to injure himself by excessive labor. It may be safely affirmed that they usually eat as much wholesome and substantial i food jn one day as English operatives or Irish peasants eat in two. And as re gards concern for the future, their condi tion may well be envied even by their own masters. There is not u pon the face of the eaith, any class of people,.high or low, *o perfectly free from care and anxiety' They know that their masters will p rj . vide for them, under all circumstance*, and that in the extremity of old age, instead of being driven to beggary or to seek pub lic charity in a poor house, they will be comfortably accommodated and kindly treated among their relatives and associ ates. Cato the elder has been regarded as a model of Roman virtue, and yet he is said to have sold his superannuated slaves to avoid the expense of maintaining them. The citizens of this St ite may not asnire to riyal the virtue of the R men may be safely affirmed that tl.e U( | doom to execration that master \\ ho should imitate the inhuman example of the Ro man paragon. The government of oqr slaves is strictly pat rareha I, and produ ces those mutual feelings of kindness on the part of the master and fidelity and at tachment on the* part of the slave, which ®an only result from a constant inter- ’ change of good eflices, and which can on- ! |y exist in a system of domestic or patri- j archal slavery. They are entirely un known either .in a state of political slavery, or in that form of domestic servitude which exists in all other communities. In a word, our slaves are cheerful, contented and happy, much beyond the general condition of the human race, ex cept where those foreign intruders and fa tal ministers of mischief, the emancipa tionists, like their arch prototype in the garden of Eden, and actuated by no less envy, have tempted them to aspire above the condition to which they have been as signed in the order of Providence. Nor can it be admitted, as some of our statesmen have affirmed, in a mischievous and misguided spirit of sickly sentimen tality, that our system of domestic slavery ■is a curse to the white population —a mor tal and political evil, much to be deplored, but incapable of being eradicated. Let the tree bejudged by its fruit. More than half a century ago, one of the most en lightened statesmen who ever illustrated the parliamentary annals of Great Bri tain, looking into political causes, with an eye of profound philosophy, ascribed the high and indomitable spirit of liberty which distinguishedtheSouthern colonies, to the existence of domestic slavery ; re ferring to the example of the free states of antiquity as a confiimation of his theory. I Since those colonies have become inde- I pendent states, they have amply sustained the glory of their primitive character. There is no coloring of national vanity in the assertion, which impartial history will not ratify, that the principles of rational liberty are not less thoroughly understood, end have been more vigilantly, resolutely land effectively defended against ail the I e ;c : x ■ aments of power, by the slave-hol g .tcs, than by any other members of tne confederacy. In which of our great political conflicts is it, that they have not been arrayed against every form of usur pation, and fighting under the flag of lib i erty? Indeed, it is a fact of historical noto ' rity, that those great whig principles of liberty, by which government is restrain ed within constitutional limits, have had their origin, and for a longtime had their only abiding place, in -the slaveholding states.. Reason and philosophy can explain what experience so clearly testifies. If l we look into the elements of which all po litical communities arc composed, it will be found that servitude in some form, is one of the essential constituents. No community ever has existed with out it, and we may confidently assert, none ever wil l . In the very nature of things there must be classes of persons to dis charge all the differeni offices of society from the highest to the lowest. Some of these offices are regarded as degrading, though they must and will be performed. Hence those manifold forms ofdepend ent servitude which produce a sense of superiority in the masters or employers, and of inferioiity on the pait of the serv ants. Where these offices are performed ) by members of the political community, a ! a dangerous element is obviously introdu jeed into the body politic. Hence the a- I firming tendency to violate the rights of property, by agrarian legislation, which is beginning to be manifest in the older states, where universal suffrage prevails without domestic slavery,—A tendency l that will increase in the ptogress of socie I ty, with the increasing inequality of i wealth. No government is worthy the , name that docs not ported the rights of ; property, and no enlightened people will ■ long submit to such a mockery. Hence ) it is that in older count! it s, different polit j ical orders are established to effect this in- dispensible object and it will be fortunate ■ for the non-slaveholding states, if they are not, in less than a quarter of a century, driven to the adoption of a similar institu tion, or to take refuge from robbery and ■ anarchy, under a military despotism. i But where the menial offices and de- ■ pendent employments of society are per | formed by domestic slaves, a class well defined by their political body, the right of property are perfectly secure, without the establishment of artficial barriers. Ina word, the institutions of domestic slavery supesedesthe necessity of an order of no bility and all the other appendages, of a hereditary system of government. Hour slaves were emancipated and admitted, bleached or unbleached, to an equal parti cipation in our political privileges, what a commentary should we furnish upon the doctrines of the emancipationists, and what a revolting spectacle of republican equality should we exhibit to the mockery iof the world! No rational man would consent to live in such a state of society, if he could find a refuge in any other. Domestic slavery, therefore, instead of being a political evil, is the corner stone ■ cf our republican edifice. No patriot who justly estimates our privileges will tolerate the idea of emancipation, at any period however remote, or on any condi tions of pecuniary advantage, however favorable. 1 would as soon think of the opening a negotiation for selling the liberty of the state at once, as for making any stipulations for the ultimate emancipation ofo'ur skives. So deep is my convieii on on the subject, that if I were doomed io die immediately after recording taese sentiments; I coul i say in all sincer’- , ity and patriohsm, “God f or b;j t | iat m y descendants, in the remotest generations shou.d live in any ovl ler t| ian a communi ty .1; vin.'. r the institution ofdomestic slave ■\, as i-• A.’s.e i among thy patriarchs of Unurch, and in all the free ) -jt> .> ci antiquity.'’ If the Legislature should concur in' these general views of this important ele ment of our political and social system,our I confederates should be distinctly informed ; la any communications we may have oc- ■ casion to make to thenx, that in claiming i to be exempted Iroln all foreign interfer-1 ence, we can recognise no distinction be tween ultimate and immediate emancipa tion. It becomes necessary, in order to ascer tain the extent of our danger,and the meas ures of precaution necessary to guard a gainst it, that we examine into the real motives and ultimate purposes of the abo- ' lition Societies and their prominent agents To justify their officious and gratuitous interference in our domestic affairs—the most insulting and insolent outrage which can be offered to a com mu nity—they pro fess to hold themselves responsible for the pretended sin of our domestic slavery, be cause forsooth they tolerate its existence among us. If they are at all responsible for the sin ofslavery, whatever that may be, it is not because they tolerate it now, but because their ancestors were the a gents and authors of its original introduc tion. These ancestors sold ours the slaves and warranted the title, and it would be a more becoming labor of filial piety for I their descendants, to pray for their souls, if they are protestants, and buy masses to redeem them from purgatory, if they are . Catholics, than to assail their warranty ; and slander their memory by denouncing {them as “manstealers and murderers.” I But this voluntary and gratuitous assump i tion of responsibility, in imitation of a re cent and high example in our history, but imperfectly conceals a lurking principle of danger, which deserves to be examined j and exposed. What is there to make the people of New York or Massachnsstts re sponsible for slavery in South Carolina, any more than the people ofGreat Britain? To assume that the people of these States are responsible for the continuance of this institution, is distinctly to assume thatthey have a right to abolish it: and whatever enforced disclaimers they may make, their I efforts would be worse than unprofitable ■on any other hypothesis. The folly of attempting to convert the slave holders to voluntary emancipation by a course of slander and denunciation, is too great to be ascribed even to fanaticism itself. They do not, indeed, disguise the fact that their ; principal object is to operate on public o- ■ pinion in the non slaveholding states, i And to what purpose? They cannot suppose th. t the opinion of these states however unanimous, can break the chains iof slavery by some moral magic. The ! whole tenor of their conduct and temper of their discussions, clearly demost rate, I ■ that their object is to bring the slavehold ! ing states into universal odium and the j public opinion of the non-slaveholding ' i states to the point of emanciptaing our i slaves by federal legislation, without the ; consent o.ftheir owners. Disguise it as ; they may, “to this complexion it must ! come at last.” It is in this aspect of the subject that it challenges our grave and solemn consid eration. It behoves us, therein my opin ion, to demand, respectfully, of each and every one of the slaveholding states. 1. I I A formal andsolemn disclaimer, by its Le ; gislature, of the existence of any rightful , power, either in such State or the United ! States in Congress assembled, to interfere ’ in any manner whatever, with the institu tion ofdomestic slavery in South Caroli | na, 2. The immediate passage of penal i laws by such legislatures, denouncing a- I gainst the incendiaries of whom we com : plain, such punishments as will speedily I and forever suppress their machinations ■ against our peace and safety. Though the right to emancipate our ; slaves, by coercive legislation, has been I very generally disclaimed by popular as ! semblages in the non-slaveholding states, it is nevertheless important that each of. those states should give this disclaimer i the authentic and authoritative form ot a ' legislative declaration, to be preserved as a permanent record for our future security. Our right to demand of those states the 'enactment of laws for the punishment of' those enemies of our peace, who avail themselves cf the sanctuary of their sover-' ’ eign jurisdiction to wage a war of exter- ' mination against us, is founded on one of I the most salutary and conservative princi- ' ! pies of international law. Every state is under the most sacred obligations, not on ly to abstain from all such interference with the institutions of another as is cal- ; . culated to disturb its tranquility or endan- ■ ger its safety, but to prevent its citizens or subjects from such interference, either by ! inflicting condign punishment.itself, or by delivering them upto the justice of the of fended community. As between separa- I rate and independent nations the refusal ! of a state to punish these offensive proceed ings against another, by its citizens or subjects, makes the state so refusing an accomplice in the outrage, and furnishes a just cause-of war. Thtse principles of international law are universally admitted, | and none have been more sacredly observ- I ed by just and enlightened nations. The ' obligations of the non-slaveholding states ; to punish and repress the hostile proceed ings of their citizens against our domestic institutions and tranquility, are greatly in creased both by the nature of those pro ceedings and the fraternal relation which subsists between the states of this confed eracy. For no outrage against any com- : munity can be greater than to stir up the ' elements of servile insurrection, and no ' obligation to repress it can be more sa- 1 cred, than that which adds to the sanc tions of international law the solemn guar antee of a constitutional compact, which is at once the bond and the condition of 1 our union. The liberal, enlightened and ' magnanimous conduct of the people in ma- * ny portions of the non-slaveholding states, j forbids us to anticipate a refusal on the part of those states to fulfil these high obiima- ' lions of national faith and duty. And 1 we have the less reason to look forward to this inauspicious result, from consider- < ing the necessary consequences which ] would follow, to the people of those states 11 and of the whole commercial world, from h the genera! emancipation of our slaves, f These consequences may be presented, as • an irresistible appeal, to every rational philanthropist in Europe or America. It is clearly demonstrable that the produc tion of cotton depends not so much on soil and climate as on the existence ofdomes tic slavery. In the relaxing latitudes I where it grows, notone half the quantity would be produced, but for the existence j of this institution, and every practical plan-; ter will concur in the opinion, that if all the slaves in these states were now eman cipated, the American crop would be re duced, the very next year, from 1,200,000, ■to 600,000 bales. No great skill in polit- ■ ical economy will be required to estimate how enormously the price of cotton would j be increased by this change, and no one ; who will consider how largely this staple contributes to the wealth of manufactur ing nations, and to the necessaries and comforts of the poorer classes all over the world, can fail to perceive the disastrous | effects of so great a reduction in the quan- ■ .tity and so great an enhancement in the, price of it. In Great Britain, France,) and the United States, the catastrophe would be overwhelming, and it is not ex-; travagant to say that for little more than i two. millions of negro slaves, cut loose ■ from their tranquil mooringsand set adrift upon the untried ocean of at least a doubt ful experiment, ten millions of poor white people would be reduced to destitution, pauperism and starvation. An anxious desire to avoid the last sad alternative of an injured community, prompts this final appeal to the interests and enlightened I philanthropy of our confederate States, j And we cannot permit ourselves io be lieve, that our just demands, thus sup ported by every consideration ol humani ty and duty, will be rejected by States, who are united to us by so many social and political lies, and who have so deep 'an interest in the preservation of that 'i Union. APPLYING AT THIS OFFICE. I We cannot refuse a friend the favor cf attending to the little commissions impos ed on us by the “apply at this office;” . but it is frequently extremely annoying, land much ot our time is occupied in an swering questions—some times it is worth more than five times the worth of the ad vertisement. Some want, to sell Bank stocks, others plantations; others wish fora situation as an overseer, and others ■ want an overseer A. wants a good I cook, and Mr. B. an ironer--C. wants a dry nurse and D. wet one—E. F. G. and H. either want situations as Barkeepers lor some other office, where there is a j plenty to eat and drink and but little work; land there appears to be a great antipathy I to letting the public know their wants a ) mong them all; yet somehow, unaccoun tably to us, they appear to think that what they wish to get rid of as inconvenient and troublesome to them is a matter of perfect pleasure to an Editor. i To be interrupted is one’s business with questions about which one fsels no inter est—to have a whole train of ideas run ning rapidly along, like the cars upon a rail road with steam up, not only sudden ly checked, but turned topsy turvy com pletely off the track, particularly v hen the late of the nation is dependent upon the particular turn of the period, it is not onljr inconvenient to the Editor, but productive of an irreparable loss to the world ! If applicants would only ask the naincofthe advertiser simply, and go about their busi ness, it would be no great thing to mind; but when we have to reply to the thousand and one questions which are asked, it be comes a very serious n alter. If it is Bank stock that is wanted, we must tell all a hout the last dividend, and and give our opinion as to the next; price at New ork, tell where it lieshow many acres are in cultivation,the growth; the negroes.young or old—the slock and how many feet un der high water mark, or low waler mark, as the case may be, [fa cook, all about her character and qualifications, and if a wet nurse *******■»*#**#. —this article isgetting tobe too long. We do wish, therefore, in conclusion, and we ! ask it as a favor, that our advertising friends would either put their own names to their advertisements, or refer to their commission merchants, whose proper duty it is, to attend to this kind of business. It affords us much pleasure to accommodate our friends at any and at all times, and if it were only occasionally that we were called upon, we would not have giv en utterance to a single groan, but it has become so common, that it occupies abso lutely more ofour time,than wecan spare and attend to our business.— Natchez Jour. We stated in our last week’s paper that John Ross and a gentleman from the North had been arrested by the Georgia Guard. We .then expressed some doubts of the correctness of tbe report, particular ly in relation to the charges prefered a gainst them. Since our former commu nication we have received correct infor mation relative to the matter. There was no positive evidence of their exciting the Indians and Negroes to the commission' of hostilities; from which circumstance: they released Ross; but still contnue to hol'd in custody the Gentleman of the North, whose name we learn, is Payne. He is now preparing a work for publica tion, in which he traduces the President of the United States and tbe commission ers of the government appointed to treat with the Cherokees. The Georgia Guard he terms a band of robbers, who are plac ed among the Indians for the destruction oftheir liberties and property. We guess it will be a fortunate escape of Mr. Payne if he is dismissed withouta passport from Judge Lynch. but his being the author of “Sweet home” ! will shield him from the just indignation of the.Guard.— Cassville Pioneer. AUGUSTA, WKDMESDAY, DECEMBER g. The Reply of the Rev. Mr. Moderwel to a Pamphlet by Charles J. Jenkins, has been in our hands for two weeks. It will be forthcoming as soon as possible. The difficulty of getting additional assistance at this busy period of our office, has delayed the publication, and ill-health in the Author prevented its composition as ear ly as he had wished. Don’t forget the Benefit To-night, of the young But. kleys and Lee. They will be bucks of the first water, if they live. The first style of equestrian exercises, it will be seen, maybe ex pected ; and Downie, we suppose, has been down so often with his jukes, that he has run out, and Bancker will give you a bank of them. Stoudt will be still stouter, and may, for ought we know, eat the anvil he usually holds in his teeth. Mr. Sweet is a sweet fellow on the light rope, and Andreas is very careful the rope shall be slack, when he hangs himself.—B”t go and see—that is, if you can get in. It would be a curious compilation to collect and publish the various insulting and disparag ing expressions, which the Nullifiers have used in regard to the Union Party so long as the fate of the bill establishing a Court of Errors was dubious; but the moment it is passed, they cry out, Oh! we did it—we gave the State this Court —Give us for our reward one of the Judges on the Bench ! This has been particularly the language and course of the Sentinel. W e leave it to any honorable mind, what consideration should be given to snch pretensions. They have insultingly and with low-bred derisk n, claimed all the talent and all the decency of the profession; and now come whining about our magnanimity, and ask for one seat on the new Bench —alleging for a show of reason that t/uy gave the State this Court. They dared not vote otherwise. If they had dared to do so, they would have risked the consequences, because they knew they had not, on their own princi ples and practice, the slightest reason to expect a participation in its honors, and would have opposed it, merely because their opponents had it in their power to confine its emoluments to themselves. They found that such a course" besides its dishonor,-would not be popular and after failing to bargain tor any thing, and with hypocritical candor confessing that in similar circumstances they would give us nothing, they suddenly throw themselves on our magna nimity, and plead to the mercy of the Court, How much they deserve at our hands, we shall not say ; but the least favor granted them; will be more than they deserve. LEGISLATURE. The bill establishing the Court of Errors, we omitted to mention, extends the term of office for Judges of the Superior Court to four years. Among the projects from this city, one is to obtain a charter for an Importing Company. If this is the beginning of wholesale establish ments, we welcome it, as in accordance with views, which we have for years endeavored to press on our merchants of capital. Our re marks on this subject cannot be forgotten, and we therefore do not repeat them. It is the only way to recall the trade which has gone else where. General Walker introduced a bill in the Senate to incorporate the Georgia Insurance and Trust Company. The bills have passed, to amend the acts in corporating the city of Augusta, and to confirm the titles to the Commons in the City Council. Mr. Schley has reported a bill to increase the stock of the Mechanics Bank of this city 600 -000 dollars. The bill passed to amend the act giving me chanic# a lien on the buildings erected by them, in Savannah, Augusta, Macon, and Columbus, so as to render it unnecessary’ for such mechan ics to record sums under S3O, and to allow them to refrain from suing for twelve months, instead of-six, without forleitting their liens. In Mississippi David Dixon and T. 11. Clai borne are chosen to Congress; and Charles C. Mayson, formerly of this neighborhood, is elect ed State Treasurer. We have already an nounced the election of Judge Lynch, as Gover nor—a name, that has for some months past been very popular in that quarter. A Canal round the Falls oj Niagara.— From a circular drawn up by a committee in Oswego, it would seem that survey of the route has been made, during the past session, under the autho ity of the General government, which establish es the complete practicability of the work; and accordingly, memorials are to be addressed to Congress at the approaching session, asking their aid towards its accomplishment. Judge Martin is expected to be appointed by the Governor of Louisiana, U. S. Senator, in place of Mr. Gayane, resigned from bad health. Judiciary Bill. — Tib: Bill to reform and a mend the Judiciary System of the State, now before the Legislature of S. C. provides, that the Act establishing the Court of Appeals, be repealed—that two additional Chancellors, and one additional Ciicuit Law Judge, be elected— that the Law Judges and Chancellors shall meet and sit, as a Court of Appeals, at Columbia, on the 4th Monday in November, and the 3d Mon day in July, for 4 weeks each term, if so much be necessary; andat Charleston, on the Ist Mon day in January, for three weeks, and on the 4th Monday in April, for 5 weeks, if so much be necessary —provided a majority of Law Judges, and a majority of Chancellors, shall be necessa ry to constitute the Court and provided the Judge or Chancellor trying the cause, at Cir cuit, shall have no vote on the Appeal--that the Chancellorsand Law Judges hereafter to be el ected, shall each receive annually 53,000 —oth- er sections of the bill arrange the State into six Circuits,and prescribe the times at which Courts of Law and Equity shall beheld for the differ ent districts of the State, giving two equity and two law terms usually to each district. Constitution-mending.— The South Carolina Legislature have before them two propositions, changing the constitution—one altering the tenure of office of Judges from life to ten years —the other rendering Governors eligible a se cond term of two years, instead of excluding them, after two years service, for the next four. The matter is under discussion in Boston, whether that city shall subscribe $2,000,000 to the stock of the Boston and Albany rail road. We notice from a catalogue of students in the University of Virginia, that the whole num ber in the College on the first of this month was 237. Os these, we observe that there are eleven from Georgia, eleven from Alabama, 14 froni South Carolina, and one from Florida. The Baltimore American says: “ Informa ; tion was received here yesterday, that the trial ! of Messrs. E. and S. Poultney and W. M. Elli cott (upon an indictment or indictments found ed on the transactions of the" Bank of Mary land) was brought to a close on Monday night, when the jury, in a few minutes, returned a | verdict of acquittal. LATE FROM MEXICO. The ship Montezuma, arrived at New Yofk, on the 23d ult. from Vera Cruz, brings advices from Mexico to the Ist ult. inclusive. The New York Commercial Advertiser says —“ The tidings of the recent movements in Texas had reached the capitol, and as was tobe expected, had produced a great excitement. The most energetic measures were resorted to without a moment’s delay, and there is every j appearance that we shall soon hear of serious i doings in the revolted province. A strong feel ’ ing of ill will and suspicion against the Ameri- I cans resident in Mexico, were aroused, and apprehensions were entertained of injury to their persone and property. A large number of commission for privateers— the account says five hundred —had been received at Vera CUtz to be given out as occasion might require. The archbishop of Mexico and the bishop cf Puebla had undertaken to lurnishthe government with a million of dollars to carry on the war. [This is the most important movement of the whole, fort he government is notoriously afflict- I ed with extreme’poverty.) A division of two thousand infantry had Seen ordered to assemble at Matamoras, and three hundred cavalry under Gen. Montezuma hadbe* gun their march to Monteury in Texas. It was said that Gen. Sanla Anna himself would pro ceed thither and take the chief command. The new constitution had been adopted by congress and proclaimed. Some opposition was made, but without effect.” LATEST FROM MEXICO. Ex-lracl of a letter receivedin Washing ton city, doled “Vera Cruz, Nov. 6, 1835 “This country is in a bad situation. They have shut the poU (of Vera Cruz) and allowed no vessels to leave for several days past. Thej’ have been embarking ammunition to Texas. They are (I am told) collecting troops in the interior like wise for Texas, and if they send them, this part of the country will be worse off, if possible,than it has been since they revolt ed from Spain. The North Americana are very much disliked, especially since Texas has taken the steps which she has. I have had some opportunity of knowing the character ofthis people, having been among them eight months.” In order to show the immensity of the trade of the West and particularly of Cincmnalq the following extract is made in the report from an article on the Sub- 1 ject by John S. Williams, Esq. Civil En 4 gineer. “ Add to a domrrtercial, our manufactu ring character, and a connexion with us will appear still more impoit:nt. Wd manufacture almost every American arti cle that the South East wants, and which we would gladly barter for merchandise taken by her in commercial transactions with the Eastern States and Europe. We have upwards of fifteen steam en gines, and much water power, in effective operation —Our steam engines rate from five to three hundred horse power each< They do almost every thing that the gen ius of man has y-1 done by steam on land, and are equal to the task of at least twen ty thousand men. Weare manufacturing I this Summer, one hundred and eleven steam engines, and about twenty sugar mills; the engines mostly very large, and many of the largest class. The manufac 4 ture of these takes most of the power of ten of the smaller class of our engines. Three more are in part, employed in the" manufacture of Cotton Gins. This ts a new branch of manufacture among us,’ just springing into importance When the above thirteen engines are deducted,- we ha"e all our large, and some smallei' one, numbering about forty, doing every thing which that useful pouer can, to aid the labor of man. Weare not, moreover, behind other cities in the preference of la bor that takes the almost unaided human sinew to perform. Os this class is ship building. The tonage that our ship yards a re about to get afloat this season, amounts to 5,452, tons, in twenty-five boats, from 93 to 512 tons burthen each. This is not mentioned as forming any part ofour sub ject, farther than the business and impor tance of our city is connected with it.” MARIN if INTELLIGENCE. SAVANNAH, Nov. 30—Arr. Ship Othello from Wiscassett; sch. Marion from Baltimore; ship Congress from New York; brig Sea Island from Boston; schr. Albion from New Castle (Me.:) steamboat Caledonia from August'*; steamboat Wm. Seabrook Irom Charles' .; poleboat Mary from Augusta; poleboat Lafay ette do. Nov. 28 —Arr. Ship Belle from New York ; brig Georgia from New York; brig New Hano ver from Philadelphia; schr. Vista from Bostonj steamboat Cherokee from Angusta; steamboat John T. Lamar from Darien; poleboat Star from Augusta; towboat No, 15 from Darien. ■"UATR RIED, In Charleston, on Wednesday the 25th inst, Mr. James H. R. Washington, of Milledgeville, (Ga.j to Miss Mary Ann, daughter of Col S. Hammond, of Beach Island. SEXTON’S REPORT. Interments in the City of Augusta for the Month of November 1835. Whites, 3 Blacks, 7 Total, • 10 LEWISKUN ZE, Sexton. We are authorized to announce WM. KENNEDY a candidate for Tax Collector of Richmond county, at the election in January next. Dec 2 td 143 WE are authorized to announce WIL LIAM O. EVE as a candidate for the office of Tax Collector, at the election in January next.