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2 T tl K COL 7 K I ER, By J . G. M’h Ijorter. TERMS. .This Pspnr is pubiishnd every MONDAY, WEDNES DAY nnd FRIDAY afternoon, at $6 per annum, payable in advance. COUNTRY PAPER—Published every FRIDAY as er nooc at .jljpcr annum, in advance, or $4 at the expiration of the year. No Subscriptions received for less time than six months- ADVERTISEMENTS, not exceedintra square will be > inserted the first lime at 75 els. per square and 37A lor , each coittiim .nee. Advertisements of one square, published Weekly, « “-5 ) cents for every insertion. Persons advertising by the year will be cha ged 30dol farr including subscription uuo will r? enti led to one square in each paper. When p-rsbuii Iriv • standing a<h .vtisements of several squares, special contracts may !»- made. Nodeduction will he made ia tutiire front these charges. A|l advoi tisemonts must have the nttnilx r of ins-rrions marked on them; otherwise they w ill be inserted till for bid, and charged accordingly. SHERIFFS, CLERKS, and other public officers, will ave 25 per cent deducted in their favor. From Ihe Hive. GOV. McDUFFIE’S MESSAGE. , We cannot permit so lengthy and pithy a document, v as his Excellency’s late mes sage, to go before the public without at least some passing remarks. The first paragraph containing some twenty,lines of small letter, consists of an in-vtirarian to the servants of the people to‘ : ofit r their united homage and pro fund gratitude to the great author of the u<+iverse dor the signal manifestation of hits favor—for the high and palmy state, of temporal prosperity achieved by the htfQic firmness of the people of South Car olina. Now with ail due deference to his Ex cellency's superior tact in inditing a pop ular message, neihink the cause of brev ity, at least, would have better subserved, ifthis exordium of twenty lines had been condensed into the following words: Thank God for what the Nut lifters have done. . And indeed his Excellency has a right to feel thankful on the occaSsion; for when his health became so precarious as to require the vacation of his representa tiveseatin Congress “by the heroic, firm ness of the people of South Carolina!” he was raised to the gubernatorial chair in a climate moral constitution. “Now” says his Excellency, “that the stormy elements ofparty contention have passed away and our fellow citizens of every denomination, religious or political are united as one man,” &c.“il may not be be unprofitableto recur briefly to seine of the subjects invol ved in our recent controversy with the Fed eral Government”—“more with the view, continues his Excellency,” “to the regu lation of our future conduct, than to cen sure or praise transactions thatare past.” * It realty appears to us that the Execu tive of South Carolina is quarrelling with the Federal Government in the very nar rative he is giving of past quarrels! It would he somewhat invidious to the whole message to attempt the proof of his posi tion by quoting parts: but take the follow ing language as a specimen of ex isting harmony and good faith. ‘‘The existing auspices, beyond all question are fearfully unpropitious. The Chief Mag istrate of our imperial in republic, is at this moment more despotic power than either the King of Great Britain of the King of France.” .But will his Excellency condescend to instruct the people at what the these propeuiotks clouds, pregnant with “the ele ments ol party suite” cleared away, and the seven-fold thunders of partv rage ceas ed to grate upon the ear? Was it after the famous tariff compromise, exultingly alluded to, betwee n the fathers of piotec tion and of nullification,—when the de precated woolens Bill” savored Uss oi fensively for ten prospective years? No -—it was subsequent to that auspicious era of political pacification whe n the Republi can Legislature of South Carolina gave birth ton Bill of Treason, and acted out the “Military Bill,” and Oath of Allegi ance ol her anti tariff Convention !! And how astounding io the uninitiated in the mysteries of political farce must ap pearthe strange co incidence that the abo lition excitement should succeed the ad justment o thetarill and the compromis ing of the elements of domestic strife with the precision ofan astronomical predic tion. And for what purpose were the- stormy elements of party contention merged in the halcyon of South Carolina? Let his Excellency, who is most competent, answer the question—“that it was not un profitable to recur to subjects of controver sy with the federal Government * * • Sod see whether the people of the United States, like the degenerate Romans in the time of Tiberius, will recognize his right (the right of another Tiberious,) Andrew Jackson to nominate his successor.” After abusing the passing of laws to punish the mischievous abolitionists “By death without benefit of clergy,” his Excellency adds: “It cannot be dis guised, however, that any Jaws wfich may be enacted by the authority of this State will be wholy insufficient to meet the exigencies of the present conjuncture.’ “ 1 hese outrages against the peace and sjufety of the State are perpetrated in other communities, which hold sovereign and exercise exclusive jurisdiction within their territorial limits—it is within these limits, protected from responsibility to our lawshy the sovereignty ofthe States, the authors oi ail this mischief conduct their schemes and burl their fiery misslies a mong ns.” Why does his excellency so graciously and promptly concede to the Slates that sovereignty which is to bar us of a reme dy through the federal compact? Is there no mischief in this imposing official con cession? We will make his Excellency his own commentator, or rather Represen tative M’ Duffie the expounder of the doc trines of Gov. M’ Duffie. Ina pamphlet containing Gov. M’Duf fie’s speech on Internal Improvement pub lished in 1824. with introductory remarks, we find the following sentence: *’A man who will coatend that our gov- eminent is a confederacy of independent. States, whose, independent sovereignty | was never in any degree renounced, and 1 that it may be controlled cr annulled at the will ofthe several independent States or sovereignties, can be scarcely regard ed as belonging to the present generation. The several independent States control the general government! I This is anar chy itself-” But who will have the har dihood to deny that if this doctrine was anarchy then it is anarchy still? and if the man who held such doctrines could scarcely be regarded as belonging to the generation of 1824 he can not surely be regarded as belonging to the generation of' 183 <! But why this ready adinissionofa doc trine now which the light of eie.vtn years excluded from that generation? Why — because the corollary flows as naturally from the premises as does the conclusion from j well plannt d syllogism. State sov ereignty beingadmitted, it necessarily fol lows that the Gordian knot of abolition can cnly be unlit dby the sword of revolution, which by resolving our political compact it.to “its original elements,'’ may form the basis of a southern Confederacy which may emancipate us from, the reign of li be'rlus and his nominated.successor.. But how is his Excellency to escape the impu tation of retrograting in the noble march of mind,’unless the opinions of 1824 can be attributed to the imbecility of a protrac ted minority. Alas! if the apology for the prematurity of youthful opinions be ex tended to covey so many of his Excellen cy's et rors, considering the brevity of life’s contracted span, this mantle of chaii y may be stretched till it borders on that oth er extreme when cur sympathies are to be awakened by the recognition that “From Marlborough’s eyes the tears of dotage flows.” His Excellency regards our institution of domestic slavery ss analogous to that which existed among the patriarchs ofthe primitive church, and that it is preemi nently calculated to confer mutual benefit on the seiwant and served; arid that “our slaves are cheerful and contented and hup py much beyond the general condition of the human race.till those fatal ministers ot ini: chief, the abolitionists like their fa mous prototype in the garden of Eden and actuated l.y a similar spirit templed them to aspire above their condition. We shall not presume onthis occasion to controvert a single assumption of his Excellencyjbut,on the contrary,admit ’.hat these “ministers of mischief” may be guil ty of a high misdemeanor, whether ar raigned for trial before a divice or hu man tribunal; but merely inquire if there may not beother ministers, or rather ano ther minister of mischief who has taught another contented class to aspire above their condition; and who has carried in his train a host of malcontents that might make a fit miniature representation ofthe decsent of the proscribed archangel which followed the severance of his asso ciationwith blest spirits and the privileges of their abode. Were- not the people of the south blest with good feelings towards their brethren of the North and of a be coming veneration for the federal’ Gov ernment and national institutions, till temped to aspire hy that specious apple of discoid the forbidden fruit of nullifica tion? That they were contented till are-) cent date, witness a highly popular pam phletwithan eloquent preface over the signature of "One ofthe people”-—Wit ness his Excellency’s splendid speech on Internal Improvement published in 1824 With introductory remarks as abovestaKd I hert fore it is manifest other rq.s’ than : the northern fanatics have h ard the de mon— uhrsper which converts the loyal cilizeninto the stirrer up of sedition and re vol tion. Arid may not the abolitionist efihe north find an associate in the nttlli-) fier of the south, who has labored with, the cunning of the archtem| ler to convince a people who had published to the world by some Haifa century of anni versaries their unparalleled freedom and happiness, that they were tinder a delu sion—and instead of being free and hap py were actually groaning under the manicles of “oppression" and “ground to the dust by political robbery.” It has become extremely fashionable with discontented politicians to look to a severance of the Union as the panacea for every political evil, but what one of those advisers can compare in disinterestedness and devotion to their country with him whose prayers for his country were heard to ascend from the humble tent ofthe he* ro and the Christian? Washington justly styled the father of his country, cautioned his countrymen to turn a deaf ear to the counsels of ambition and to regard “the Union of the States as the palladium oj their liberties and safety”—that “ if there were dangers in union there were still more in disunion”—very naturally infer ring that disunion so far from giving se curity and peace would only fan the flames which might give rise to such a catastro phe. We regret that the Governor has not given, in more decided and unequivocal language, the full weight of authority, af forded by his official station and popular ity, in favor ofthe manual labor system of education. His remarks on our State! currency and Banking policy is certainly very just. We think the closing thrust at the Ad-1 ministration of the General Government better calculated to mar the dignity ofthe; Message than to convince the people that the President of their choice is the enemy ' of his country and corrupter of the public J moral's. ; T/ie Times.— We find, under this head, I in the last Knickerbocker, an excellent ar ticle upon the excesses which have taken j place in different parts of the country, I within the last six months. To a consid-l crate man, these excesses ntusi be matter i of deep reflection, and to every individual' > in the community, they should be. a sub | jc ct of interest, inasmuch as their general ' prevalence, will not only endanger, bulab i solutely destroy, the tenure by’ which we hold our rights, religious, civil and politi cal: — “The law is both helm and anchor to ’ the Slate. Let go this, and you are at the •i mercy of wind and wave. Every one, ■ i therefore, who is embarked in this cotn- > mon exposure, must be taught to hold the f'i law in proper estimation. The citizen I; must respect it, from the day’ he leaves his ;i mother’s arms, to the hour when he lies •I down in death. He must observe its re i quisitions, and uphold its supremacy. This is a practical truth--in every sense, and underevery view ofthe subject, prac tical. The law is hot an abstraction.—it is an actual and comprehensible thing. It is as far as it go’es, the rule of right,—and its sanctity must not be invaded. The rieh and the poor must alike pay’ it hom age. The innocent and guilty must alike be permitted and compelled jto prove its majesty. The substitution of force for law is the epoch of revolution. It snaps astir.der the bonds of society...— It restores to every one the rights which he had tacit ly relinquished, wt ile it strips him of-the .advantages by w hieh he had been a thpus .andfold repaid, t.nd says to him: ‘Defend, thyself,—let thy hand be against every man, for every.man’s hand will be.against thee. Horrible condition! oh, let the good sensennd wise foresight of the ped ple save our country, in all its cities and villages, within its ancient borders, and. through its wildest settlements, from such a catastrophe! The law must be. respect ed. Let this be the American sentiment. Let it infuse its spirit into the pulsation,of every heart. Illegal it.ensures, for what ever purpose must not be thought of. Be the occasion ever so urgent, or the griev- ance ever so oppressive, the re-sort must be to the law, and to nothing else. Com plain of the law’s delay, or its injustice, as any may; submit to its restraints, and all its forms, ail must, unless when one can plead conscientious difficulties. Then the individual appeals from the h gisla tion ofearlh to the Law-giver in heaven and prefers to incur the consequences of disobedience to the former that he m£y re tain the favor of the latter. Such a case is altogether peculiar; but. even here the law must be enforced, while the sufferer anticipatt s his compensalisn in another w orld. For if we would enjoy the bless ings ofciviiization, n-e must live in subjec tion to.the law. It matters not what He the excuse, nor who the perpetrators. They who take justice into their own hands, tn despite of legal impediments, take into their own hands, in despite of legal impediments, take guilt upon their souls, and should be accounted dangerous citizens, from a participation in whose, acts every good man should shrink as from the breath of pestilence.” Written for the “ Index.” ABOLITION. More ways to do Mischief than One. Will ywu have a w’ord from a citizen who has a large interest in the slavts of Georgia? The whole country is now’ holding meetings to counteract tile mis chievous doings <>f th" Abolitionists. Very well, so far so good In many of the resolutions passed at those meetings there are excellent things! safe things; abso lutely necessary things ; but amidst much good. I see some things that do not ap pear to be altogether so excellent: that to which Ipllude, and as a slave holder [ ob ject, is a constant disposition to abridge the religious privileges of the slaves, and to cut off from them the means of religious instruction. For one, I believe the slave is held Io bondage, if not hy the Divine will, at least by Divine permission, and I know his duty is clearly defined in the practical parts of religion ; and that the more thoroughly jhe slave is under reli gious principle, the more valuable he is to his owner, and the more safe is the country from incendiary or insurrection ary movements on the part ofthe slave. Faith, which is the foundation of all reli gion, derived f;om the Bile, comes by hearing ; and hearing by the word of God. “ how shall they hear without a preacher?” Most of the religious denominations of the slave states, feel it their duty, so far, as the same tnay be righteously done; to diffuse religious knowledge among the slaves, and some of them have, after look in to the subject in the most sober coun cils de< med it best, in particular sections, to appoint trust-worthy men to this espe cial work. For one, I have given my hearty patronage; nor do I yet see mv error. ’Tis therefore that I regret that resolutions should be passed, affixing sus picion on all who may hold meetings for the religious instructions of slaves especi ally. Let us not do evil that good may come. Is it not too much the character of fal len man to blame religion and its advo cates with the evils that befal the world? It is a charge 1800 years old, “these that have turned the world upside, down have come hither also.” It was Nero who set fire to Rome, but the Christians were made to suffer by it * I suppose, by some of the resolutions I see, that ifa Minister ofthe Gospel were seen with a little company of slaves, wor shipping his Maker and giving them reli gious instruction, he is to be suspected for an Abolitionist, and an enemy to the coun try and dealt with accordingly. Suspi cion, my fellow-citizens, is a very dange rous principle to proceed far upon, too dan gerous ; we may get into wildness, ta kingsuspicion for our guide. 1 have thought it strange that amidst the many prudential measures for the country’s safety it has never been seen, that the suspicion of lipling shops, and as sembling of slaves about them at all times of the night.and especially of the Sabbaths in large tuimbers, and tumultuous and dis orderly behavior, has never been tho’t as necessary to the good order of society. Hundreds may collect around a Confec tionary, or tipiing shop, get drunk and carouse ; all is well here, there is no harm, but if they are seen around a Minister of the Gospel, receiving religious instruc tion, and taught obedience to their master :»n earth, theory is insMrrricfiori, abolition! [ know it is said we. can’t pass laws pos itively prohibiting slaves from getting spi rituous liquors, under all and every cir cumstance whatever. This seems strange to rue; how is it that laws can be passed, prohibit’) "rue from teaching my slave to read the w’ord ofthe Lord, which is “a light to the feet and a lamp to the path," and yet no law can be passed prohibiting a miserable unprincipled tipler from sel ling spirits to the slaves all over the land; . having them on Sabbath days collected a bout and vvithin his shop, corrupting and qualifyingthem for every evil work, ready in a state of intoxication to knock down his fellow or his master or whoever may come in In’s way. A Northern Yankee pedlar preacher would be suspected, but if a Yankee tipler-or confectionary, there is no danger. Religion is dangerous, but no harm comes from spirituous liquors. A meeting house is incendiary, hut a grog shop is innocent and harmless. Before we abridge the religious privileges ofthe negrpes, let us abridge their drinking and stealing privileges; before we pull down • the meeting house or shut the door, let us j stop the retailer of spirituous liquors, and do rt-efiectually. Before we take up the preacher to negroes upon suspicion, let us ' take up the tipler upon facts. * A wicked Prince charged the Prophet of the Lord with being the corrupter of Israel. From the Downing Gazette. From my Washington Correspondent Washington City, (East Room,) Monday, Nov. G, 1835. To Cousin Major Jack Downing, Editor ofthe Downing Gazette, Portland, away down east, in the Slate of Maine. Dear Jack.— Congress is close aboard of us, nnd we all as busy as three rats in a stockin, getlin ready forem. They be gin Congress now in about two or three weeks, and some of em have got here al ready—l met Air. Quincy Adams to-day in Pennsylvania Avenue, and I felt al most as glad to see him as I should be to see Uncle Joshua himself I stept right up to him and shook hands, and says I, Mr. Adams, how are ye? lam right glad to see you, how does the folks all do down east? They are all so as to be stirrin about, says he, how’s the Gineral? 'l’he Gineral’s nicely, says I, and he wants to see you more than a little. He was in hopes you would along before the rest of Congress did, because he wants to have a long talk with you. It’s about that letter of yourn to Mr. Dutee J. Pearce. I guess the Gineral’s read that letter over more than twenty times. It’s been a real puzzler to him, and lie wants to talk with you and see if you meant just what you su'd. He says if you did, and have actu ally come overon our side, fair and square, he’ll send you out this winter, Minister to Engln nd. Well says he, you may give my respects to the Gineral, and tell him I meant just as 1 said, and I shall have the pleasure to c.i" and see h m soon. Says I, Mr. Adams, how could you t so hard as you did in that letter against your old Whig friends in Massachusetts and round jhere? ■ Why, says he, they deserv, d it al! and more too, for treating me as they did last winter, when they nominated me for Sen ator to Congress, and then deserted me and didn’t elect me. No putty that would do that couid have any principle of honor or honesty about em. ' So I bid him good morning, and asked him to call and see us at the Gineral’s as soon as he could, and lie made me a very polite bow and went along. They’ve been fixing up the Congress house this sometime, and have got it about i ready. We’ve concluded it is not best to have women in the Senate chamber any more; it makes sich crowding work, and prevents the Senators from hearing the , speeches that are made, for they look at the women thr e times as much as they look at the speakers, so they’ve had a gal lery fixed up for the women, and a door , for them to go into it. | The Gineral grows more and more tin i easy for fear Mr. Van Buren will get worked out of the Presidency. And Mr. I Var> Buren himself is as restless about it 'as a fish out of water. Fie staid here a 1 few days and talked the matter over with ■ us, but he couldn’t set still but a little ' while alatime,and so he started off to Vi r gunny to see Mr. Rives, and find out what they are likely to do with old Virginny. Fie says if he can only get that State to come out for him this winter, he thinks that he shall be able to go it, notwithstand ing he has to carry Col. Johnson on his back. Fie hasn’t got back yet, but we shall look for him in a few days. We have a pretty critical job of it to fix up the Message this year, but I think we shall get it ready by the time Congress begins. The Gineral wants that part of it about France to be all pepper and mus tard. I tell him it’s all nonsense to go to getting into a snarl again along with France about that money, for if we should have to fight, if it wasn’t more than three months, it would take un times as much as all we are quarrelling about to pay the bills. Mr. Van Buren talks as cool as a cow cumber about it. Tells the Gineral he wouldn’t by any means advise him to say any thing hash about it in the Message, and then he’ll set down, tell o"er the whole story, about the French keeping us out ofthe money, in sich a kind of provo king ofa way, that the Gineral will get in a rage, and he’ll jump up and almost swear, he’ll recommend to Congress in his Message to declare war against France. Then Mr. Van Buren will say, well Gin- oral, you must of course do as you think ; best, but really I cant advise you to take any hash measures! That Mr. Van Buren isa curious crit tur, aim he ? I remain your loving Cousin, _SARSiENTJ°F:L DOWNING. AUGUSTA, AX\ x o »l BS; K 1 , . Mr. Sutton, it will be seen, has postponed his ’ entertainment in the Theatre, till Monday even- I ing next, in consequence of the wet weather. • ) LEGISLATURE. I he bill to sell the stock owned by the Slate in the State Banks, and place the proceeds in the Central Bank, has been rejected in the Hottse —yeas 54 ; nays 90. The bill to amend the act incorporating the Georgia Rail Road Company, change the name of satd Company, and give it Banking powers | and privileges, similar to those granted (by the I House,) to the Central Rail Road Company was taken up; and amended, so as to restrict it from holding more real estate than its bank ing houses and lots, and what may be neces sary to the construction of its Rail Roads—to re strict its capiial to two millions instead of three, with the privilege of increasing it to three mil lions, instead of five, and require it to be all paid in gold or silver—to strike out, “ or offices of discount and deposit,” after “ agencies,” in the 4th section, and insert “ to carry on the Work, and branches, with banking powers”—to impose damages of ten per cent., in addition to the legal interest, for any failure to pay the Bank notes in specie on demand—to retain the power - in the Legislature, to authorize the con struction of any other Rail Road from Macon to the Tennessee line, or across the branches of this Company, any where west of Eatonton, Madison, or Athens—and to prevent any for eigner from holding stock, directly or indirect ly, in either the Bank or Rail Road—and pass ed—yeas 71, nays 61. Chronicle Extra. The bill to charier the Central Rail Road and Banking Company .was the order of the day yesterday in the Senate. Its fate, as,well as that of the Union Rail R,»ad is very uncertain, that is, with banking privileges. The Legislature is acting prudently. We wish them, however, to consider well and there will be less re-canszder z’zig. Nanketn Cotton.— There is quite a spirited competition, says the Constitutionalist of this morning, in our market fur this article,—the price opened in the fall at 18 a 20, and has con tinued to advance—2s was paid yesterday and probably more could be obtained for a lot of fine. At a meeting of the Board of Directors ofthe Bank of Augusta, on Tuesday, the Sth instant, John Moore, Esq., was unanimously re-elected President. -1 Loss.— Major Noah, who visited the Park- Theatre a few nights since, thus describes his losseson theoccasion—“ Our pockets were pick ed < f the Boston Galaxy, some hoarbound can dy, and a one dollar safety fund note, which we intended to pass ofi’on the omnibus driver, al though Old Hays, Sparks, Merritt, Bank, e/id omne genus, were all present ’’ SOUTH CAROLINA COT,LEGE. Robert Barnwell, Esq. has been elected Presi dent of theCo’lege, and the Rev. Bazil Manly Professor < ■ b icred Literature and the Eviden ces :■! L . ,'tnity. The Faculty of the Col ege is therefore now complete—a President and nx Professors. ' ♦ THE FRENCH QUESTION. The following letter from M. Valaze, to Mr. Bernard Marigny, who delivered an oration at New Orleans, on the last 4th of July, will be | read with the more interest, inasmuch as it was M. Valaze who introduced into the Bill of In demnification, the clause, which requires an ex planation of the offensive terms of the Presi dent’s Message. Paris, Sept. Ist. 1835. Sir:—l have been greatly gratified in finding that you had mentioned my name in your pa triotic and eloquent speech of the 4th of July.'— My name is not wholly unknown in the United States; for my respected father, when member ofthe National Convention, was an intimate friend of your immortal Franklin. Y"ti have probably appreciated the feelings of the French and Americans, two nations that should cherish a fraternal love towards each other; and whose unsullied swords have been drawn together in the field of battle for the sa cred cause of liberty. I have very little doubt that vour noble and eloquent speech wilt greatly contribute to obvi ate those trifling difficulties’ which a very natur al susceptibility originated; but which reason and friendship must soon remove. Yes, sir, the French and Americans should, and must be for ever united; for their hearts have always been, and still are united in the same sacred cause of liberty and national independence. Accept, sir, the assurance of my very distin guished consideration and sincere friendship. Your very humble and devoted servant, VALAZE. I Lieut. General, and General of Fortifications. FROM ST. AUGUSTINE. The Steam Packet Dolphin, Capt. Pennoyer, arrived at Charleston, in 25 hours from St. Au gustine. Capt. Pennoyer slates that information had reavhed'St. Augustide, that the Indians had sent their women and children into the interior,and have, with only four or five exceptions, embodi ed themselves within eight miles of Camp King —five or six hundred warriors aie assembled, and the United States troop.s are altogether in sufficient to protect the inhabitants. Great con sternation prevailed throughout the territory— several families have been compelled to leave their dwellings. St. Augustine is said to be left entirely defenceless. From the Florida Herald. Indian Affairs. — On Sunday last an ex press arrived from Camp King, bringing information that one ofthe principal chiefs of the Semino'es had been waylaid and shot by a party of the Micausky tribe, headed by their chief Powell, under the following circumstances: Charley Oma thala, had been out with a number of his friends collecting his cattle, for the sale which was to take place on the Ist inst.,. and was returning home to have a dance at his house. Charley being a little in ad vance of his party, was fired at and killed * nine balls were found in his body. His friends immediately retreated towards tho agvhcy, and a dtttrchment of U. S. 'Ftoops were sent to protect the family and tribfe’ Charley Omathla. Ahothet express as rived on Tuesday last; bringingthe infor* ination that it had been ascertained that Powell fired the first gun as Charley, and that there was a general disposition rf mong his tribe to create as much difficulty as they could. Charley jOmathla was one of the most intelligent and enterprising ofthe emigra ting party, and in fact of the whole nation, jWe have received the following nOlira from the agtnt, Gen. Thompson, for in sertion. To the Public.— The Seminole Indians/ 1 hostile to emigration, have, for the pur pose of embarrassing the execution of the Treaty of Payne’s Landing, concluded in 1832, murdered Charley Omathla, the most intelligent and enterprising Chief in l the nation. They threaten to shoot any one who shall attempt to surrender Cattle' according to the Treaty. I’he IfidianS in the nothern part of the nation, ftiendly to emigration,are panic struck,and wilt ttof attempt to attend the contemplated sales. Under these circumstances, an indefinite postponement of the sales is unavoidable/ The citizens are warned to consuls their safety by guarding against Indian e predation. t . WILEY THOMPSON,Sup’t Setn. Seminole Agency, Flo., Nov. ,30. 1835. Capt Drane’s Company of U. S. Aftil' lery, left this city, this morning, for We tumpka, about 20 miles South of the Se minole Agency. 'l'hey were ordered ta take up their station at Spring Garden but in consequence of the recent occurrences among the Scfminoles, their destination has been changed, and they have been tta tioned at the former We are au thorized to say, that it is very doubtful* that the Indians will go off without a skir mish. Considerable excitement, we-un derstand, prevails among the inhabitant* in the neighborhood ofthe Indian reset-' vation—they are moving away from their settlements, and embodying themselves sos their protection. From the Correspondent of the Georgian, . “ Milledgeville, Dec. 5, 1835. Dear Sir —The struggle is over. Af ter two days debate, misrepresentation, faction, intrigue, and sectional feeling have won the day. Our Rail Road Bill is lost. Yesterday the Bill was taken up’ at nine o’clock A M. and the Senate atr journed at half past three P. M. to day they sat from Nine in the morning to half past six in the evening. The excitement was greater than I have ever witnessed, The yeas are 33—nays 44. I can rec ollect but three Nullifies, who voted for it. The Union Party permitted them selves to be distracted by the Augusta in fluence. The Legislature of Georgia have determined to hav’e no Sea-port, and that Charleston with her capital of $7,000,’ 000 shall overshadow poor Savannah with her capital of $1,250,000. Be it so. State pride—Georgia feeling is extinct. I give you the names of those, who were most, active in accomplishing this object, Their names should be remembered by every Georgian. They are BuZ/iatn C. Dawson, Eugenius A. Nesbit, Charles P. Gordon, J. J. Alford, Thos. Buller King, Jacob Wood, In this opposition to the old Sea-port of our State, I see the germ ol two great Par* tics in Georgia. The Carolina Party, who wish to send the Commerce of our State to Charleston —the other, the Georgia Party, who wish to be i dependent of Carolina. . . What think ye of the Senators from Burke, Scriven, Tattnall, and Jefferson? They all voted against the Bill. They have, in my opinion, sacrificed the inter ests of their constitutents to the Moloch of Party. Those who advocated the Bill were Messrs. McAllister, of Chatham Patterson, of Early, Powell, of Talbot, SaflolJ, of Washington, and Steelman, of Habersham. You will observe that not one Nullifier spoke in favor of it. THE WANDERER’S ROUNDELAY. Earth does not boar another wretch, So helpless, so forlorn as I, Yet not for me a hand will stretch, I And not for me a heart will sigh; The happy in their happiness, Will not to woe a thought incline; The wretched feel a fierce distress, Too much their own to think of mine,. • And few shall be The tears for me, When I am lain beneath the tree. There was a time when joy ran high. And every sadder thought was weak, Tears did not always dim this eye, Or sorrow always strain this cheek; And even now 1 often dream, When sunk in feverish broken sleep, Os things that were, and things that seem, And friends that loved; then wake to weep, That few must be The tears for me, Wheis I am lain beneath the tree. Travellers lament the clouded skies, The moralist the ruined hall, And when th’ unconscious lily dies, How many mark and mourn its falL But I—no dirge for me will ring, No stone will mark my lowly spot, I am a suffering, withering thing, Just seen, and slighted, and forgot. And few shall be The tears for me, When I am lain beneath the tree. Yet welcome hour of parting breath, Come sure unerring dart—There’s room For sorrow in the arms of death, For disappointment in the tomb: What tho’ the slumbers there be deep, Tho’not by kind remembrance blest,. To slumber is to cease to weep, To sleep forgotton is to rest; Oh ! sound shall be The rest for me, When I am lain beneath the tree.