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JTIEsiSACHB
OF
THE PRESIDENT-OF THE UNITED STATES,
transmitted
TO BOTH HOUSES OU CONGRESS
December 8 1835.
Fellow-citizens of the Senate
and House of Representatives :
10-the discharge of my official dntv, the task
again devolves upon me of communicating with
a "new Congress. The reflection tint the re
presentation of the Union has been recently re
newed, and that the constitutional term of its
service will expire with my own, heightens the
solicitude with which I shall attempt to lay be
fore it the state of our national concerns, and the
devout hope which 1 cherish, that its labors to
improve them may be crowned with success.
You are assembled at a period ot profound
interest to the American patriot. The unex.
ampled growth and prosperity of our country,
having given us a rank in the scale of nations
which removes all apprehension of danger to our
integrity and-independence from external foes,
die career ot freedom is before if, with an
earnest from the past, that, if true to ourselves,
there can be no formidable obstacle i t the future,
to its peaceful and uninterrupted pursuits Yet,
in proportion to the disappearance of those ap
prehension i which attended our weakness, as
once contrasted with the. power of some ot the
states ot the old world, should we now be soli
eituous as to those which belontr to > lie convic
tion, that it is to our own conduct we must look
for the preservation of those causes, on which
depend the excellence and the duration of our
happy system of Government.
In the example of other systems, founded on
the will of the people, we trace to internal d;S
sension the influences which have so often blast
ed the hopes of the friends of freedom. Tne
social elements, which were strong and success
ful when united against external danger, tailed
in the more difficult task of properly adjusting
theirown internal organization, and thus gave
way the great principle of self-government.—
Let us trust that this admonition will never be
forgotten by the Government or the Beople-ot the
United States; and that the testimony which our
experience thus far holds out to the great human
family, of the praticability and the blessings of
free government will be confirmed in all time to
come.
We have but to look at the state of our agri
culture, manufactures, and commerce, and the
unexampled increase of our population, to feel
the magnitude of the trust committed to us.—
Never, tn any former period ot our history, have
we had greater reason than we now have, io be
thankful to Divine Providence for the blessings
of health and general prosperity. Ecery branch
of labor we see crowned with the must abun
dant rewards; in every element of national
resources and-wealth, and of individual comfort,
we witness the most rapid and solid improve
ments. With no interruptions to this pleasing
prospect at home, which will not yield to the
spirit of harmony and good will that so striking
ly pervades the mass of the people in every
quarter, amidst all the diversity ol interest and
pursuits to which they are attached ; and with no
cause of solicitude in regard to our external
affairs, which will not, it is hoped, disappear
before the principles ol simple justice and the
forbearance that mark our intercourse with
foreign Powers—we have every reason to feel
proud of our beloved country.
The general state of our Foreign Relations
has not materially changed since my last annual
message.
In the settlement of the question oftheNorth
eastern boundary, little progress has been made.
Great Britain declined acceding to the pro
position of the United States, presented in ac
cordance with the resolution of the Senate, un
less certain preliminary conditions were admit
ted, which I deemed incompatible with a satis
factory and rightlul adjustment of the controver
sy. W aiting for some distinct proposal from the
Government of Great Britain, which has been
invited, I can only repeat the expression of my
confidence, that with the strong mutual disposi
tion which I believe exists, to make a just ar
rangement, this perplexing question can be
settled with a due regard to the well founded
pretensions and pacific policy of all the parties
to it. Events are frequently occuring on the
Northeastern frontier, of a character to impress
upon all the necessity of a speely and definitive
termination of the dispute. This consideration,
added to the desire common to both, to relieve
the liberal and friendly relations so happily ex
isting between the two countries from all em.
barrassment, will, no deubt, have its just influ
ence upon both.
Our diplomatic intercourse with Portugal has
been renewed, and it is expected that the claims
of our citizens, partially paid, will be fully
satisfi d as soon as the condition of the Queen’s
Government will permit the proper attention to
the subject of them. That Government has, I
am happy to inform you, manifested a detenni
nation to act upon the liberal principles which
have marked our commercial policy; the happiest
effects upon the future trade between the United
States and Portugal, are anticipated from it, and
the time is not thought to be remote when a
system of perfect reciprocity willbe established.
The instalments due under the Convention
with the King of the Two Sicilies, have been
paid with that scrupulous fidelity by which his
whole conduct has been characterised, and the
hope is indulged, that the adjustment of the
vexed question of our claims will be followed
by a more extended and mutually beneficial in
tercourse between the two countries.
The internal contest still continues in Spain.
Distinguished as this struggle has unhappily
been, by incidents of the most sanguinary cha
racter, the obligations of the late treaty of in
damnification with us, have been, nevertheless
faithfully executed by the Spanish Government.
No provision having been made at the last
session of Congress for the ascertainment of the
claims to be paid, and the apportionment ot the
funds, under the convention made with Spain, 1
invite your early attention to the subject. The
public evidences of the debt ] lave , according to
the terms of the convention, and tn the forms
prescribed by it. been placed in the possession of
the United States, and th- interest, as it fell
due. has been regularly paid upon them. Our
commercial intercourse with Cuba stands as re
gulated by the act of C ongress. No recent in
formation has been received as to the disposition
ot the Government of Madrid on this subject,
and the lamented death of our recently appoint
ed M nister, on his way to Spain, with the pres
sure of thuir ufla rs at home, render it scarcely
probable that any change is to be looked for du
ring the coming year. Further portions of the
Florida archives have beea sent to the United
States, although the death of one of the Com.
missioners, at a critical moment, embarrassed
the progress of the delivery of them. Thelhigh
er officers of the local Government have recently
shown an anxious desire, in compliance with the
orders from the parent Government, to facili-
'ate the selection and delivery of all we have a
right to claim.
Negotiations Lave been opened at Madrid, for
the establishment of a lasting peace between
Spain and such of the Spatnish American Go.
vernments ot this hemisphere, as have avail,
ed themselves of the intimation given to all
of them, of the disposition of Spain to Heat upon
the basis ol their entire independence. It is to
be regretted, that simultaneous appointments, by
all, ot ministers to negotiate wt h bpam, ban not
been made; the negotiation itself would have
been simplified, and this long standing dispute,
spreading over a large portion of the world,
would have been brought to a more speedy con
clusion.
Our political and commercial relations with
Austria, Pruss.a, Sweden and Denmark, stand
on the unsuai favorably basis. One ot the arti
des of our treaty with Russia, in relation to the
trade on the Northwest coast ol America, hav
ing expired, instructions have been given to our
M mister at St. Petersburg to nego.iaie a
renewal of it. Tne long and unbronen amity
between the two Governments gives every rea
son tor supposing the article will he renewed, it
stronger motives do not exist to prevent it than,
with our view ot the subject, cun be anticipated
here.
I ask your attention to the message of my pre
decessor at the opening of the second session
of the nineteenth Congress, relative to our
commercial intercourse withliollatid, and to
the documents connected with' that subject,
communicated to the House ot Represen
tatives on the 10. h ot January, 182 >, and 18th
January, 1827. Coinciding in the opinion of
my predecessor, that Holland is not under the
regulations ot her present system, entitled to
have tier vessels and their cargoes i evolved into
the United States on the tooling oi American
vessels and cargoes, as regards duties oi tonnage
and impost, a respect tor his reference of it to
the Legislature, has alone prevented me from
acting on the subject. I should still have waited,
without comment, for the action of Congress,
but r_ceatly a claim has been made by Belgian
subjects to,admission into our ports for their ships
and cargoes-, on the same tooting us American,
with the allegation we could not uispuie, that
our vessels received m their ports tlm identical
treatment showu to them tn the pons of Holland,
upon whose vessels no discrimination is made in
the ports of the United States. Giving the same
privileges, the Belgians expected the stitiie ben.
fcfits—benefits that were in fact engaged wiieti
Belgium and Holland were united under one go
vernment. Satisfied with the j istice ot their
pretension to be placed on the same footing with
’•Holland, I could not, nevertheless, without dis
regard to the principle of our laws, admit their
claim to be treated as Americans; and at the
s,aine time a respect for Congress, to whom the
subject had long since been referred, has pre
vented me item producing a just equality, by ta
king from the vessels of Holland privileges con
ditionally granted by acts of Congress, although
the condition upon which the grant was made,
has, in my judgment, failed since 1822. 1 re.
commend, therefore, a review oi the act of 1b24,
und such a modification of it as will produce an
equality, on such terms as Congress shall think
best comports with our settled policy, and the
obligations ot justice to two friendly Powers.
With the Sublime Porte, ami all the Govern
ments on the coast of Barbary, our relations
continue to be friendly. The proper steps have
been taken to renew our treay with Morocco.
Tlie Argenitne Republic has again promised
to send, within the current year, a Minister to
the United States.
A Convention with Mexico for extending the
time for the appointment of commissioners to
run the boundary line has been concluded, and
will be submitted to the Senate. Recent events
in that country have awakened the liveliest so
licit,ude in the United States. Aware of the
strong temptations existing, and powerful in
ducements held out to the citizens of the United
States to mingle in the dissensions of our imine
diate neighbors, instructions have been given to
the District Attorneys of the United States,
A'here indications warranted it, to prosecute,
without respect to persons, all who might attempt
to violate the obligations olour neutrality: while
at the same time it has been thought necessary,
to apprize the Government of Mexico that we
should require the integrity of our territory to
be scrupulously respected by both purties.
From our diplomatic agents in Brazil, Chili,
Peru, Central America, Venezuela, and Nev.-
Granada, constant assurances aie received oi
the continued good understanding with the Go
vernments to which they are severally accredit
ed. With those Governments upon which our
citizens have valid and accumulating claims,
scarcely an advance towards a settlement of them
is made, owing mainly to their distracted slate
or to the pressure of imperative domestic ques
tions. Our patience has been, and will probebly
be, still further severely tried ; but our Icliow
citizens whose interests are involved, may confide
in the determination of the Government to obtain
for them, eventually, ample retribution.
Unfortunately, many of the nations of this
hemisphere arc still self tormented by domestic
dissensions. Revolution succeeds revolution, in
juries are committed upon foreigners engaged in
lawful pursuits, much time elapses betore a Go.
vernment sufficiently stable is erected to justify
expectation of redress—Ministers are sent and
received, and before the discussions of past in
juries are fairly begun, fresh troubles arise; but
400 frequently new injuries are added to the old,
to be discussed together, with the existing Go.
vernment, after it has proved its ability to sustain
the assaults made upon it, or with its successor,
if overthrown. If this unhappy condition ol
things continues much longer, other nations will
be under the painful necessity ot deciding,wheth
er justice to their suffering citizens does not re
quire a prompt redress of injuries by their own
power, without waiting for the establishment ol
a Government competent and enduring enough to
discuss and to make satisfaction for them.
Sincejhe last session of Congress, tiie validi
ty of our claims upon France, as liquidated by
the treaty of lb3l, has been acknowledged by
both branches of her Legislature, and the money
has been appropriated for their discharge ; but
the payment is, I regret to inform you, still with
held.
A brief recapitulation of the most important in.
cidents in this protracted controversy, will show
how utterly untenable are the grounds upon which
this course is attempted to be justified.
On entering upon the duties ot my station, 1
found the United States an unsuccessful appli
cant to the justice of France, for the satisfaction
of claims, the validity of which was never ques
tionable, and has now been most solemnly admit
ted by France herself. The antiquity of these
claims, their high justice, and the aggravating
circumstances out of which they arose, arc too
familiar to the American People to require de
scription. It is sufficient to say, that, for a pe
riod of ten years and upwa ds, our commerce
was, with but little interruption, the subject of
constant aggressions on the part of France—ag
gressions, the ordinary features of which were
condemnations of vessels and cargoes under ar
bitrary decrees, adopted in contravention, as well
ot the laws of nations, as of treaty stipu ations :
burnings on the high seas, and seizures and con
hscations, under.special imperial recripts, in tiie
ports of other nations occupied bj’ the armies or
under the control of France.—Such, it is now
conceded, is the character of the wrongs we suf
sered —W’rongs, in many cases, so flagrant, that
even their authors never denied our right to re
paration. Ot the extent ot these injuries, some
conception may be formed from the fact, that as.
ter the burning of a large amount at sea,’and the |
necessary deterioration, in other cases, by long
detention, the American property so seized and
sacrificed at forced sales, excluding what was
adjudged to privateers before or without condem
nation, brought into trie French Treasury up
wards of twenty four millions of francs, besides
large custom house duties.
The subject had already been an affair of
•went) years’ uninterrupted negotiation, except
lor a short time, when France was overwhelmed
by the military power of united Europe. Du
ring this period, whilst other nations were extor
ting from her payment of their claims at the point,
of the bayonet, the United Slates intermitted
tlicir demand for justice, out of respect to the
oppressed condition of a gallant people, to whom
they felt under obligations- for fraternal assist,
ance in their own days of suffering and of per:!.
The bad effects of these protracted and unavail
ing discussions, as well upon our relations with
France as upon our national character, were ob
vious : and the line of duty was to my mind equal
ly so. This was, either to insist uporn the ad.
justment ot our claims within a reasonable peri
od, or to abandon them altogether. I>could not
• doubt that, by this course, the interests and hon
i orot both countries would be best co nsulted.
I Instructions were therefore given in this spirit,
to the Minister who was sent out, once more to
demand reparation. Upon the meeting ot Con.
press, in December, 1829, I felt it my duty to
speak of these claims, and the delays of France,
| in l terms calculated to call the serious attention
lof both countries to the subject. The then
French Ministry took exception to tjie message,
! m the ground of its i ontaining a menace, under
| which it was not agreeable to the French Go
| vernment to negotiate. The American minister,
of his own accord, refuted the construction which
was attempted to be put upon the message, and,
at the same time, called to the recollection of the
French Ministry, that the President's message
was a communication addressed, not to Foreign
Governments, but to the Congress of the United
States, in which it was enjoined upon him, by the
constitution, to lay before that body information
of the state of the Union, comprehending its for
eign as well as its domestic relations; and that
it, in the discharge of this duty, he felt itincum
bent upon him to summon the attent.on ot Con
gress, m due time; to what might be the possi
ble consequences of existing difficulties with any
foreign Government, he m-ght fairly be suppo
sed to do so tinder a sense ol what was due from
him in a frank communication wi h another
branch of his own Governm-. nt, and not from any
intention of holding a menace over a ioreign
Power. The views taken by him received my
approbation; the French Government was satis
fied, and the negotiation was continued. It ter
minated tn the treaty of July 4, 1831, recognis
ing the justice ot our claims, tn part, and pro
mtsing payment to the amount of twenty five mil
lions of. femes, in six annuaLinstalments.
The latifications of this treaty were exchanged
at Washington, on the 2 i of
in five days thereafter it was laid before Congress,
who immediately passed the acts necessary, on
our part, to secure to Fiance the commercial ad
vantages conceded to her in the compact. The
Irea'y ha l previously been solemnly ratified by
the King of the French, in terms which are cer
tainly not mere matters of form, and of which
the translation is as follows : “ We, approving
the above convention, in all and each of the dis
positions which are contained in iff do declare,
bj' ourselves, as well as by our heirs and succes
sors, that it is accepted, approved, ratified, and
confirmed ; and by these presents, signed bj’ our
hand, we do accept, approve, ratify, and confirm
it; promising, on the faith and woyd of a King,
to observe it, and to cause it to be observed in.
violably, without ever contravening it, or suffer
ing it to be contravened, directly or indirectly,
for any cause, or under any pretence whatsoever.”
Official information oi the exchange of ratifi
cations in the United States reached Paris whilst
the Chambers were in session. The extraordi
nary; and to us injurious, delays of the French
Government, in their action upon the subject of
its fulfilment, have been heretofote staled to
Congress, and I have no disposition to enlarge
upon them here. It s sufficient to observe, that
the then pending sc-, on was allowed to expire
without even an effort to obtain the necessary
appropriations ; that the two succeeding ones
were also suffered to pa u s away without any
thing like a serious attempt to obtain a decision
upon the subject; and that it was not until the
fourth session, almost three years after the con
clusion ot the treaty, and more than two years
after the exchange of ratifications, that the bill
for the execution of the treaty was pressed to a
vote and rejected.
In the meantime, the Government of the Uni
ted States, having full confidence that a treaty
entered into and so solemnly ratified by the
French King, would be executed in good faith,
and noi doubting that provision would be made
for the payment of the first instalment,which was
to become due on the second day of February,
1833, negotiated a draft for the amount through
the Bank of the United States. When this draft
was presented by the holder, with the creden
tials required by th"e treaty to authorize him to
receive the money, the Government of France
allowed it to be protested. In addition to the
injury in the non-payment of the money by
France, conformably to her engagement, the U
nited States were exposed to a heavy claim on
the part of the Bank, under pretence of damages,
in satisfaction of which that institution seized
upon, and still retains, an equal amount ot the
public moneys. Congress was in session when
the decision ol the Chambers reach Washington,
and an immediate communication of this appar
ently final decision of France not to fulfil the
stipulations of the treaty, was the course natu
rally to be expected from the President. The
deep tone of dissatisfaction which pervaded the
public mind, and the correspondent excitement
produced in Congress by only a general knowl
edge ol the result, rendered it more than proba
ble that a resort to immediate measures of re
dress would be the consequence of calling the
attention of.that body to the subject. Sincerely
desirous of preserving the pacific relations which
had so long existed between the two countries, I
was anxious to avoid this course if I could be
satisfied that by doing so neither the interest nor
the honor of my country would be compromitted.
Without the fullest assurances upon that point,
I could not hope to acquit myself of the respon
sibiltty to be incurred, in suffering Congress to
adjourn without laying the subject before them.
Those received by me were believed to be of
tha’i character.
That the feelings produced in the U. States by
the news of the rejection of the appropriation
would be such as I have described them to have
been, was foreseen by the French Government,
and prompt measures were taken by it to pre
vent the consequences. The King, in person,
expressed through our Minister at Paris his pro
found regret at the decision of the Chambers,
and promised to send, forthwith, a national ship
with despatches to his Minister here, authori
zing him to give such assurances as would sat
isfy the Government and People of the United
States, that the treaty would yet be faithfully
executed by France. The national ship arrived,
and the Minister received his instructions. Clai
ming to act under the authority derived from
them, he gave to this Government, in the name
as his, the most solemn assurances, that, as soon
after the new elections as the charter would
permit, the French Chambers would be conve
ned, and the attempt to procure the necessary
appropriations renewed; that all the constitutional
powers of the King and his Ministers should be
put in requisition to accomplish the object; and
he was understood and so expressly informed
i by this Government at the time, to engage that
the question shoo’d be pressed to a decision at a
period sufficiently early to permit information of
the result to be communicated to Congress at the
commencement of their next session. Relying
upon these assurances, I incurred the responsi
bility, great as 1 regarded it to be, of suffering
Congress to separate without communicating
with them upon the subject.
The expectations justly founded upon the
premises thus solemnly made to this Government
by that of France, were not real zed. The
French Chambers met on the 31st of July, 1834,
soon after the election; and although our Minis
ter in Paris urged the French Ministry to bring
the subject befoie them, they declined doing so.
He next insisted that the Chambers, if prorogued
without acting; on the subject, should be reas
sembled at a period so early that their action
on the treaty might be known in Washington
prior to the meeting of Congress. This reason
able request was not only dsclincd.but the Cham
bers were prorogued'to the 29th of December, a
day so late, that their decision, however ur
gently pressed,could not, in all probability, be ob-
I tained in time to reach Washington before the
: necessary adjournment of Congress by the Con.
: stilulion. The reasons given by the Ministry
! for refusing to convoke the Chambers at an early
I period, were afterwards shown not to be insupe
i rible, by their actual convocation on the Ist of
December, under a special call, lor domestic
purposes—which fact, however, did not become
known to this Government until after the com
mencement of the last session of Congress.
Thus disappointed in our just expectations, it
became my imperative duty to consult with Con
gress in tegard to the expediency of a resort to
retaliatory measures, tn case the stipulations of
the treaty should norpe speedily complied with ;
and to recommend such, as in my judgment, the
occasion called for To this end, an unreserved
communication of the case, in all its aspects,
became indispensable. To have shrunk, in ma
king it, from saying all that was necessary to its
correct understanding, and that the truth would
justify, for fear of. giving offence to others,
would have been unworthy of us. To have gone,
on the other hand, a single step further, for the
purpose of wounding the pride of a Government
and people with whom we had-so many motives
far cultivating relations of amity and reciprocal
advantage, would have been unwise and impro.
per, Admonished bv the past of the difficulty of
making even the simplest statement of our
wrongs, without disturbing the sensibilities ot
those who had, by their position,become responsi
ble for their redress, and earnestly desirous of
preventing further obstacles from that source, I
wentout of my way to preclude a construction of
the message, by which the recommendation that
was made to Glougress might be regarded as a
menace to France; in not only disavowing such a
des gn, but in declaring that her pride and her
power were too well known to expect anything
from her fears. The message did not reach Pa
ris until more than a month after the Chambers
had been in sess on ; and such was the insensi
bility of the Ministry to our rightful claims and
just expectations, that our Minister has been
informed that the matter, when introduced,
would not be pressed as a cabinet measure.
Although the message was not officially com
municated to the French Government,. and not
withstanding the declaration to thecontrary
which it contained, the French Ministry decided
to consider the conditional recommendation of
reprisals, a menace and an insult, which the hon
or of the nation made it incumbent on them to
resent. The measures resorted to bv them to
evince their sense of the supposed indignity,
were, the immediate recall of their Minister at
Washington, the offer of passports to the Amer
ican Minister at Paris, and a public notice to the
Legislative Chambers, that all diplomatic inter
course with the United Stateshad been suspend
ed.
Having, in this manner, vindicated the dignity
ofFrance. they next proceeded to illustrate her
justice. To this end a bill was immediately in.
troduced into the Chamber of Deputies, propos
ing to make the appropriations necessary to car
ry into effect the treaty. As this bill subse
quently passed into a law, the provisions of
which now constitute the main subject ofdifficul
ty between the two nations, it becomes my duty,
in order to place the subject before you in a clear
light, to trace the history of its passage, and to
refer, with some particularity, to the proceedings
and discussions in regard to it. The Minister of
Finance in his opening speech, alluded to the
measures which had been adopted to resent the
supposed indignity, and recommended the exe
cution of the treaty as a measure required by the
honor and justice of France. He, as the organ
of the Ministry, declared the message, s<> long
as it had not received- the sanction of Congress,
a mere expression of tiie personal opinion of the
President, forjj which neither the Government
nor People of the United States were responsi
ble, and that an engagement had been entered
into, for the fulfilment of which the honor of
France was pledged. Entertaining these views,
the single condition which the French Ministry
proposed to annex to the payment of the money
was, that it should not be made until it was as
certained that the Government of the United
States had done nothing to injure the interests
ofFrance, or, in other words, that no steps had
been authorized by congress of a hostile char,
acter towards France.
What the disposition or action of Congress
might be, was then unknown to the French Cabi
net. But, on the 14th of January, the Senate
resolved that it was, at that time, inexpedient to
adopt any legislative measures in regard to the
state of affairs between the United Statesand
France, and no act on on the subject had occur
red in the House of Representatives. These
facts were known in Paris prior to the 28th of
March, 1835, when the committee, to whom the
bill of indemnification had been referred, reported
it to the Chamber of Deputies. That committee
substantially re echoed the sentiments of the
Ministry, declared that Congress had set aside
the proposition of the President, and recommend,
ed the passage of the bill without any other
restriction than that originally proposed. Thus
was it known to the French Ministry and Cham
bers, that if the position assumed by them, and
which had been so frequently and solemnly an
nounced as the only one compatible with the
honor of France, was maintained, and the bill
passed as originally proposed, the money would
be paid, and there would be an end of this un
fortunate controversy.
But this cheering prospect was soon destroy,
ed by an amendment introduced into the bill at
at the’moment of its passage, providing that the
money should not be paid until the French
Government had received satisfactory, explana
tions of the President’s message, of' the 2d
December, 1834, and what is still more extraor
dinary, the President of the Council of Minis
ters adopted this amendment, and consented to
its incorporation in the bill. In regard to a sup
posed insuit which had been formally resented
by the recall of their Minister, and the offer of
pasports to ours, they now, for the first time,
proposed to ask. explanations. Sentiments and
propositions, which they had declared could not :
justly be imputed to the Government or people i
of the United States, are set up as obstacles to
the performance of an act of conceded justice to
that Government and People. They had de
dared that the honor of France required the
fulfilment of the engagement into which the
King had entered, unless Congress adopted the
recommendations of the message. They as
certained that Congress did not adopt them, and
yet that fulfilment is refused, unless they first
obtain from the President explanations of an
opinion characterized by themselves as person,
al and inoperative.
The conception" that it was my intention to
menace or insult the Government of France, is
as unfounded, as the attempt to extort from the
fears of that nation what her sense of justice may
deny, would be vain and ridiculous. But the
constitution of the United States imposes on the
President the duty of laying before Congress
the condition of the country, in its foreign and
domestic relations, and of recommending such
measures as may, in his opinion, be required by
its interests. From the performance ol this duty
he cannot be deterred by the fear of wounding
the sestbilitjes of the people or Government
of whom it may become necessary to speak :
ami the A-merican People are incapable of sub
mitttng to an inierterancc, by any Government
on earth, however powerful, with the free per
formance of the domestic duties which the con
stitution has imposed on their public fnnetiona*
ries. Ihe discussions which intervene between
the several departments of our Government, be.
long Io ourselves; and, for any thing said in
them-,-our public servants are only responsible
to their own constituents, and to each other. If,
in the course of their consultations, facts are
erroneously stated, or unjust deductions are
made, they require no other inducement to cor
rect them, however informed of their error, than
their love of justice, and what is due to their
own character; but they can never submit to
be interrogated upon the subject, as a mutter of
right, by a foreign Power. When our discus,
sions terminate in acts, our resposibility to for
eign Powers commences, not as individuals, but
as a nation. The principle which calls in qnes
tion the President for the language of his mes
sage, would equally justify a foreign Power in
demanding explanation of the language used in
the report of a committee, or by a member in
debate.
This is not the first time that the Government
of France has taken exception to the messages
of American Presidents. President Washingto i,
and the first President Ad ims, in the perform,
ance of their duties to the American People, fell
under the animadversions of the French Direc
tory. The objection taken by the Ministry of
Charles X, and removed by the explanations
made by our Minister upon th • spot, has already
been adverted to. When it was understood that
the Ministry of the present King took ex
ception to my message of last year, putting a
construction upon it which was disavowed on
its face, our late Minister at Paris, in answer
to the note which first announced a dissatisfac
tion with the language used in the message,
made a communication to the -French Govern,
ment under date of the 29th of January, 1835,
calculated to remove all impressions which an
unreasonable susceptibility had created. He
repeated, and called the attention of the French
Government to, (he disavowal contained in the
message itself, sf any intention to intimidate by
menace—he truly declared that it contained, and
was intended to contain, no charge of ill-faith
against the King of the French, and properly
distinguished between the right to complain in
unexceptionable terms, of the omission to exe
cute an agreement, and an aceusat on of bad mo.
tives in withholding such execution—and demon
strated, that the necessary use of that right ought
not to be considered as an offensive imputation.
Although this communication was made without
instructions, and entirely on the Minister’s own
responsibility, yet it was afterwards made the
•act of this Government by my full approbation,
and that approbation was officially made known
on the 25th of April, 1835, to the French Gov
ernment. It, however, failed to have any effect.
The law, after this friendly explanation, passed
with the obnoxious amendment, supported by
the King’s Ministers, and was finally approved
by the King.
The People of the United States are justly
attached to a pacific system in their intercourse
with foreign nations. It is proper, therefore,
that they should know whether their Govern,
ment has adhered to it. In the present instance
it has been carried to the utmost extent that
was consistent with a becoming self respect.
The note of the 29th of January, to which I have
before alluded, was not the only one which our
Minister took upon himself the responsibility of
presenting, on the same subject, and in the
same spirit. Finding that it was intended to
make the payment of a just debt dependent o n
the performance of a coud.tion whi. h he knew
could never be complied with, he thought it a
duty to make another attempt to convince the
French Government, that whilst self-respect
and a regard to the dignity of other nations
would always prevent us from using any Inn.
guage that ought to give offence, yet we could
never admit a right in any foreign Government
to ask explanations of, or to interfere in any
manner in, the communications which one
branch of our public councils made with ano
ther that in the present case no snch language
had been used, and that this had in a former
note been fully and voluntarily stated, before it
was contefliplated to make the explanation a con
dition : nnd that there might be no misapprehen
sion, he stated the terms used in that note, and
and he officially informed them that it had been
approved by the President and that, therefore,
every explanation which could reasonably be
asked, or honorably given, had been already
made—that the contemplated measure had been
anticipated by a voluntary nnd friendly deelara.
tion, and was therefore not only useless, but
might be deemed offensive, and certainly would
not be complied with, if annexed as a condition.
When this latter communication, to which I
specially invite the attention of Congress, was
j laid before me, I entertained the hope that the
means it was obviously intended to afford, of an
honorable and speedy adjustment of the difficui
ties between the two nations, would have been
Accepted, and I therefore did not hesitate to give
lit my sanction and full approbation. This was
due to the Minister who had made himself re
sponsible for the act ; an 1 it was published to
the People of the United States, nnd is now laid
before their representatives, to show how far
their Executive has gone in its endeavors to re.
store a trood understanding between the two
countries. It would have been, at any time,
communicated to the Government of France,
had it been officially requested.
The French Government having receivedall
the explanation which honor and principle per
mitted, and which could in reason be asked, it
was hoped it would no longer hesitate to pay
the instalments now due. The agent authori
zed to receive the money was instructed to in
form the French Minister of his readiness to
do so. In reply to this notice, he was told that
the money could not then be paid, because the
formalities required by the act of the Chambers
had not been arranged.
Not having received any official commuuica
tion of the intentionsofthe French Government,
and anxious to bring, as far as practicable, this
unpleasant affair to a close before the meeting
of Congress, that you might have the whole sub
ject before you, I caused our Charge d’Affaires
at Paris to be instructed to ask for the final de
termination of the French Government; and in
the event of their refusal to pay the instalments
now due, without further explanations, to re
turn to the United States.
The result of this last application has not
reached us, but is daily expected. That it may
be favorable, is mv sincere wish. France hav
ing now, through all the branches of her Gov
ernment, acknowledged the validity of our
claims, and the obligation of the treaty of 1831;
and there really existing no adequate cause for
further delay, will, at length, it may be hoped,
adopt the course which the interests of both na
tions, not less than the principles of justice, so
imperiously require. The treaty being once
executed on her part, little will remain to dis-
lurb the friendly relations of the two countries;
nothing, indeed, which will not yield to the
suggestions of a. pacific and enlightened policy,
and to the influence of that mutual good will
and of those generous recollections, which we
may confidently expect will then be revived in
all their ancient force. In any event, however,
the principle involved in the new aspect which
has been given to the controversy, is so vitally
important to the independent administration of
the Government, that it can neither be surren
dered nor compromitted, without national deg
radation. Ih >pe it is unnecessary for me to say,
that such a sacrifice will not be made through
any agency of mine The honor of my country
shall never be stained by any apology from me,
for the statement of truth and the performance
of duty; nor can I give any explanation of my
official acts, except such as is due to integrity
and justice, and consistent with the principles
on which our institutions have been framed.
This determination will, lam confident, be ap
proved by my constituents. 1 have, indeed,
studied their character to but little purpose, if
the sum of twenty-five millions of francs will
have the weight of a feather, in the estimation
of what appertains to their national indepen
dence; and if, unhappily, a different impression
should at any time obtain in any quarter, they
will, I am sure, rally round the Government of
their choice with alacrity and unanimity, and
silence for ever the degrading imputation.
Having thus frankly presented to you the cir
cumstances which, since the Iqst session of
Congress, have occurred in this interesting and
important matter, with the views of the Execu
tive in regard to them,ilia at this time only neces
sary to add,that whenever the advices, now daily
expected from our Charge d’Affaires, shall have
been received, they will be made the subject of
a special communication.
The condition of the Public Finances was
nevermore flattering than at the present period.
Since my last annual communication, all the
remains of the Public Debt have been redeem
ed, or money has been placed in deposije for
this purpose, whenever the creditors chose to
receive it. All the other pecuniary engage
ments of the Government have been honorably
and promptly fulfilled, and" there will be a bal
ance in the Treasury, at the close of the pres
ent year, of about nineteen millions of dollars.
It is believed, that after meeting ailoutstanclibg'
and unexpended appropriations, there will’re
main near eleven millions to be applied to any
new objects which Congress may designate, or
to the more rapid execution of the works al
ready in progress. In aid of these objects, and
to satisfy the current expenditures of the ensu
ing year, it is estimated that there will be re
ceived, from various sources, twenty millions
more in IS3G.
Should Cohgress make new appropriations
in conformity with the estimatesrwhich will be
submitted fro nthe proper departments, amount
ing to about twenty-four millions, still the avail
able surplus at the close of the next year, aftei
deducting all unexpended appropriations, wil
probably be not less than six millions. Thi
sum can, in my judgment, be now usefully ap
plied to proposed improvements in our NaV
Yards, and to new national works, which ar'
not enumerated in the present estimates, or t
the more rapid completion of those alrcedy b<
;gun. Either would be constitutionalandusefu
and would render unnecessary any attempt, i
otii- present peculiar to divide th
surplus revenue, or to reduce it tiny faster tha
will be effected by the existing laws.’ In an
event, as the annual, report from the Secretar
of the Treasury will enter into details,showin
the probability of some decrease in the revenu
during the next seven years, and a veryconsit
erable deduction in 1842, it is not recommends
that Congress should undertake to modify tl
present tariff, so as to disturb the principles c
which the compromise act was passed. Tax;
tion on some of the articles of general co
sumption, which are not in competition wi
our own productions, may be, no donbt, so ci
minished as to lessen, tosorae extent,'the sour
of this revenue; and the same object can al
be assisted by more liberal provisions fort!
subjects of public defence, which, in’the pn
ent state of our- prosperity and wealth, may
expected to engage your attention. If, Jtowe
er, after satisfying ail the demands which •
arise from these sources, the unexpended bi
ance in the Treasury should still continue
in<- ease; it would be better to bear with t
evil until the great changes contemplated inc
tariff’laws have occurred, and shall enable■
to revise the system with that care and circttl
speclion which are due to so delicate flncLiH
portant a subject.
It is certainly our duty to diminish, as-*farß
we can, the burdens of taxation, and to reg»
all the restrictions which are imposed bn fl
trade and navigation of our citizens as’efl
which we shall mitigate whenever we art? fl
prevented by the adverse legislation and polfl
of foreign nations, or those primary diitfl
which the defence and independence of <H
country enjoin upon us. That we have acct
plished much towards the relief of our cilizi
by the changes which have accompanied
payment of the public debt, and the adoption
the present revenue laws, is manifest from
fact, that, compared with 1833, there is a din
nition of near twenty-five millions in the
two years, and that our expenditures, inden
dentiy of those for the public debt, have bl
reduced near nine millions during the sa
period. Let as trust, that by the continued]
servance of economy, and by harmonizing]
great interests of agriculture, manufactul
and commerce, much more may be accompli
ed to diminish the burdens of Government, I
to increase still further the enterprize and]
patriotic affection of all classes of ourcitizl
and all the members of our happy Confederl
As the data which the Secretary of the Trel
ry will lay before vou, in regard to our finanl
resources, are full and extended, and will
ford a safe guide in your future calculation
think it unnecessery to offer any further on
vationson that subject here. I
Among the evidences of the increasing n
perity of the country, not the least gratiffl
is that afforded by the receipts from the sail
the public lands, which amount in the prfl
year, to the unexpected sum of $11,000,0®
Thi« circumstance attests the rapidity I
which agriculture, the first and most infl
tant occupation of man, advances, and cofl
butes to the wealth and power of our extefl
territory. Being still of the opinion thatfl
our best policy, as far as we can, consistfl
with the obligations under which those fl
were ceded to the United States, to profl
their speedy settlement, 1 beg leave to cafl
attention of the present Congress to the sufl
tions I have offered respecting it in myfl
mer messages. fl
The extraordinary receipts from the safl
the public lands invite you to consider fl
improvements the land system, and particufl
the condition of the Generaid Land Officii
require. At the time this institution was ol
ized, near a quarter of a century ago, it vfl
probabiy have been thought extravagant tcß
cipate. for this period, such an addition B
business as had been produced by the vaß
ere t-sc of those sales during the pastand pfl
years. B
It may also be observed that, since thtfl
1812, the land offices and surveying difl
have been greatly multiplied, and that nfl
ous legislative enactments, from year tofl
since that time, have imposed a great
of new and additional duties upon that
while the want of a timely application ofBB
commensurate with the care and
quired, has caused the increasing
merit of accumulated arrears in the
branches of the establishment.
These impediments to the expedition
duty in the General Land Office induceflj