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EDITED IXD PUBLISHED WEEKLY, BY W H. B . HARRISON. CITY PRINTER. M>- Wife Is a Woman of Mind. BY R. MAYHEW. My Wife is a woman of mind, And Deville, who examined her bumps, Vowed that never was found in a woman Such large intellectual lumps. Ideality, big as an egg, With Casualily great was combined : He charged me ten shillings, and said, Sir, your wife is a woman of mind. She's too clever to care how she looks, Ami will horrid blue spectacles wear ; Not because she supposes they give her A fine intellectual air : No ! she pays no regard to appearance, And combs all her front hair behind ; Not because she is proud of her forehead, But because she’s a woman of mind. She makes me a bushel of verses, But never a pudding or tart ; If 1 hint I should like one, she vows I’m an animal merely at heart : Though I've noticed she spurns not the pastry, Whene'er at a friends we have dined, And has always had two plates of pudding— Such plates—for a woman of mind ! Not a stitch docs she do but a distitch : Mends her pens, too, instead of her clothes; 1 have not a shirt with a button, Nor a stocking that's sound at the toes ; If I ask her to darn me a pair, She replies she has work more refined ; Besides, to be darning of stockings— Is it Jit for a woman of mind ? Extracts from Dir. Calhoun's Address to tile People of the United States. We regret that the length of the Ad dress of Mr. Calhoun in reply to Mr. Benton, prevents its insertion entire in our columns. It is scarcely necessary to say that it is a triumphant vindication of the character of one, whose fidelity to the true interests of the South, has brought upon him the hatred and envy of those t who seek to deprive her of her constitu tional rights. Mr. Benton is evidently fishing for the Presidency,and by betraying the South seeks to secure for himself the Free Soil and Van Buren influence in the non-slaveholtling States. In this able Address Mr. Calhoun keeps his temper Ihroughout, and leaves the unprejudiced reader not “ a loop to hang a doubt upon” of the wonton, unjust and unprincipled at tack of Mr. Benton, (the great high priest of humbuggery,) upon his character and motives We trow the people of the South will need other evidence than any Mr. Benton could give, to convince them of the unfaithfulness of Mr. Calhoun, who lias grown gray in their service. But to the extracts, however difficult it my be to con dense this admirable address. After allu ding to the base desertion of the rights of the South by Mr. Benton, Mr. C. says : “He commenced bis speech [recently delivered at St. Louis,] with attacking the Resolutions I offered to the Senate on the 19th of February, 1817, and charges that they were introduced for the purpose of disunion. That you may judge for your selves, whether they are liable to the charge or not, I insert them : Resolved , That the Territories of the United States belong to the several States comprising this Union, and are held by them as their joint and common property. Resolved, That Congress, as the joint agent and representative of the States of this Union, has no right to make any law, or do any act whatever, that shall, directly or by its effects, make any discrimination between the States of this Union, by which any of them shall be deprived of its full and equal right in any Territory of the U nited Stales, acquired or to be acquired. Resolved, That the enactment of any law which should directly or by its effects, deprive the citizens of any of the States of this Union from emigrating with their pro perty into any of the Territories of the U nited States, will make such discrimination, and would, therefore, be a violation of the constitution, and the rights of the States from which such citizens emigrated, and in deroga'ion of that perfect equality which belongs to them as members of the Union, and would tend directly to subvert the Union itself. Resolved, That, as a fundamental prin ciple in our political creed ; a people, in forming a constitution, have the uncondi tional right to form and adopt the govern ment which they may think best calcula ted to secure liberty, prosperity and hap piness ; and that, in conformity thereto, no other condition is imposed by tlie federal constitution on a State, in order to her ad mission into this Union, except that its con stitution be republican and that the impo sition of any other by Congress, would not only be in violation of the constitution, but in direct conflict with the principle on which our political system rests. They are, as you see, confined to assert ing principles appertaining to the nature and character of our system of Govern ment, and making inference clearly dedu cible from them ; and which are of vital importance, in the question between you and the North, in relation to the Wilmot Proviso. If the facts be, as the resolutions stated, there is no denying the inference; and if both be true, then you ought to cm igrate with yourslaves intotbe Territories. This he felt, and hence his bitter denun ciation of them. But he confined himself to denunciation without making an effort to refute the resolutions by showing they contain error, either as to the fact asserted or inferences deduced. He knew that to be beyond his power and prudently avoid ed it. But, if the resolutions be true, as he is compelled to admit they are by his silence, how can they be a firebrand, as he calls them, or be justly chargeable with disunion!” * * * * To the charge of his having diunion in view in introducing the resolutions, and rendering the adjustment of the Territorial question impracticable, Mr. Calhoun says : “He (B.) makes this assertion, in the face of facts perfectly well known to him, that the Northern members, with a very few honorable exceptions, bad rejected every effort at compromise, and had declared their fixed determination not to accept of any. It was against this arrogant and un compromising course, that I offered my resolutions. It was then, they, and not me, who took ground against compromise. So far from this being true, I have ever been in favor of any fair adjustment,which was consistent with your constitutional rights. Os ibis I gave very strong proof at the very next session, by supporting the bill reported by Mr. Clayton, which left the decision to the adjudication of the courts. The bill would have passed but for bis associates, the abolitionists and free soilers, and the question in controversy be tween the two sections, in reference to Territories finally adjusted ; and yet, he knowing all this, has the effrontery (to call it by no harsher name) to charge me, and not them, as opposed to any adjustment, and that too for the base purpose of des troying the Union.” * * * To the absurd charge (ofB.) that the Missouri Compromise and Wilmot Proviso are the same in principle and Mr. Calhoun the author of both, Mr. C. says : “In the case of the Missouri Compromise, the North and the South differed on the con stitutional question, whether Congress had the right to prohibit the introduction of slaves, as a condition of admilting a State into the Union. One contended, that Con gress had the right to impose whatever condition it might think proper on a terri tory, about to become a State, and the oth er that it bad no right to impose any, ex cept that prescribed by the Constitution ; that its government should be republican. The North in that case waived the claim of power, on the proposal made by Mr. Clay to fix the northern limits of the terri tory, into which slaves might be intro duced,at 36° 30'. Tliis proposal,although made by a Southern member, was taken up and carried by the vote of the North, and thus became, in fact, their offer to compromise. The South acquiesced, without, however, yielding her principles or assenting, or dissenting, as to tlie pow er of Congress, to exclude slavery from the territories. It was a compromise, in which both waived, but neither yielded its opinion, as to the power of Congress. A ery different was the case in relation to the Oregon bill, passed at the session preceding the last. There the North con tended fjt the absolute right to exclude slavery from all the territories, and an nounced their determination to do so, against the efforts of the South to compro mise the question, by extending the Mis souri Compromise line to the Pacific Ocean. Ihe offer was scornfully refused, and the bill passed, without any compro mise. It was intended indeed to be the practical assertion of the naked principle, that Congress had the power to claim for it, by the Wilmot proviso. It was the first act of the kind ever passed, and was carried by the desertion from your cause by Col. Benton and Gen. Houston. It is not surprising that the former should be desirous of confounding this far more odious measure with the Missouri Com promise, a much less odious one, in the hope of mitigating your indignation, oc casioned by bis betrayal of you, on a ques tion so vital to the South. * * To the charge that Mr. Calhoun caused the abolition of slavery in a part of Texas* Mr. C. says : “He well knows how utter ly false lie was to you throughout on the Texas question. He took, as lias been stated, an active part to defeat the Treaty of Annexation, negotiated by me on tlie part of the United States. He knows that it contained no provision that countenan ced the abolition of slavery in any portion of Texas. I was strongly urged during the negotiation to insert a provision to ex tend the Missouri compromise line across Texas to its Western boundary, and was informed that it would aid in securing a constitutional majority in the Senate, in its favor. 1 peremptorily refused. He knows that he offered a proposition to abolish it in one half of the whole of Texas, and that by a line not drawn East and West, but North and South, so as to hem in the South on all sides, by surrounding her with abolition States. * * * lie res's his charge that I abolished slavery in Texas, on the fact that I was then Secretary of State, and that I select ed the Resolution, as it passed the House of Representatives, instead of the amend ment originally proposed by him, as the basis on which to annex Texas. Thus far, he has departed from his usual rule, and stated the facts correctly. I shun no res ponsibility. I am willing to take the whole ou this occasion ; but it is due to the Pres ident and the members of bis administra tion to say, they were unanimous in favor of the selection made. I not only select ed it, but assigned my reasons for making it, in a despatch to our then Minister to Texas, Mr. Donelson. I assigned them, because I anticipated that there would be an attempt to undo what was done, after the expiration of Mr. Tyler’s administra tion. This I was resolved to prevent, by stating reasons for the selection that could not be overruled. The attempt, as I sus pected, was made, and the late President lias since been arraigned before the pub lic by two friends and associates of Col. Benton, (Blair and Tappan,) because lie could not be forced to overrule what his predecessor had done. * * * * * Events prove that the selection was judicious. Texas was annexed a gainst every effort of open enemies and treacherous friends, both here and thcre> and the most strenuous efforts to defeat it by England and France, and by it, your weak and most exposed flank was protect ed against danger from without, and the machinations of abolitionists arid their a bettors at homo. It was a great victory, both for your cause and the country and was felt to be so at the time. That it was due to the selection made, I have the high est authority. Mr. Donnelson, in his let ter to me after annexation was achieved, said that any other course, but that pur sued, would have defeated it.” * * [Mr. C. has triumphantly vindicated his character from the many unjust asper sions which have been attempted to be cast upon it by this unprincipled dema gouge, who is now attempting to wend his way to the Presidency, by traducing one of the purest patriots of the age, whose crowning glory lias been, that lie has al ways preferred the good of his country to his own aggrandizement. In this particu lar Mr. Calhoun stands far above Mr. Benton —and the name cf the former wil] be cherished, whilst that of the latter shall be “expunged” from the book of grateful remembrance of the virtuous and good.] Been to Barnum’s. —Several persons’ among whom was a French gentleman, silting together at a tavern in New York, conversing upon the remarkable character of Bonaparte, whom the Frenchman had spoken to, one enquired, “how lai 0 e a person was he V s “Somewhat larger than myself,” he re plied. A countryman rising from his seat with great confidence, said lie was mistaken; that he had seen Bonaparte himself, who was considerably less than the French man. “How long is it since you have seen him 1" “About three years.” “Then you have been at St. Helena ?” “No 1” “Where, then, did you have the pleas ure of seeing Bonaparte V' “In the Museum ,” replied the country man. Not Bad. —A newly married couple went to house-keeping, not long since in Poplar street. At breakfast, the next morning, after their entrance, the gentle man said to liis lady : —“My dear, this is Poplar Street, and putting u (you) iu it, it becomes popular.” “And by putting ns in it,” promptly re plied the lady, “it will become populous.” The haw of Newspapers. 1. Subscribers who do not give express notice to the contrary, are considered as wishing to con tinue their subscriptions. 2. If the subscribers order tho discontinua tion of their papers, the publishers may continue to send them till all cash charges arc paid. 3. If subscribers neglect or refuse take their papers from the offices to which they are directed they are held responsible till they have settled their bill, and order their paper discontinued. 4. If subscribers remove to other places with out informing the publishcrsp and the paper is sent to the former direction, they are held re sponsible. 5. The Courts have decided that refusing to take a paper, or periodical from the office, or re moving and leaving it uncalled for, is “prim® fatie evidence of intentional fraud. Postmasters are requested to keep a copy of the above rules, and show it to persons who may de cline taking their papers out of the respective offices, witiiout having paid up ail arrearages for the same. RESOLUTIONS Passed at the Democratic Convention, held at Milledgeville, July 11, 1849. The committee appointed to report bu siness for the action of the Convention, through its Chairman, R. W. Flournoy, Esq., made the following Report, which having been read, was unanimously adop ted : In conformity with the usage of our par ty, w r e propose to reaffirm the principles ot our political faith—our undiminished confidence in their truth and correctness, anil our determination to preserve and maintain them by the exercise of every honorable means. Therefore, Resolved, That a strict construction of the constitution of the Uuited States, an equal distribution of the burthens and bene fits of Government, an independent treas ury system ; a revenue system of tariff du ties ; opposition to a system of internal improvements by the general Government; opposition to a repeal or modification of the veto power, are cardinal principles of the democratic party, and that their trium phant vindication in the brilliant adminis tration of James K. Polk, lias increased our confidence in them, and strengthened our devotion to their maintenance. Resolved, That in reference to the sub ject of slavery in our newly acquired Ter ritories, we hold the doctrine of non-in tervention, which doctrine denies to Con gress the power to legislate, either origin ally or by ratification of the action of the lenitory Legislature, either for or against the introduction of slavery into such Territories, and holding such doctrines we should regard the adoption of the Wil mot Proviso as unjust and unconstitution al, and are prepared to co-operate with our friends in resisting its enactment and enforcement on the basis of the resolctions adopted by the Virginia Legislature at its last seeion : which we hereby adopt, and which read as follow's : Be it resolved unanimously by the Gen eral Assembly of Virginia, That the gov ernment of the United States has no con trol, directly or indirectly, mediately or immediately, over the institution of slavery so as to impair the rights of the slavehol der ; and that, in taking any such control, it transcends the limits of its legitimate functions, by destroying the internal organ ization of the sovereignties who created it. Resolved, unanimously, That all territo ry which may be acquired by the arms of the L uitod States, or yielded by treaty with any foreign power, belongs to the several States of the Union, as their joint and common property, in which each and all have equal rights ; and that the enact ment, by the federal government, of any law which should directly, or by its effects, prevent the citizens of any State from emigrating, with their property, of whatever description, into such territory, would make a discrimination unwarranted by, and in violation of the compromises of the constitution and the rights of the States from which such citizens emigrated, and in derogation of that perfect equality that belongs to the several States as mem bers of this Union, and would tend directly so subvert the Union itself. Resolved, That if, in disregard alike of the spirit and principles of the act of Con gress on the admission of tlie State of Missouri into the Union, generally known as the Missouri Compromise, and of every consideration of justice, of constitutional right, and of Fraternal feeling the fearful issue shall be forced upon the country, which must result from the adoptioh and attempted enforcement of the Wilmot Pro viso as mi net cf the general government, the people of Virginia can have no diffi culty in choosing between the only alter natives that will then remain—of abject submission to aggression and outrage on the one hand, or determined resistance on the other, at all hazards and to the last extremity. Resolved, unanimously, That the gener al assemdly holds it to be the duty of every man, in every section of this confederacy (if the Union is dear to him,) to oppose the passage of any law, for whatever purpose by which territory to be acquired may be subject to such a restriction. Resolved unanimously, That the pass age of the above mentioned proviso makes it the duty of every slaveholding State, and of all the citizens thereof, as they val ue their dearest privileges, their sover eignty.their independence,and their rights of property, to take firm, united, and con certed action in this emergency. Resolved, That we regard the passage ofalawbythe Congress of the United States, abolishing slavery or the slave trade in the Distrsct of Columbia, as a direct attack upon the institution of the Southern Slates, to de resisted at every hazard. Resolved' That in the event of the pass age by congress ofthe “Wilmot Proviso,” or any law abolishing slavery or the slave trade in the District of Columbia, the gov ernor of this Commonwealth is requested immediately to convene the legislature of this State (if it shall have adjourned) to consider ontlie mode and measure of re dress.” Resolved, That General Taylor by or ganizing hie Cabinet with a majority of men known to be favorable to the princi ples of the Wilmot Proviso, and by mani festing his determination to submit to the decision of that majority, the policy of bis administration bas given just cause of a larm to the friends of Southern rights, which should excite in the breast of every true-hearted son of the South, feelings of the deepest indignatiou, and the most de termined opposition. Resolved, That we recognise among mankind in all ages and all countries, (ex cept where parties may be hushed by ab solute despotism ) two great rival parties in politics, to which all others may be re duced ; viz, on the one hand, the party of special privilege and monopoly, seeking unjust dominion over their fellow crea tures, through artful contrivances; and on the other, the party of equal rights to all, exclusive privileges to none, binding the rich and the poor together by the fra ternal tie of political equality ; that repu diating the principles of the great Absolu list or Conservative party of Christendom, and sympathysing deeply with our demo cratic brethren in Europe in their strug gle for free government,we can but mourn for their defeat, and rejoice in their tri umphs. Hon. Howell Cobb moved, that the President appoint a committee of five per sons to constitute a Central Executive Committee, which motion was adopted, and tbefollowing gentlemen were appoint ed, to wit: Gen. J. W. A. Sanford, H. H. Tarver, John W. Gordon, Hon. J. Day and Col. John T. Smith. Capt. Wm. T. Wofford of Cass, offered the following resolution, which was adopt ed. Resolved, That we recommend that the basis of representation in future Conven tions be one to each County for the Sen ator, and two for each Representative, to be estimated according to the present ba sis of representation in the Legislature. G. ANDREWS, President. J. M. Patton, ) Q Wm. Steele, \ Secr etanes. Gov. Towns’ Acceptance. Milledgeville, July 11, 1849. Sir : At a Democratic Convention held this day, you were nominated by accla mation the Democratic Candidate for Go vernor of Georgia, at the election in Oc tober next. The undersigned were ap pointed a Committee to inform you of the action of the Convention, and request you to accede to their wish thus unanimously expressed. Permit us to express the gratification this event affords to us individually, and to hope you will at an early day enable us to make known to the people of Georgia, your acceptance. Very respectfully your friends and fellow-citizen. l ?, THOMAS W. THOMAS, JAMES GARDNER, Jr. HOWELL COBB. Hon. Geo. W. Towns. Milledgeville, July 12, 1849. Gentlemen : Your note of yesterday, notifying me that the Democratic Conven tion assembled in this place on that day, had nominated me as a Candidate for Go vernor, at the election, to be held in Oc tober next, and had appointed you a Com mittee to inform me of the same, and to request me to accept the honor thus con ferred, was handed me this morning. For this renewed evidence of the par* tiality and confidence of the Democratic party, expressed by a Convention so nu merous and respectable, fresh from the people, I could not do less than acknowl edge my sense of deep and sincere grati tude ; nor would I be faithful to the pro found emotions inspired by the unanimity and harmony of feeling that characterised the action of the Convention in making choice of its candidate, were I to with hold the expression of the increased de sire it has produced on my part, to render myself worthy the continued friendship of yourselves and those you represent, by un remitting efforts to discharge my whole duty to the State, and promote the best interests of the people. I have examined with care and concern the resolutions adopted by the Convention as to the principles of the Democratic par* ty of Georgia, and more especially those that declare in plain, manly, undisguised, but temperate language, the unalterable determination to maintain the union of the States, by a faithful observance of the compromises of the constitution, and yield to them my cordial acquiescence. I fully approve the sentiment those res olutions embody, that should blind fanat icism, heartless hypocrisy, unholy ambi tion, or unblushing treason, either seve rally or combined, prompt a majority of the two branches of congress, with the as sent of the President, to pass a law des troying the equality of the States of the Union; or to deprive the people of the several States of an equal participa tion in the benefits of the common Ter ritory of all the States, or to deprive the slave-holding States and their citizens of a free, full and perfect enjoyment of their le gal right of property in slaves either in the Territories of the United States, the Dis trict of Columbia, or the States of tlie Union, that the State of Georgia should in that event resist any and all such aggres sion upon the rights of the South “at all hazards and to the last extremity.” Fully agreeing with the Convention, and at all times ready if need be, cordially to co-op erate with the people of the State in main taining the principles asserted in said res olutions, I accept, I hope with becoming diffidence and proper motives, the distin guished honor so complimentarily tender ed by the Convention of which you are the organ. Should the choice of the Democratic Convention of their candidate be ratified by the people, it will be my constant con cern and highest ambition to maintain, protect and promote, by all the means placed at the command of the Executive of Georgia, by the constitution and laws, the honor, credit and prosperity of the State. Accept the assurance, Gentlemen, of my very high consideration. 1 our obedient servant, GEO. W. TOWNS. Messrs. Thomas W. Thomas, James I Gardner, Jr., Howell Cobb, Committee. Arabic Proverbs & Proverbial Expression, 1. Sometimes the tongue cut3 off fl le head. 2. If your friend be honey, do not eat him altogether. 3. The provisions suffer when the cat and the mouse live on good terms. 4. Shave your own chin when the beard of your son is grown. 5. When you pass through the country of the one-eyed, make yourself one-eyed 6. If you are so unhappy as to have a foolish friend, be yourself wise. 7. When there are many captains the ship sinks. 8. If you cannot master the whole, y e t do not forsake the whole. 9. When things tire you at the head, take them by the tail. 10. When you have spoken the word, it reigns over you ; but while it is not yet spoken, you reign over it. 11. When you are an anvil, have pa tience ; when you are a hammer, beat straight. 12. When the counsellor grows rustv the counsel will be polished. 13. Time will teach him that has na teacher. 14. He that passes through the onions> or their peel, will sinell of them. 15. He who cannot understand at a glance will not understand by much expla nation. 16. He who makes himself bran, the fowls will scrape him. 17. Sucking becomes bitterness by weaning. 18. He that sleeps without supper, gets up without debt. 19. Though the will be idle, yet be not you idle. 20. He builds a minaret, and destroys a city. 21. He has sold the vineyard and bo’t a wine press. 22. The fig-tree looking on the fig-tree will be made fruitful. 23. Three things evince the character of the mind, —books, presents, messengers. 24. Borrowed dresses give no warmth. 25. He is warm towards his friend only to burn him. 26. Every man leaps over a low wall. 27. Ihe mother of the dumb knows the language of the dumb. 28. The mother of the murdered sleeps, but the mother of the murderer does not sleep. 29. Need developes tlie mind. 30. The best friends are those who stimulate each other to good. 31. The best companions, when you sit, are good books. 32. The best visits are the shortest. 33. J uke the thief before he takes you. 34. The carpenters have sinned, and the tailors are hung. 35. 1 o be weaned is a difficult (ask fur an adult. 36. Ride noton the saddle of thy neigh, bor. 37. Silence is often an answer. 3S. I like the head of a dog better than the tail of a lion. 39. Slipping may happen even in July. 40. lie plucks out the tooth of the dog, and barks himself. 41. He was absent two years, and came back—with two yellow boots. 42. The drunkenness of youth is strong er than the drunkenness of wine. 43. Sciences are locks, and inquiry the key to them. 44. Take counsel ofhim who is greater, and of him who is less, than yourself, and then recur to your own judgment. 45. The worst kind of men are those who do not care when men see them do ing wrong. 46. Close the window through which an ill-wind enters to you. 47. The owner of the house knows best what is in it. 48. The mules went to ask horns, and returned without ears. 49. In adversity the real principles of men appear. 50. Honor yourself, and you will be ho nored; despise yourself, and you will he despised. 51. An hour’s patience will procure a long period of rest. Irish Bull. —Curran was one day p r<, ‘ cceding to the castle to attend a drawing room. There was much confusion and jostling among the carriages. Suddenlj'i Curran let down one of the front glasses of his chariot, and cried out to his coachman stop, stop ; the pole of the carriage behind has just come into the back of ours. Tim ll be asy, your honor, its all right again ;<> ul pole has just gone through the back of the carriage before us.’ Newton says, that bodies are fra ns parent when the pores are so small asi t 0 prevent reflection. So that the harde® bodies may be very transparent.