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OD-jjgaaasr wvam'&m edited ami published weekly, by w n . B . HARRIS O A . CITY P R I.VTE R . T|ississi|)pi Central Contention. This Convention assembled at Jackson, Miss., on the Ist inst. The attendance was large, and great harmony prevailed. The Hon. VV. L. Suarket, Chief Justice of the State, presided, and Hon. Jos. \V. Matthews, Governor of the State, acted as Vice President. J. A. Okr and \V. Plrdom were appointed Secretaries.— The Convention was composed of Whigs and Democra's, and the following Pream ble and Resolutions, reported by J udge E. C. Wilkinson, were unanimously a dopted : We the delegates to a convention, called by the people of the State of Mississippi, to deliberate on the means to prevent the unfounded pretension, that Congress has power to legislate on the subject of do mestic slavery, and to prohibit its intro duction and existence in the territories of the United States, have duly considered the important subject committed to our charge, and make the following report, as expressive of the voice of Mississippi. It is boldly asserted, that Congress pos sesses an unlimited power of legislation over all the territories belonging in com mon to the people of these l nited States —that it, consequently, has power to pro hibit slavery in these tenitories—that the exercise of such power is expedient and necessary, inasmuch as slavery is an evil which must be eradicated from the land. With a few patriotic and honored excep tions, the people of the Northern States seemed determined to adopt the Wilmot Proviso, or the principle it contains. Eve ry succeeding year brings forth new ex pedients for the accomplishment of the object. The press, the pulpit, and the ballot-box, have all become tributary to the fanatical hostility-to the South. It is vain to hope for an abandonment of this settled design. Submission to our wrongs, provokes perseverance on the part of the aggressors, and it is wise in States, as it is in individuals, to resist encroachments. Unfortunately, we have been but too pas sive under former encroachments. Our opponents exult in the passage of the Ore gon Bill, as a full acknowledgment of the principle, and build theit hopes of further success on that. In this unfortunate con troversy there are but two alternatives— the one is submission and the other i3 re sistance. To the one we cannot —we will not consent; the other, we are reluctant to adopt. In the name of our constituents, wc solemnly deny the exis'ence of the power claimed, and protest against its exercise. We assert that it will violate the Consti tution and will lead to a dissolution of the Union. We have not met to dicuss the question of power or expediency. They have been argued and re-argued, in and out of Con gress, by our statesmen and by our peo ple. We have reasoned and remonstra ted in terms of conciliation with our Northern brethren, until forbearance has ceased to be a virtue. We have warned them of the consequences of perseverance. They have disregarded all our romonst ran ees, and our warnings ; they have disre garded the most solemn compromises, in which we yielded too much. They have refused to submit to judicial determina tion, preferring to decide by the force of numbers. There is no common arbiter ; and we, too, must decide for ourselves. That decision is made. We take our stand on the plain principles of the Con stitution, and intend to maintain it, or sink in the effort. We assert that Congress has no power over the subject of slavery, within the States, or in the territories. That these States by the revolution, hy the declara tion of independence, and by the treaty of peace, became separate and independ ent sovereignties, with all the political power of separate and distinct nations; that they are still so, except so far as they may have delegated part, of their power to the general government; that they have not delegated their sovereignty-; the federal government is not a sovereignly, but a limited federative system, possessing only such powers as have been expressly granted to it by the Constitution, with such implied powers as may he indispensably necessary as incidents to the express grant. It follows that it can legislate only on the subjects confided to it; and, on them, on ly in strict subordination to every princi ple of the Constitution. As power is constantly tending to the legislative department, it is inexpedient that Congress should encroach on the lib erties of the people and the sovereignty of the States by exercising doubtful powers. We maintain that the system of slavery was recognized by the Constitution slaves were recognized as property the full enjoyment of which was guarded and protected ; guaranteed by that compact. That Congress has no power over such property. The right of property prece ded the Constitution—it is coeval with the history of man; it exists by a paramount Jaw of nature. It is the subject of con trol by State sovereignty only. This Un ion never would have been formed, with out the full and entire recognition of slave ry, and properly in slaves, and the guaran ty to the owner which is contained in the Constitution. We assert that the territories acquired hy the late war with Mexico, are the com mon property of the United States ; that the people of the States have a right to move to it, and enjoy it, and to take with them their property, their religion, and their liberty. Congress did not create pro perty in slaves, nor can it say they shall cease to be property. To abolish slavery in the territories, is to diminish their value, and limit their value in the States. It is appropriating the whole of the territory to the use of one portion of the people of the United States to the exclusion of another. ’1 he power of Con gress to legislate for the territories is a power to protect the citizen and his pro perty, not to declare what is properly : Therefore, 1. Resolved, That we continue to en tertain adevoted and cherished attachment to the Union, but we desire to have it as it was formed and not as an engine of op pression. 2. Resulted, That the institution of slavery in the Southern States is left, by the constitution, exclusively under control of the States in which it exists, as a part of their domestic policy, which they, and they only, have the right to regulate, abol ish or pepetuate, as they may severally judge expedient; and that all attempts on the part of Congress or others, to interfere with this subject, either directly or indi rectly, are in violation of the constitution, dangerous to the t ights and safety of the South, and ought to he promptly resisted. 3. Resolved, That Congress hasno pow er to pass any law abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia, or to prohibit the slave trade between the several States or to prohibit the introduction of slavery into the territories of the United States; and that the passage by Congress of any such law would not otdy be a dangerous violation of the Constitution, but would afford evidence of a fixed and deliberate design on the pat t of that body, to inter fere with the institution of slavery in the States. 4. Resolved, That we would regard the passage by Congress of the Wilmot Pro viso (which would itt effect deprive the citizens of the slaveholding States of ati equal participation in the Territories ac quired equally by their blood and treasure) as an insulting discrimination—to which these Slates cannot, without political de gradation, submit; and to which this Con vention, representing the feelings and opinions of the people of Mississippi, so lemnly declare they will not submit. 5. Resolved, That the passage of the Wilmot Proviso, or of any law abolishing slavery in the District sf Columbia, by the Congress of the United States, would of itself be such a breach of the Federal com pact as, in that event, will make it the duty, as it is the right of the slave-holding States, to take care of their own safety, and to treat the uon-slaveholding States as en emies to the slaveholding States and their domestic institutions. <i. Resolved, That the Eegislaturc is hereby requested to pass such laws as may in their opinion, be best calculated to en courage the emigration of citizens of the slaveholding Stales, with slaves, to the new Territories of the United States. 7. Resolved, That in view of the fre quent and increasing evidence of the de termination of the people of the non-slave holding States to disregard the guaranties of the Constitution, and to agitate the sub ject of slavery, both in and out of Congress avowedly for the purpose of effecting its abolition in the States; and, also, in view of the facts set forth in the late “Address of the Southern Members of Congress,” this Convention proclaims the deliberate conviction that the time has arrived when Southern States should take counsel to gether for their common safety ; and that a convention of the slave-holding States should be held at NASHVILLE, Tenn., on the First Monday in June, ISoO, to devise and adopt some mode of resis tance to these aggressions; and that this convention do appoint twelve delegates and twelve alternates—being double the number of our Senators and Representa tives in Congress—to attend such conven tion, and that the other slave-holding States be invited to appoint delegates agreeably to the same ratio of representa tion. S. Resolved, That in the language of an eminent Northern writer and patriot— “ The rights of the South in African ser vice, exist not only under but over the constitution. They existed before the government w T as formed. The constitu tion was rather sanctioned by them than they by the Constitution. Had not that instrument admitted the sovereignty of those rights, it never would have been it self admitted by the South. It bowed in deference to rights, older in their date, stronger in their claims, and holier in nature, than any other which the con stitution can boast. Those rights mav not be changed, even by a change of the Constitution. They are out of the reach of the nation, as a nation. The confeder acy may dissolve and the constitution pass away, but those rights will remain unsha ken-will exist while the South exists— and when they fall, the South will perish with them.” 9. Resolved, 'I hat to procure unity and promptness of action in this State, this Convention recommends that a central or State Association be formed at the capital, and affiliated county associations within the several counties of the State. 10. Resolved, 1 hat we recommend to the legislature of this State, that at its next session a law be enacted making it the du ty of the governor of the State hy proclama tion, to call a general convention of the State, and to issue writs of election based upon the ratio of representation in the State legislature,upon the passage by Con gress of the Wilmot Proviso, or ;tny law abolishing slavery in the 1 list riel ,*f Co lumbia, or prohibiting the slave trade be tween the States, to take into consideration the act of aggression, and the mode and measure of redress. 11. Resolved, That a Committee of Six be chosen by the convention to prepare an address to the people of the slave-holding States. The delegates appointed under the sev enth resolution for the State at large, were: i W. L. Sharkey, A. M. Clayton, 11. T. El let and G. T. Sturges. Alternates — John I.Guion, A. Hutchinson, W. R. Can non and J. T. Harrison. The Committee appointed under the last Resolution, to prepare an Address, is composed of W. L. Sharkey, A. Hutchinson, Geo. Winchester, C. R. Clifton, W. R. Hill, Jno I. Guion and E. C. Wilkinson. On motion the President and Secre taries were instructed to sign the procee dings of this Convention, and that the pa pers of this State, and the papers of the Southern States, he requested to publish them. On motion of T. N. Waul, the conven tion adjorned sine elie. W. E. SHARKEY, President. J. A. Ork, | 5 • > Secretaries. \V . A. Purdom, 1 Tennessee—Extracts from Gov. Brown’s Message. The subject of Internal Improvement is one which is exciting more interest at present, than any perhaps which will en ter into your deliberations. And it is grati fying to witness the Spirit which now per vades the different sections of the State with regard to it.—The Nashville and Chattanooga railroad and the East Ten nessee and Georgia Railroad ate in a state of vigorous progress, and furnish assurahees of their completion at no dis tant day. Much intrest is also felt in Up per East Tennessee in favor of a road from Knoxville to the Virginia line, char tered at your last session. These enter prises are all rendered more important by the policy of the State of Virginia, which promises the construction ofa route from the Tennessee line to Lynchburg thus presenting the prospect of a line of rail road. almost unbroken, from Nashville to the Eastern Atlantic. While, by the en lightened policy and liberal enterprise of the people and State of Georgia, a contin uous line is opening to us, to the Southern Atlantic. The vast advantages presented by these wotks, appeal to your eulightend policy for all the aid in your power to be stow, to ensure their completion. Al though the State debt is now considerable, yet it is not such in my opinion, consider ing the amount of our means, as to deter us from still further appopriations of the public credit in aid of specific objects.— l say in aid of specific objects, for I hope never again to see the indiscriminate poli cy of the act of 1837-8 resorted to by the State. Such a policy, if persevered in, would bankrupt any State in the world. The tendency was to construct any and every sort of road, without reference to its importance or value. The Upper East lennessee route, viewed both in its local bearing upon the interests of that section of the State, and as a part of the great chain connecting us with Eastern Atlantic, be comes an enterprise of the highest value. Indeed, it is indispensable, and 1 have no hesitation in recommending it as deserving a liberal patronage at the hands of the State. Ilow much may ha needed re j mains to he seen ; and how much should Ibe granted, you will determine. It is not jto he expected that private enterprise alone can build the road—-it is a work of too much magnitude. Ihe advantages of this branch ofimprovemenf to East Ten nessee are apparent. No man can contem plate her condition and natural resources, without being impressed with it. But these jvvorks, though directly connected with East and a portion of Middle Tett nesee, arc important to the whole state. I hey form the basis of other and similar enterprises already in agitation, and des tined at no distant day, 1 trust, to be carried out. Looking at the spirit of the day upon such subjects, and the necessity of multi plying outlets to markets, no one can be lieve lot a moment that the Nashville and Chattanooga railroad will be limited to its present terminus. And to all, who in dulge an enlarged view of the interests oi the whole state, it must be a desirable object to see this road extended from Nashville, or some intermediate point, west to Memphis. '1 he western portion ol the state, is interested in such a com munication to the east and south-east. And so are the other sections of the State in a speedy approach to the Mississippi and South-west. * * * * r f o have the Atlantic and Pacific connected by one gieat highway, and Tennessee enjoying an intermediate portion of it within her own lerritoty, is well worthy ofa vigorous de monstration on your part at the present session, independent of all other local con siderations and interests. The Mobile and Ohio rail road, will no uoubt be pressed upon your consideration, either in its main route across the State, or in one or more diverging branches. It is destined, if completed, to be of im mense value to a large and growing por tion of our State, and proposes to add to other advantages another Southern mar ket for our produce. 1 respectfully be speak for this, as well as every other sub stantial project of improvement that may be presented, your liberal and enlightened regard. In this connection, the further improvement of our rivers, out!’ (t to be overlooked. Many lasting advantages can be attained by the expenditur. "of small sums, in tin- renvvnl of oh.-, ructions, that ow mu-t fi-i.' m.iioinliy with the navigation of many of out streams. The details of these, their lo cality and estimated cost, are best known to yourselves. But while I am the earnest advocate of everything that tends to develope the re sources of the State—to quicken and ad vance her growth, in agriculture and the mechanic ai ts, in commerce and manufac tures — lam not a friend to iash and im provident expenditures. The faith of the State ought not to be impaired, or endan gered for any improvements however de sirable. And it is gratifying to our pride of character as a people, that hitherto all our pubiicengagetnents have been prompt ly aud faithfully met. The credit of the State has hitherto escaped any reflection, either at home or abroad, and this may as sure the world that repudiation will never find a lodgment within our limits, as 1 trust it may never find an advocate. * * * Here I might close this communication, —as ail the principal subjects of State in terest proper to be presented, are em braced. But the question of slavery, or rather the questons connected with, have of late assumed such importance as to de mand my notice and some consideration a! your hands. This institution, in my opinion, belongs exclusively to the States, where it exists, and neither the General Government, nor the other States of the Union, have any tight to in erfere with it, directly or indirectly. And if such right did exist, the subject is of too delicate and agitating a characterto justify its exercise. I also deny the power, claimed by many, in the General Government, to exclude slavery from the new territories where it does not exist. That power is at least questionable, and it will be time enough to yield its existence when it is settled by the graver tribunals of the country. In short, it seems to me that slavery in any aspect of it, does not properly admit of legislation hy Congress, either to deter mine where it shall or shall not go, or to abolish, limit, or impair it whete it is. And certainly the repose of that section of the Union, where slavery exists, is best consulted hy total silence on the part of Congress upon this delicate subject. While this is so, the termination of slave ry, if is to have a termination, is deeply involved in the prudence and forbarance of those who are desirous to witness such an event. Every attempt to limit or in terfere with it, by direct orindirect means, tends but to perpetuate it, and what is more, to weaken and alienate the feelings and allccitons of one section of the Union towards the other. Let the people who shall inhabit the new territories, determine the question for themselves, when they meet to establish a State Government. ******* Whether slavery is right or wrong— founded in good or bad policy, it wi.l run its course, and maintain its place. And whenever slave labor ceases to Vie profita ble, the institution will no doubt be dis pensed with, in the same way and from the same motives, which terminated it in the North-eastern States, where it formerly existed. It asks for no protection, but s : mp!y demands to be let alone. It cher ishes no spirit of propagandists but ac knowledges the right and power of those who dispense with it to do so. For the purpose, therefore, of vindicat ing our rights as well as to allay existing agitation, l recommend, that you memori alize Congress in a firm, vigorous, and temperate appeal, against all legislation on the subject, and leave the evil, if it be an evil, to correct itself, under the auspi ces if local public sentiment, and local legislation—and allow the blessing, if it he a blessing to be enjoyed unmolested, under the sanctuary of Stale authority. From the jXeic York Mirror. TJie JDcstiny of France. The revolution of 1845 was not desired by those who produced it. Thiers, Odii lon Barrot, Lamartine, and the other prominent members of the Constitutional opposition, desired reforms ; some, for the welfare of society, arid others, to obtain the positions occupied by the ministry of Louis Phillippe. The patriotism of this latter class consisted in a determination to obtain place. It was evidently to accom plish that object which induced them and Odillon Barrot to arouse the deputies with •heir persuasive eloquence. Arid when revolution was doing its work they were willing to sustain the tottering power of ihe throne, by accepting office from one hy whom they were thoroughly despised. But the storm which thoy had aroused, raged with a fierceness which was above their control, and the pitiful ambition, whic h could be satisfied with yielding sup port to a falling dynasty, was beneath the contempt of all patriots. Ihe adherents of the King, the com mands of the army, and the “ constitu tional opposition” were opposed to the revolution, yet through the want of deci sion upon the part of the king, lie lost a throne. All that far seeing sagacity for which Louis Philippe was celebrated, the immense military power with which he had surrounded his throne, the fortifica tions ot Paris, his splendid family allian ces, oil proved unavailing before the irre sistible impetuosity of the people. It is true that great dissatisfaction had been manifested by the French at the foreign and domestic policy of their King. Yet they were satisfied by a change of minis try, and in procession were exhibiting their joy when the accidental discharge of fire-arms produced a collision between them and the troops, resultingin the over throw f the Orleans dynasty, and the su premacy of the people. A provisional government was formed. I nnd by rb nefc cnhTnllerl the destiny of j |l w hich suc ceeded the flight of the Iviug. A constitution was formed, and went in to operation, and what is to be the result? The French have many difficulties to encounter i» their new career. Unfor tunately they have selected a Chief Mag istrate who is a stranger to moral truth— whose private character is wholly dissolute and worthless, and whose mental acumen is considerably below mediocrity. From his ability or patriotism nothing, absolute ly nothing, can be hoped. He has silenced the freedom of the press, and attaked the liberty of speech. He has thrown the sword of France into the scale of despot ism, by bis cowardly attack upon the Ro mans, and assisted the cause of crumbling thrones by his wretched diplomacy. He has prostituted his limited capacity in crushing the right and upholding the wrong. And can it be hoped that the le gitimists, who constitute a powerful por tion of the confederacy, will suffer any opportunity to pass unimproved, which can enable them to wreak their vengeance upon the dispised republicans. The Mar shalls and Chief of ihe empire and the kingdom cannot but view with feelings of regret the departure of that brilliancy and splendor which surrounded royalty; while those in the possession of titles, however barren, and which inspired nothing but contempt, still surrendered them with re luctance. All these influences will bc brought to bear against the liberties of the French. Again, those who riot in scenes of violence and of blood—the vile outcasts ol society who live in revolution—will cast their influence with their aristocratic co laborers, in violating and finally, if pos sible, destroying the constiiution of 1848. —\V hat, then, we repeat, is to be the des tiny ot France 1 It should not be forgot ten, that, after the connexion between England and the American Colonies was dissolved, the existence of a republic upon tlt is continent was regarded as problemat ical by many of the patriots of the revo lution. And when the attempt was made, and before the constitution had won the confidence and admiration of all, doubt and anxiety prevailed throughout the land. If such was the case where there were no surrounding monarchies and corrupting institutions to baffle the hopes of our an cestors, how much more fearful is the or deal through which the republicans of I ranee have to pass. Even here, with all that fixedness of purpose and love of or der, for which our people are distinguish ed, it is supposed that the constitution of the United States has not always been strictly regarded by the party in power. liow, then, can we expect the people of 1* ranee to pass through that fiery furnace without the smell of fire upon their gar ments ! Ihe election of Louis Napoleon, al though a subject of regret, is hy no means an evidence of a want of capacity, upon the part of the French, for self-govern ment. They are a military people, and it should he rocollected that the name of Buonaparte was dear to them. Six mil lions of people could not know his neph ew; and it is hy no means an extraordin ary event for the most intelligent and pat riotic citizens to be deceived as to the ca pacity of an individual whom they do not personally know. Louis Napoleon had not, at that time, rendered himself obnox ious to the people of France, as had Ca vaignac, hy his inflexible hearing towards the Parisians, and Lamartine and Ledru Rollin, hy doubling the taxes imposed upon the nation. It is well understood that the Flench begin to have a just ap preciaion of the chat actor of their Presi dent, and if they repudiate him, and his doctrines, at the next presidential election, we shall have sanguine hopes that France may yet be the rallying point for the cause of liberty in the Old World. True re publicanism has much to dread—many fearful obstacles to surmount—before it is firmly planted upon the soil of sunny F ranee. Annexation should he Immediate.— If we have reason to wish for an iticorpo lation with the State of the American Un ion, like reason prompts us to desire that this incorporation should take place as speedily as possible. A state of political transition, is a state of personal and social misery. Here is no tranquility, no im provement. It is of the utmost impor tance for the inhabitants of Canada, as the world belives they are about to pass through a revolution, that they should do it at once. But it is hardly less desirable that ihere should be no unnecessary delay, if we look to the interest of Great Britain, and to the continuance of that affection for her, which a majority of the colonists still entertain, and still desire to preserve. We would bring aboutthe inevitable sepa ration, by reason, and with good will. Nothing could be more disastrous than the prolonga'irm of a state of sullen discontent, till, having become utterly unbearable, some pretext should be seized on as an excuse to inflame men s minds to hatred, and armed opposition. Nothing is mote to be avoided than the continuance of depression and misery, till an army of invaders should be received as deliverers.—Montreal Herald. A Singular but True Statement. — At our present writing, there is a lady in this county, 82 years of age, who has had 21 children. Two of her daughters also reside in this county. One of them, the wife of YVm. Faircloth, has had 16 children, 14 of whom are now living. The otl ler, the wife of Matthew Faircloth, has had 23 children, 18 of whom are now living—9 sons and 9 daughters. These ladies are in the prime of life with every prospect of an increasing family. Another sister, Mrs. Parker, recently died in Scrivcn county, at the age of 38years, who had 25 children. The children of both Mrs Faircloth were all born in this county.— Albany ( Cm. ) Patriot A Good <it*. n r \ hoarding house keeper in i 'oi, b'-i'is.-s to furnish gentlemen i wait picas.ua and comfortable rooms; also, one j or twogcntlemen with wives. 1 MACON, G A . SATURDAY MORN ING, OCT. 20, 1849. Mass Meeting or the Sons or Temperance. —A grand jubilee of the Sons of Temperance will be held in this city on Wednesday, 24th inst., at which time an address .vill he delivered hy the Rev. Dr. A. Means, of Oxford ; and a Prize Banner will be presented to that Division having the largest number in procession, in pro portion to their number of Members, and the distance and convenience of travel. All are in vited to come. Mass Meeting. — We learn from an adver tisement in the Augusta Republic, that the fare on the Georgia Railroad to and from the Mass Meeting to be held in this city next week, will be half price, or 1J cents per mile, and the fare from Atlanta to Macon and back, for the same occasion, will he $2. Cadets of Temperance. —The attention of those concerned in the Temperance Reform is called to the fact, that there is an effort now be ing made to establish a Section of the Cadets of Temperance in our city. The “Sons" exclude from their Order all those who are under 18 years of age, while the “Cadets” receive boys between 12 and 18. We presume it is scarcely necessary to do more than inform parents and guardians that a meeting will he held on Satur day afternoon, 27th inst., for the purpose of or ganization, in order to interest them in the mat ter, that their children and wards may receive the benefit of this highly moral institution. Latf.st from Europe. —The steamer Niagara has arrived bringing Liverpool dates to the 6lli inst. The prices of the week previous were barely maintained, and the inarkat very dull.— Fair Orleans 5Jd.; Fair Upland and Mobile s§d. The stock ofCotton at Liverpool, on the 28th ult. was estimated at 557,000 bales, of which 440,000 were American, against a stcck at the same time last year of 537,000 hales, of which 337,000 were American. The late news is considered unfavorable in the Eastern markets, and will probably cause a slight decline. The falling oft'in the recepts at all our ports up to the 18th inst amount to 75,000 bales when compared with those at the same date last year. Tit k Weather.— For some lin.e past we have been feelingly reminded that Winter is coming, hut during the greater part of this week there has been a steady rain, and the atmosphere is much warmer. These rains have been pretty general, causing our river to he in good boating order at present, and it was still rising, when we closed the paper iast night, with a prospect of more rain. Tit f. Election. —For want of room wc have omitted the table containing the vote for Govern or at the last election, which in the aggregate stands thus : For George W. Towns, (D.) 46,514 For Edward Y. Hill, (W.) 43,159 Majority for Towns, : : 3,355 We shall publish in our next the official vote fir future reference. Tennessee. —The Legislature of this State assembled at Nashvillo, on the Ist inst. The Governor devotes a largo portion of fcis message, (extracts from which will bo found in another column, on such auhjects as interest us,) to the Bank of Tennessee, which it appears began ope rations on the Ist of July, 1838, with a capital of $3,226,976 82, and hy the Ist of July, 1849, had lost the sum of SBOO,OOO, as is believed—which, at the same rate would absorb its entire capita/ in the course of sixteen years, unless relieved. 1 am, says the Governor, then prepared, and do earnestly recommend, that tlie Bank be either discontinued or disencumbered. Either policy is decidedly preferable to the present. Either would be safe to the best interests of the State, while the present is destined, in my judgment, to he disastrous. Sugar. — It is estimated that the exports of sugar from Cuba for 1850, if nothing occur* to injure the crop between this and the early part of December, will he equal to 1,500,000 boxes, worth at present rates ( molasses included ) about $33,000,006. The largest crop ever exported hitherto, was in 1847, amounting to near 1,300,. 000 boxes; since which date, the cultivation has increased, and the present season has been uncommonly favorably. Advance in Coffee — The Augusta Repub lic of the 16th irist. says: A letter from one of the best houses in New York, to one of our leading houses in this city, dated October 11th, 1849, says : “We have again to advise an ad vance in coffee—stock 2000 bags, all held ty one house at 10 cents a pound—lot of 600 bags , good, to-day brought 10 cts.” The same paper, oflhc 18th inst., says : “Wo understand that there was, a few days since, a cargo of Rio coffee in Charleston for which ten cents was offered, and refused. It is said to be held at 12.1 cents.” Coft'ee has also advanced in our market recent ly, Rio being worth from 91 to 101 cents. American Tobacco in England. — It appear* from the last returns made to the British Parlia ment, that there had been imported into that kingdom during the year 1848, of tobacco, 27,- 304,134 pounds, from which the government bad derived a revenue of $4,365,233 sterling, ° r $21,627,797. In other words, Great Britain levies a duty of between seventy-nine and eighty cents per pound on our tobacco, which, after* year's labor, did not yield the planter more than an average of some Jour nr five cents P er § pound. Removal of the Florida Indians,—" 6 learn from the Van Buren ( Ark. ).Intelligenccr, that a delegation of Scininoiea from that frotl' Her, under the charge of an agent, has been o*- dered to Florida, for the purpose, it is said, aiding in funning a treaty to remove the Florid** Indians to the West.