The National Republican. (Augusta, Ga.) 1867-1868, November 20, 1868, Image 2

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PARAGRAMS. —Yesterday, in New York, Gold w:ts quoted at 1.34 J. Cotton —Bucyrus, Ohio, ships nearly 2,000 bushels of apples a day. —The corn crop of Ohio this year is estimated at 141,000,000 bushels. —The latest tyranny in Poland is a Russian edict against the wearing of moustaches. —Gen. Grant has been widely known as a “tanner.” lie ■will soon, fora short time, become a cabinet maker. —A Western millionaire astonishes New Yorkers by driving a span of blacks tandem, with white leather harness. —The Bourbons left Spain and a de ficiency of twenty-five thousand pounds in the treasury at the same time. —The population of Holland at the close of 1807 amounted to 8,592,416 souls, of whom 1,782,212 were males, and 1,810,204 females. —The Earl of Derby has just had a severe attack of gout in the hand, which confined him to his bed for several days. —At a fashionable so ire dmisante \ to come off next month, it is ordered that gentlemen’s trowsers shall be worn “not lower than the knee.” , —Fishermen on an island in Detroit river have mounted a piece of artillery to rake any vessel that may come too near their fishing ground. —The Australian colonies have 600,000 horses, 4,000,000 cattle, 38,- 500,000 sheep, 4,000,000 pigs, and 2,500,000 acres of cultivated land. —A woman, with nothing to wear except a red plaid shawl, caused a sen sation on the streets of New York on Saturday last. —An invalid disturbed all the in mates of his’ boarding-house by imi tating a dog. When asked why he did so, he said he had been so ordered by his physician, to take port wine and bark. —From 1492 to 1848 the world’s yield was $2,261,000,000 gold, and $5,678,000,000 silver; from 1854 to 1864, $3,379,000,000 gold, and $2,194,- 000,000 silver. —A Poughkeepsian sold his vote, as he supposed, for a barrel of flour, given by a grocery man. When opened, the barrel was found filled with sawdust and sand. —lt has been discovered that Ben jamin Franklin published the first Methodist book in this country in 1740. It was Wesley’s sermon upon Free Grace, and Franklin printed many editions of it. —A Methodist church in the West asked the conference to send it a single man as a minister. The request was granted, but the designated pastor stopped on the way and got married. —Mr. J. Fisk, of Baldwinsville, has invented a car coupling so arranged that a whole train can be properly connected without the assistance of a person, and the same can be discon nected at the will of the brakesman or conductor. —Rev. J. N. Rogers, rector of the Church of the Blessed Virgin, and leader of Ritualism, publishes a card in the Memphis Appeal, renouncing his allegiance to the Episcopal Church and declaring his intention to unite with the Roman Catholic Church. —A “ girl of the period” comments thus upon Mormonism: “ How ab surd—four or five wives for one man; when the fact is, each woman in these times ought to have four or five hus bands. It would take about that number to support her decently.” —A suite of rooms was advertised at a fashionable watering place as hav ing among its attractions “a splendid view over a tine garden adorned with numerous sculptures.” It was found on applying at the address that the garden adorned with sculptures was the cemetery. —“The arrangements of nature arc admirable,” exclaimed a young lady, during the late high winds. “The same wind which disarranges our crinoline, blows dust into the eyes of the wicked young men who would take advantage of our confusion.” Truly, a philosophical young lady, that. —“ Dave,” the individual who does the humorous for the Lebanon Patriot, says there is in his possession a letter for the “Belle of Lebanon,” with in structions to “kiss the owner for post age.” He is very anxious to deliver the epistle, more so to collect the postage. —An Irishman in New York was required to produce his certificate of citizenship. He retired in anger, and, after a time, reappeared, bearing upon his back a house door, on which was pasted, all too securely, the required paper. This he set down before the astonished Judge, with the remark: “An’ will that plaze yer?” —C. C. Munsell, of Hartford, Conn., found an intoxicated man on the side walk, about two years ago, fed and clothed him, and advised him to drink no more. He received a letter from him recently, thanking him for his kindness, enclosing SIOO, sayiqg he had reformed. —A curious suit has been brought for divorce in St Louis. The wife, in presenting her petition to the Court, declares that her husband is a mono maniac on the subject of shooting; that he frequently jxiints a loaded pis tol at her, sleeps with a pistol under his head, and says he will “unload the pistol by putting a load into her.” She desires to be legally relieved from loaded pistols. —A San Francisco paper, describing the recent earthquake there, says: “The German Abend Post newspaper was not issued yesterday evening, owing to their forms being “pied” by the earthquake. The floor of their composing room settled six inches. The workmen feared to enter the office, and the proprietors could not induce them for money to set up the “extra.” The paper has been damaged to the extent of SI,OOO. Natioimlllcpublicun AUGUSTA. (J-A. FRIDAY MORNING Nov. 20, 1868 Union—Liberty—J uwt ice. This is a Republic where the Will of the People is the Law of the Land. [U. S. Grant. "Watch over the preservation of the Union with zealous eye, and indignantly jrown upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of the Country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties, which now link together the various parts."— Washington’s Farewell Address. Read! Read! Read! Let no Republican or Democrat, man or woman, into whose hands the Republican of to-day may fall, fail to read the affidavit, published below, of the inhuman murder and burning of the cripple negro, in Warren county, by the Ku-Klux. Also, the statement of a civil officer detailing the barbari ties of the Ku-Klux, in county. Is there a Christian man in the land who will say that an end should not be put to these things? We withhold the name of the officer and the county, so that Ku-Klux vengeance may not fall upon him : “ As a civil officer, I feel that it is my duty to state facts to you that are of great im portance to the law-abiding people in our section of country. Something near half the legal voters in the District did not go to the Wills at the precinct, and I apprehend not elsewhere in the county. The class that stayed away were the colored men; only six of ’tliem voted, and some of them voted the Democratic ticket through fear. What is called the Ku-Klux had been canvassing the District for some time, whipping sonic, breaking other’s guns, and threatening others tliat they could not find; that they would find them, and whip or kill them. On the night previous to the election, they canvassed, whipping several and threatening others if they voted they would kill them the next night. Before the polls were opened, this news had become general among the colored men, and they took the alarm. A little over two weeks before the election, these law breakers shot an aged negro woman, in the day time, in her own house, wounding her severely. One month ago, a colored' man was killed, and another died of wounds in flicted by the same secret mob in this county. Proof is not wanting to establish these things —they are susceptable of proof by white and colored evidence. What I say of this Dis trict is only a sample of what has occurred in the adjoining counties. As a civil officer, I have not the power to stay these outrages in my District. The colored people arc afraid to report, and do not dare to prosecute, when they are beaten'in the light of day. White Republicans do not feel secure by liny means; they are insulted, their characters assailed, and, indirectly, their persons and lives are threatened. I have hoped that all would be come quiet, and peace return, after the elec tion, being fully satisfied, from all the in formation I have, that these outrages were committed for political purposes.' 1 shall wait, witli as much patience as I can com mand, for a return of better times.” State of Georgia— Richmond County. Personally came before me, Perry Jeffers, Jr., of Warren county, Ga., who, being duly sworn, deposeth, and saith that he, witli his father, mother, sister, anil four brothers are residents on the plantation of Joseph Brinkly, in Warren county, cultivating a part of the plantation of said Brinkly, and that while in tiie peaceable enjoyment of our home, we were suipriscd by a’ band of men called Ku-Klux on Sunday night, 17th ult., — six in number—who burst open my door, and after entering collared me, and led me out of my house, saying, “I am going to kill you,” and looking into my face, discovering I was not the person they wanted, inquired for old Perry. 1 pointed out the house of my father. They then commenced firing in on my father, and being repulsed went away. On Thursday night, the Sth instant, about one hundred and fifty in number returned to attack the family, and al] were absent except my mother and my afflicted, sick brother, who was unable to walk or move in conse quence of his affliction. He became a victim to their savage brutality by killing him, and threw his body in the yard, and, with the bed clothes, burned him up. While this was being transacted, my father, my brothers and myself were a few hundred yards off in a pine thicket viewing the scene: after their departure and the burial of my brother, Mr. Brinkly told my father that it'would be best to leave, and according to his advice went to Warrenton to place ourselves under the pro tection of the Sheriff of the county, who ac companied us to Camak in the railroad train, advising us to go on to Augusta; and while in the car, being a freight train on to Augusta at 3 o’clock p. m., on our arrival at Thompson, Columbia county, we were again attacked by about seven men, armed with double-barreled guns and pistols, who or dered us to get off the train, threatening to kill us if we did not; we complied with their demand, and I made my escape on to Augusta. Two persons of the ftbovc S6CII at TliODip son, 1 recognized as one of Mr. ****«’s sons, and the other as a son of Mr. **** who were in the number of the one hundred and fifty in Warren county, at our house, who mur dered and burnt the body of my brother.— My father and three brothers I left in the hands of the Ku-Klux. The above statement is strictly true. Sworn to and subscribed before me, this 10th day of November. 1868. WM. DOYLE. Not. Pub. ex-Ollicio J. P. Signed, Peter Jeffers, Jr. Not Office, bi t Protection.— The Democratic press are industri ously laboring to make it appear that the Southern Republicans only desire to obtain and reap the rewards of office. This is not the fact. It is pro tection they desire and demand. They demand for the Republicans of Georgia the same assurance of safety in the exercise of their political privileges as are exercised and enjoyed by the Re publicans of Pennsylvania and Ohio. In a word, they do not wish to have to choose between leaving the State and joining the Democracy. Gov. Bullock’s Views. Much interest having been expressed in regard to the views of the Gover. nor, given in a public speech in New York State, just previous to the late election, and as some typographical errors occurred in the first publication here, we now republish the speech in lull, and defy the Democracy to cither disprove tho Governor’s statements or disprove his arguments. All friends of Union, Liberty and Justice will en dorse his recommendation to Congress that the Reconstruction acts shall be executed, and a Legislature assembled that will pass laws for the preservation of these great principles. Here is a revised and corrected copy of the speech of his Excellency: Fellow Citizens.—lt is accidentally my good fortune to be with you again at a’pub lic gathering, assembled according to pre vious arrangement, fortlie purpose of for warding the just principles of the great Republican party. On the last occasion you were congratulated upon the wise selection of standard bearers that had been made by the Chicago Convention, and at that time it was well understood, that the real intent of the opposition was the reassertion of the mistak en principles which they had been compelled to abandon by the results of war. Their ac tion at New York left no room for a doubt in the mind of those who had ever sincerely rejoiced at the news of a Union victory in battle, that a Democratic success at the polls would be a vindication of the Rebellion and a condemnation of the Union. While there are thousands of good, honest, loyal, and true men, Democrats, here at the North, who do not realize the full effect of a vote, now cast with, and for, their old party leaders, there is at the South no sucli misunderstand ing. There the party lines are sharply drawn /wand against the Government, and the ranks are made tip of men from all the old parties. Whigs, Democrats, Know-Nothings, "Original Union men” and “Original Seces sionists" unite now in the Republican or Democratic party, as they may be for or against the restoration of the Union under the laws of the land, one party being in favor of peace upon the terms granted by the con querer—the other for war, unless peace can be had on the terms demanded by the con quered. And you will therefore readily understand that a Democratic success at the polls will very properly be construed by the malcontents at the South and the Copper heads at the Nortn, as an indorsement by the American people that the “lost cause” has been regained, and that the war was a fail ure. It is fortunate tliat time has elapsed, before the election, in which the violence proclaimed in the New York platform has had opportu nity to produce its legitimate fruits, in deeds of death, which the wooing words of the discomfited Democracy cannot now over come —events tliat have startled the loyal heart to a full realization of the purposes of the new conspirators, and overwhelmed them in present and prospective defeat. Having before explained that “Democrat,” at the South, signifies disunion, and now stating to you that the Legislature of Georgia is Demo cratic, you will very naturally conclude that the laws passed by Congress for the restora tion of the Southern States must have been defective, or this anomalous fact would not have occurred. A few words of explanation will show you that the fault is with the Ex ecutive, and not with the law-makers—that if the acts of Congress had been correctly construed and properly executed, Hie results would have fully sustained the wisdom of those who framed the law. As the Recon struction Acts of Congress are as objectiona ble to the Democracy as was the draft, or any other means adopted by Congress for over coming the rebellion, and are therefore taking prominent place in public discussion, the results derived from those acts in Georgia be come more noticeable, and worthy of consid eration outside of that State, and I will there fore refer to them. First, then, the intent and purpose of Congress in passing the Re construction Acts was to establish civil State Governments —Republican in form and in fact—approved by a majority of the persons resident therein, who were not disfranchised for participation in the rebellion. This was accomplished in the usual way—by a vote, and, subsequently, the election of delegates to frame a Constitution; then aa election for the ratification or rejection of the Constitu tion so framed. In Georgia an election was held for Slate officers and a General Assem bly at the same time of voting for or against the Constitution. As the Democrats voted against the Constitution, and hoped to defeat it, and thereby refuse the second offer of terms by tit* conqueror, candidates were placed in nomination by them, sim ply for the purpose of aiding, by their personal popularity and their war record, in bringing out the vote to defeat the Constitu tion.' and not with regard to their eligibility under the law, or with any expectation of their taking office; for, the Constitution being defeated at the polls, we would remain under military government. The result, however, was the ratification of the Consti tution by a majority of the w hole vote, while in many counties that gave majorities against the Constitution ineligible Democrats secured the highest number of votes, and were, therefore, elected to county offices, and to the General Assembly. By the terms of the Reconstruction Acts, all civil government was “ provisional” until the new'ly-estab lished State Constitution was accepted by Congress, and, by the same act as amended in July, 1867, all persons elected or appointed to office in any oi the Southern States were required to take the oath provided by law for officers of the United States, commonly known as the test oath. The closing section of the Reconstruction Act requires that the law shall lie liberally construed, to the end “ that all the intents eend purposes thereof shall be fully carried out.” The case, as presented in Georgia, was that of a number of persons elected to office in a Government which was “ provisional,” until approved by Congress; and, accenting to the law, such persons should have taken the oath prescribed for officers of the United States. The law in this respect was not executed, and the men who had been the most popular in an effort to defeat the new Government were allowed to take seats as legislators in its formation, and were thus given an opportunity to suc ceed by legislation in what they had failed to accomplish at the polls. This, too, in violation not only of the “ letter” but of the “intents” and ’“purposes” of the law. The act by widen the State was to be ad mitted to representation in Congress after she had adopted the XlVtli Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, re quired that persons to hold office in the State, should be eligible under the terms of that amendment. This law was not executed. The body of legislators heretofore referred to were permitted to decidefor themselvestWil they were all eligible—and their decision tvas accepted by the commanding officer. Under our State Constitution, representation is based upon counties and districts, and not upon population; hence, while the popular vote was in favor of the Reconstruction Acts, the seating of ineligible members gives an opposite political complexion to tlie Legisla ture. Having thus explained that the condi tion of Georgia is not the fault of the legis lation of Congress, but arises from failure to execute cither the letter, the intent, or the purposes of the acts passed for her restora tion, I may be excused for suggesting the course which seems to me proper to be pur sued to insure the establishment of a State Government as provided for in our Constitu tion, and as required by Congress. Congress should take steps to ascertain whether the Reconstruction Acts have been properly executed. Finding that the laws have got been executed, the proper authority should lie advised of the true intent and meaning of the acts, and directed to properly execute them. This w ould result in preventing per sons who could not take the oath required of officers of the United States from participat ing in the provisional legislation, and thus effectually prohibit men whose policy of opposition to tl*c Federal Government had been defeated on the battle field and at the ballot-boxes from carrying through a third and nearly successful attempt—so far as Georgia is concerned—in her legislative halls. The law being complied with in this particu lar, our legislation would be in safe hands, and no more would be heard of forcible in terference with persons “who had the impu dence to be Republicans in Georgia,” or of attempts to violate the civil and political rights of those who have now only the General Government to look to for protec tion. With the facts, as they will appear when Congress shall have investigated the situation in Georgia, fully sustained by the revolutionary action of the Legislature, we feel confident that Congress will not only maintain the laws which have liecn solemnly adopted, but cause them to be faithfully exe cuted, notwithstanding the objections of the President constitutionally communicated, and unconstitutionally enforced, and will fully justify tlie abiding faith which the Southern Republicans reposed in that patriotic body. From the magnificent display which lias been witnessed here to-day. the tone and temper of the people whom 1 have-met in passing through Indiana and Ohio, and Hie reports from Pennsylvania, I feel fully assured that Congress will be sustained by the people in any policy that insures the in tegrity of the Union, and one of the most essentia] jioints of such a policy is the placing the Southern Governments in the hands of the friends of the nation and the supporters of its laws. Am 1 correct ? Elect your State ticket, and place Grant in the White House, and we will be safe. Georgia will be ns free, as peaceful, and in due pro portion as prosperous as New York. The Assassination of Judge Horton, of Alabama. A correspondent of the New York Tribune gives an interesting sketch of the career of Judge Gustavus Hor ton, of Mobile, who was assassinated a few weeks since for his devotion to the Union, and support of General Grant for the Presidency. Although a native of Massachusetts, Judge Hor ton had been a citizen of Mobile not far from thirty years. He was an uncompromising Union man through out the war, and for his liberal contri butions of relief to the unfortunate but noble East Tennessee Unionists, who wero imprisoned in Mobile in 1862, he was arrested and imprisoned by the Confederate authorities. His business was destroyed, he was re moved from the Presidency of the Public School Board, and also re quested to withdraw from the church of which he was a consistent and use ful member—all because he would not turn traitor to his Government. After the close of the war General Pope restored him to the Presidency of the Board of Education. He was also appointed Mayor of Mobile after the riot there, and was, at the time of his death, Probate Judge of the county. The Tribune says:, He loved bis country intensely, was no negro-worshipper, but believed the Union paramount to every other political considera tion. He believed universal and impartial suffrage a necessary result of the war, and that the Union, could not possibly exist ex cept upon tliat basis. For his opinions he w as socially ostracised by his almost life-long friends in Mobile, and was almost daily the subject of the most venomous attacks of the Mobile Tribune, edited by one J. R. Eggles ton, who, in a controversy with the Register, Forsyth’s paper, some six months since, gave as a reason why the Tribune should become the oracle of the Democracy, the fact that he (Eggleston) was cruising as a rebel pirate in the West' Indies "one month after Booth killed Lincoln.” The fruit of these attacks has at last come to the lips of Eggleston, in the assassination of Mr. Horton’ at Hunts ville. I have thus given, ns briefly as possible the history of Mr. Horton, tliat I may draw the attention of the v hole country to the dastardly course of the Southern leaders since the war. Day after day, the threats of such unhung scoundrels as Eggleston, John For syth, and a thousand like them, are being carried into murderous execution. The lives of twenty men in Mobile, of 100 in New’ Or leans, and of thousands throughout the coun try, hang upon a thread which may snap asunder at any moment. There seems to be an organized host of miscreants among us, whose whole business is to assassinate “ carpet-baggers” and “ scalawags” as fast ns the work can be done with impunity. I most certainly believe that the farcical pro tests of such men as Hampton, which are periodically printed in the papers, form an important part ol the system, now being de veloped. to kill all white citizens of the South who do not openly regret the failure of the rebellion, and to return the black race to a condition far worse than slavery. The Northern people imagine that the election of Gen. Grant will of itself stop the assassinations daily recurring under our very eyes. I warn them of their fatal mistake. Mr. Horton, and hundreds of others, believed that at the close of the war the Union men of the South would be protected. He was a victim of the error, and I take it upon myself to warn tlie Republican party of the North —it is quite useless to appeal to what you cull your “ Democracy”-—that, unless some thing is done beside ' the adoption of “ platforms" and “ resolutions,” a Republican victory will have no practical benefit in the South. We want action, not mere words. A mere Republican victory will not stop the machinations now being plotted by 50,000 — that’s the number, as estimated by their chief, Forrest—assassins in the South. In a more humble way, Mr. Horton has fallen, as Mr. Lincoln fell, a victim of his love for the great principle of liberty. Will the people of the North read such facts, and then turn idly away to ordinary business, giving no heed to their awful sig nificance ? I warn them that such a course will bring, within twenty years, a war upon them compared with which the "late war” will have been mere child’s play. It is in finitely easier to prevent the passions of men from lining than to suppress them when once engaged in their hellish works. 1 believe that the Congress of the United States ought im mediately to assemble and remain in session till measures are taken which will secure every nian in the South the rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. From this time till the 4th of March, the most will be made of the Mexican license now the rule among us. - • Passing Away.—Our dispatches announce the suspension of the Charleston Mercury. That paper has been, for a long series of years, the advocate and organ of the intense, uncompromising and exclusive sect of Southern politicians. Its suspension denotes the gradual but certain dis appearance of the aristocratic and anti-national sentiments of which the Mercury was, for so long a period, the chief Southern exponent. . --Two rival belles meet at a hop. “How well you look under candle light !” exclaimed one, with a stress on the candles. “ And how charming you are in the dark !” answered the other. I Come On. Now the election is over, when misrepre sentation may no longer be profitably used to the manufacture of political capital, we hope to hear no more stories of Southern outrages upon freedmen, and persecution of Northern men who come South to settle in our midst.— Atlanta Constitution 1 Sth. For particulars see the Early Coun ty News. This class [of immrantsj will soon learn that we were placed before them in a false light, and that in no section of the country may greater personal security be found than in the South.— Atlanta CfowMution. Au,/. Vith. For particulars see Early County News. Ever since the close of the war, the South has been eager to induce immigration from the North and elsewhere into her midst. We trust the good people of the North will soon become satisfied that we are anxious to have them come amongst us, to form a part and parcel of us.— Atlanta Constitution. For particulars sec Early County News. There is scarcely a point in the section named in which good society and the ad vantages of civilization do not already exist, whilst in the far West, where the territory has been but recently reclaimed from the savage, none of these advantages are to be had.—At lanta Constitution. For advantages of civilization as compared with the dangers of the sav age, see Early County News. From Harper’s Weekly, Nov. 21. The Democracy of General Grant. Since General Grant has been elected by so immense a majority, it is lustily asserted by the Democratic journals that he is, and always has been, a real Democrat. Undoubtedly he is, and that is his first radical dif ference with the Democratic party. General Grant is a Democrat, and the Democratic party is, and has been for a generation, the instrument of an aristocracy. For what is it to be a Democrat in the true sense of the word ? Certainly it is not to do what slave-lords com maud, and to vote as a Ring ordains. But that is what Democracy has been for many a year. The policy of the party was just what the slave-masters thought the interests of slavery required. The great measures of the party during the twenty years before the war were the annexation of Texas and the re peal of the Missouri Compromise, while every minor measure was tested by its degree of service to the same great end of the supremacy of slavery in the government. This system was the denial and outrage of every human right; but the party existed and strug gled for no other end, and still called itself Democratic. To be a Democrat was to apologize for slavery, and de fend it; to sneer at a part of the popu lation as of an inferior race to be abused at pleasure, and consequently to stultify the moral sense, to sophisti cate and prevaricate, and to struggle endlessly with every generous human instinct, with religion and civilization. This was to be a Democrat. It made no difference that there was a plea that it was a subject upon which nothing could be done, and therefore upon which no thought should be ex pended ; that there was an incessant talk about State rights, and reserved rights, and limited powers, and origi nal compromises. . The one fact that was steadily clear through all the ob scurity and confusion was that a Democrat was a man who supported the practical assertion that some men had no rights which other men were bound to respect. And it was this tragical absurdity which has been driving the best men out of the Demo cratic party for twenty years. The old and true Democratic paper in this city is the Evening Post. How long since it has been technically a Democratic paper ? In the true sense of Demo cracy, or respect for equal rights, who are and always have been stancher Democrats than its editors, Mr. Bry ant Mr. Godwin and Mr. Nordhoff? But what have they had to do, what could they have to do, with a “Democracy” which drew its inspiration from Cal houn, with his doctrine of slavery as the only sure foundation of a free gov ernment ; which followed a dozen years ago the leadership of Hammond and his associates, sneering at free laborers as mud-sills; and which ac cepted in this last election the dicta torship of Wade Hampton and Robert Toombs, their hands dripping with the blood of loyal citizens—of Forrest fresh from Fort Pillow, and Semmes from the Alabama . J To be a true Democrat is to reject with scorn every distinctive principle that the Democratic party has pro fessed for a generation, and to disown all its acknowledged chiefs from Cal houn to Seymour. To be a true Democrat is to believe in the equal rights of men, not of States, ami to organize that faith in law ; it is to re ject the resolutions, of ’9B, and to ac knowledge the necessary subordination of the State to the Union; it is to op pose every kind of hostility of race, of interest, and of section in the country; it is to insist upon an economical and honest administration of govenment; it is to be neither abuly to the weakest of foreign States nor a sycophant to the strongest, but reasonable, firm, and self-respecting with all; it is to foster to the utmost free schools and churches; to demand absolute freedom of speech and action every where in the land; to keep the national honor unstained ; it is, above all, to see that justice is expediency, and that the maintenance of the equal rights of men is identical with true policy. This is Democracy, or the practical assertion of the rights of man. This is exactly what the Democrats who voted for Mr. Seymour have opposed. This is precisely what General Grant accepts. If he be a Democrat Horatio Seymour is not. The Democrats of to-day will find small comfort in General Grant until they renounce what is now know as Democracy. - • —Professor Youmans quaintly- sug gests that “it would be wise for preachers who are annoyed with drowsy- congregations to inquire how far the stimulus of pure air might be advantageously substituted for scold ing.” CTommunirations. De Intimerdation. Mas Editor : It is rumored dat on de day of de lection de demmycrats is to come to de polls wid pistols to pop cm oft' in de air so as to skeer off an intimidate de colored republican voters. De sopc tail niggers will of course be advised of de trick. Is dis fair play ? I only axes for information. Sambo. Worthy of Imitation. Mr. Editor —The New York Times of the 10th instant has a Columbia (8. C.) special, dated November 9th, which declares, on the announcement of the result of the Presidential elec tion, General Wade Hampton, and other prominent Democrats, called on Governor Scott and expressed, in for mal terms, his and their determination to acquiesce in the' result, as becomes good citizens and sensible men. They said they would support the present State Government, and advise others to do so, too. That was a good beginning, and the action is worthy of imitation in every Southern State. The question of re construction entered largely into the late campaign. Governor Seymour, at the head of the Democracy, made the race, with the express determina tion to undo, as early as possible, what he and the Democratic party denomi nated the unconstitutional acts of Con gress. The people—the sovereigns of the Republic—the workingmen—the bone and sinew of the country —saw proper to defeat Mr. Seymour, and, by so doing, to frown upon his and General Blair’s reactionary ideas. The voice of the people is certainly unmis takable upon this question. Congres sional reconstruction is an accomplished fact, or soon will be. The people’s policy has been announced—was an ticipated by their representatives, and the President elect, long ago, said ho had no policy to interpose as against the will of the people. Southom State Governments are both de facto and de jure. The Democracy- ought to recognize this fact here, in Georgia, even as, in South Carolina, one of their brightest lights has. Let leading Democrats cease from silly forebodings, and come up like men to the support of our State Gov ernment, through our noble-hearted Governor. Let each man determine to con tribute his mite toward the healing of our internal derangements and the development of our rich resources. Governor Bullock is as true as steel to Georgia, and, being fully imbued with the spirit which is the very- life of our free institutions, will meet every man half way, in order to unite all in the effort to accomplish his heart’s desire— the prosperity of Georgia, Georgia’s glory, and the glory of the whole country. S. VV. November 18,1868. De Nomenaslien. Mas. Editor :—I is told de nome nashen of de Dimoeracy is made for de 4 Wards of de city, an dat Mas. Frankie Koggin, an Mas Wm. H. Good toberieh, an Mas. Jimmenitte Garre gan am de studs entered for de per litical race. Dese is all honorable mens in dis community-, an I’m sorry dis is all dat can be said in favor of dem. Dey will run well, but dey don’t represent de people. Mas. Koggin is de sykeological ex ponent of §600,000 in de Kotton Fac try, an he is bound to make all' de money he can out of dat. Mas. Good toberich is de coefficient of a big car penter shop an some rail estate. His interest is to make all de money he can out of dem. Mas. Jimmynettc represents de Georgia}- R. Road, and has to look after de interests of dat concarn. Now, all dese interests, as you an de rest of de world knows, re quires mens not too honest to grab every cent dey can get out of de work ing mens, womens, an children, an make large dividends. Dey never wants to pay any taxes to de city, or to pay any wages to de laborers, except so much as will keep soul an body to geder, to do dere work an vote as (.ley direct (a la J. (J. Adams.) As to de generil interest and prosperity of de citty, as a citty, dey arc perfectly ob livious, an if dey make de moneys, den de rest of de citty may go to h— as well as de citizens. Wat I wants is a fair representa shun of de generil interests, so wen a poor man, white or colored, turns to de citty lie may find work an de moans of living without selling his votes to de factry, carpenter shop, or R. Road. Pompey. N. B.—No nigger votes wanted at de Factry. Gen. Butler.—The Lousisville Courier-Journal of the 14th instant published a private letter from Gen- Butler, in which he says: Thai we are politically opposed, 1 think must arise from the different light in which we see the same thing. The South has no firmer friend than I am and have ever been. It is a part of my country, and although I may misjudge in the best way to prevent the South from the consequence of what 1 must regard as a great crime, and still worse, a blunder; yet I would do anything if I could be convinced that it would tend to the pros perity, quiet, and regeneration of the South as a part of my country-. I bear no hatred toward the South, or Southern men as such, if I know my- own heart, but I am opposed, only to those who still war upon the liest in terests of the country, as I understand them, and that opposition, from the very necessi ties of my nature, will be a stem and unyield ing one. I hope to see you and assure you in person that I can be as ardent a friend in peace as I was a determined and unrelenting foe in war.” The Courier-Journal says of this: As a partisan we liave untiringly fired the heaviest guns in our battery at General Butler. When lie soars so high, and demon strates that his will is equal to Ins capacity for good, our guns shall all be spiked, or turned upon those who may assail Ins acts in our behalf. I— • —A writer in the New York zensays: “If Plymouth Rock had landed on the Pilgrim Fathers, it would have accomplished something worth talking about.” SPECIAL NOTICES Assistamt SurtniHTENDENT’s Orric„ v ueorgia railroad, ’( Augusta, Ga., November 19th, 1868 ) , Delegates to the North Georgia Conference M E. Church, to be held at Griffiu, Ga., on the 2d December, will be passed free, returning, on pre sentation of certificate of membership from u, Secretary of the Conference. 8. K. JOHNSON “''’ n Ass t Sup i. Assistant Svpbrintenpbnt’s Ornci- 1 GEORGIA RAILROAD, ’I Augusta, Ga., ovember, 20th, 1868. J Until farther notice the SUNDAY BEKZELIA TRAIN will be discontinued. 8. K, JOHNSON, no2o—lm Ass t Sup't. JMJ-PUBI.IC NOTICE CHURCH oi' THE ATONEMENT.—The undersigned g i res notice that the PEWS in the CHURCH OP THE ATONEMENT will bo rented on MON DAY, 23d NOVEMBER, at the Church, on Tel' fair street, from 11 o’clock a. in. to 2 o’clock p. m. Parties desiring to obtain Pews will p] eaEC k in attendance, and those who have bad Pews and who wish to retain them during the current year, are requested to notify the undersigned of their intention on or before the time above named. R. c. AGNEW, novl9—lt Treasurer. ASS’T SUPERINTENDENT'S oFFIcf ' Georgia Railroad ’ I Augusta, Ga., November 14th,1868 f MfiTON AND AFTER MONDAY November 16th, 1868, the Night Train on the Washington Branch will run only twice a week —Monday and Tuesday nights—leaving Washing ton at 10:00, p. m. Returning, arriving at Wash ington at 3:20, a. m. 8. K. JOHNSON, nov!s—tf Assistant Superintendent. NEWADVERTISEMENTSr ISTotice. Municipal Election for Mayor ami Members of Council for the City of Augusta. In compliance with the requirements of an Act of the Legislature of this State, at its recent res sion, entitled “An Act to re organize the Municipal Government of the City of Augusta," we, the Commissioners therein named, and as required thereby, do hereby give public notice,' That said Municipal election for Mayor and Members Couueil for said city, will be held on Wednesday the Second day of December next, at the several places hereinafter named, and under the Superin tendence of the citiz.eus named for each of the Wards, respectively, and wc appoint as Superin tendents of said election the following citizens, to wit: First Ward. BOX 1. Henry L. Leon, .I.l*. Elisha 11. Rogers, Oliver F. Gregory. BOX 2. Jesse M. Jeans, W. W. Alexander, William Hale. Alternate—William 11. Howard. Nccoud Ward. BOX 1. Robert M. I’hinnizv, J. P. G. Crawford Rhodes, John 8. Coleman. BOX 2. James A. Dortic, Thomas R. Rhodes, Henry Allen. Alter) late—Ellis I .yon s. Third Ward. BOX 1. Alexander Phillip, J. P. John Bowles, Francis C. Taylor. BOX 2. W. A. Ramsey, I). B. Plumb, Geo. B. Snowden. Alternate—William Shear. Fourth Ward. BOX I. Robert F. Uurhy, N.P., Ex Os. J. P. William E. Jackson, John Miller. BOX 2. Michael O’Dowd, William Phillip, Simeon W. Beard. Alternate—James B. Wilson. The said election to be held at the following named places'; the polls to be opened at eight (8> o'clock a. in., and closed at five (5) o’clock p. in.. on the day named, and to be held for the First Ward—At the Seale House. Second Ward —At the City Hall. Third Ward—At the Engine House, corner oi Jackson and Greene streets. Fourth Ward—At the Upper Market. The appointments for the two latter Wards at the places named, being made for the reason that wc have been olficiaily apprised by the Mayor of the City of Augusta, that the proprietors ol the Central Hotel of the Third Ward, and Planters Hotel of the Fourth Ward (being the places named in the Ordinances for holding said elections), object to the elections being held in their hotels. JOHN C. SNEAD, WM. R. McLAWS, E. M. BRAYTON, WM. DOYLE R. A. HARPER. Attest: Daviii I’ortbr, Clerk. November 19th, 1868. In ftccopdftnc® with th? hiw th? o«_»niiniHAiou6is of Registration, under the Municipal Bill for the City of Augusta, on the 11th day of November, 1868, appointed three citizens in and for each Ward —one of whom was a Justice of the Peace—to superintend the election. On this day a majority of the Board appointed three additional citizens in and for each Ward, as superintendents of said election. The action of the majority of the Boaid on this day, wc fiiotest against as unauthorized by law. WM. R. McLAWS, JOHN C. SNEAD. Two of the Comr. Augusta, Ga., Nov. 19, 1868. I am also of the opinion that the Board ban no legal right to change the places of holding tbc election. WM. R. McLAW 8. no2o -tde . . —— Wanted. I WANT A MAN TO TAKE THE AGENO lor Lloyd's Great Double Revolving Map Europe and America, with tlm 4,000 county , ed map of the United States on the back, is to day, and needed by every family, school an brary it the land, with patent reversers, by wm either map can te thrown front. Each luap 62x61 inches large, with ribbon burning double faced rollers; cost SIOO,OOO and three y labor. Price $5-worth SSO. A small capita will do to start with. $lO a copy can be got i these great maps. Send for circular, terms, ei • Twenty new maps under way J. T. LLOYD, (I*. O. Bos I'--)- uo!9-lmdw Atlanta, Ga.