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i|t gull frtss. E. E. PU SHE, PublUhw k Proprietor. , t u,mA- Hi ■»'»'« » '■•■■■" ~ AdTorttuMoata OB Ufcenl Tow. Om Year, la iln»" , 2 BiNMth, la .dwoo*- * " Throe Month*, la »d*«n** * “ pr A paper fnmieUd ffOtk I. en, ttmiing a* a CW V *•* ***** r, t*r«. City Printer—Offldtl Paper LARGEST CITY CIRCULATION TUKSDAT MOUSING ~J*n. 8,186 T PRESIDENPS MESSAGE. Ib tks Senate of <A« United State*: I have received and considered a bill entitled * An Act to regulate tbe Elec tive Franchise in the District of Colura bia," passed by the Senate on the 13th of December, and by the House of Representatives on the succeeding day. It was presented for my approval on the 26th nIL, si* days alter the adjourn ment of Congress, and is now returned with my objections, to the Senate, in which House it originated. Measures having been introduced at the com- mencement of the First Session of the present Congress for the extension ol the Elective Franchise to persons of color iu the District of Columbia, steps were taken by the corporate authorities of Washington end Georgetown to as certain and make known the opinion of the people of the two cities upon a subject so immediately affecting their welfare as a community. The question was submitted to the people at special elections, held in the month of Decem ber, 1865, when the qualified voters of Washington and Georgetown with great unanimity of sentiment, expressed themselves opposed to the contemplated legislation. In Washington, in a vote of 6,556, the largest, with but two ex ceptions, ever polled in that City, only thirty five ballots were cast for negro suffrage. While iu Georgetown, iu an aggregate of 813 votes, a number con siderably in excess of the average vote at the four preceding annual elections, but one was given in favor of the pro posed extension of the Elective Fran chise. As these elections seem to have been conducted with entire fairness, the result must- be accepted as a truthful expression of the opinion of the people of the District upon the ques tion which evoked it. Possessing, as an organized community, the same proper right as the inhabitants of a State or Territory to make known their will upon matters which affect their social and political condition, they could have selected no more appropriate mode of memorializing Congress upon the sub ject of this bill, than through the suf frages of their qualified voters. Entirely disregarding the wishes of the people of the District of Columbia, Congress has deemed it right and expedient to pass the measure now submitted for my sig nature. It therefore becomes the duty of the Executive, standing between the legislation of the one, and the will of the other, fairly expressed, to determine whether he should approve the bill, and thus aid iu placing upon the statute books of the nation a law, against which the people to whom it is to apply, have solemnly, and with such unanimity pro tested, or whether he should return it with his objections, in the hope, that upon reconsideration, Congress, acting as the representatives of the inhabitants of the Seat of Government, will permit them to regulate a purely local question as to them may seem best suited to their interests aud condition. The Dis trict of Columbia was ceded to the United States by Maryland and Vir ginia, in order that it might become the permanent seat of Government of the United States. Accepted by Congress, it at once became subject to the exclu sive legislation, for which provision is made in the Federal Constitution. It should be borne in mind, however, that in exercising At functions as the law making power of the District of Colum bia, the authority of the National Legis lature is not without limit, but that Con gress is bound to observe tbe letter and spirit of the Constitution as well in the enactment of local laws for the seat of government, as in legislation common to the entire Union. Were it to be admitted that the right to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases what soever, conferred upon Congress unlim ited power within the District ot Columbia, titles of nobility might be granted within its boundaries, laws might be made respecting an establish ment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, or abridging the free dom of speech, or of the press, or of the right of the people peaceably to assem ble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances. Despotism would thus reign at the seat of govern ernment of a free republic, and as a place of permanent residence, it would be avoided by all who prefer tbe bless ings of liberty to the mere emoluments of official position. It should also be remembered, that in leg islating for the District of Colombia under the Federal Constitution, the relation of Congress to its inhabitants is analogous to that of a legislature to the people of a State, under their own local constitution. It does not, therefore, seem to be asking too much, that in mat ters pertaining to the district, Congress should have a like respect for tlie will and interest of its inhabitants as is entertained by a State legislature for the wishes and prosperity of those for whom they legislate. The spirit of our Constitution and the genius ot our Gov ernment require, that in regard to any law which is to affect and baye a per manent bearing upon a people, their THE DAILY PRESS. YOL. 111. will should exert at least a reasonable influence upon those who are acting in the aapacity of their legislators. Would sot instance, the Legislature of the State of New York, or of Pennsylvania, or of Indiana, or of any State in the Uuion, fn opposition to the expressed will of a large majority of the people, whom they were chosen to represent! arbitrarily force upon them, a* voters, all persons of the African, of negro, race, and mske them eligible for office, without any other qualification than a certain term of residence within the State? In neither of the States named would the colored population, when acting together, be able to produce any great social or political result, yet in New York, before he can vote, the man of color must fulfil conditions that are not required of the white citizen. In Pennsylvania, the elective franchise is restricted to white freemen, while ir. Indiana, negroes and inulattoes are ex pressly exclude! from the right of suffrage. It hardly seems consistent with the principles of right and justice that representatives of States where suffrage is either denied the colored man, or granted to him on qualifica tions requiring intelligence or property, should compel the people of the District of Columbia to try an experiment which their own constituents have thus far shown an unwillingness to lest for them selves. Nor does it accord with our republican Mens that the principle of self-government should lose its force when applied to the residents of the dis tricts, merely because their legislators are not, like those of the States, responsible through the ballot-box to the people, for whom they are the law-making power. The great object of placing the seat of government under the exclusive legisla tion of C ingress was to secure the entire independence of tbe General Govern ment from undue State influence, and to enable it to discharge, without danger of interruption or infringement of it 8 authority, the high functions for which it was created by the people. For this important purpose it was ceded to the United States by Maryland and Vir ginia, and it certainly never could have been contemplated as one of the objects to be uttained by placing it under the exclusive jurisdiction of Congress that it would afford to propagandists or po litical parties a place for an experi mental test of their principles and theo ries ; while, indeed, the residents of the seat of government are not citizens of any State, and are not, therefore, allowed a voice in the Electoral College, or representation in the national qouncils, they are, nevertheless, American citi zens, entitled as such to every right which pertains to citizens of our common country. In all matters, then, affecting their domestic affairs, the spirit of our Democratic form of government de mands that their wishes should be con sulted and respected, and they taught to feel that, although not permitted practi cally to participate in national concerns, they are nevertheless under a paternal government, regardful of their rights, mindful of their wants, and solicitous for their prosperity. It was evidently contemplated that all local questions would be left to their decision, at least to an extent that would not be incompatible with the object for which Congress was granted exclusive legislation over the seat of government. When the Constitution was yet under consideration it was assumed by Mr. Madison that its inhabitants would be allowed a municipal legislature for local purposes derived from their own suffrages. When, for the first time, Congress, in the year 1800, assembled at Washington, President Adams, in his speech at its opening, reminded the two Houses that it was for them to con sider whether the local powers over the District of Columbia, rested by the Constitution in the Congress ot the United States, should be immediately exercised, and he asked them to it as the Capitol of a great nation, advancing with unexampled rapidity in arts, in commerce, in wealth, and population, and possessing within itself those resources which, if not thrown away, or lamentably misdirect ed, would secure to it a long course of prosperity and self government. Three years had not elapsed, when Congress was called upon to determine the pro priety of retroceding to Maryland and Virginia the jurisdiction of the terri tory which they had respectively relin quished to the Government of the United States. It was urged on the one hand that exclusive jurisdiction was not necessary or useful to the Govern ment ; that it deprived the inhabitants of the District of their political rights; that much of the time of Congress was consumed in legislation pertaining to it; that its Government was expensive ; that Congress was not competent to legislate for the District, because the members were strangers to its local concerns, and that it was an example of a Government without representation, an experiment dangerous to the liberties of tbe States. On the other hand, it was held among other reasons, and successfully, that the Constitution, the acta of the cession of Virginia and Maryland, and the act of Congress accepting the grant, all contemplated the exercise of exclusive legislation by Congress, and that its usefulness, if not its necessity, was iuferred from the in- AUGUSTA, GA., TUESDAY MORNING, JANUARY 8, 1867. convenience which was felt for want of it by the Congress of the Confederation ; that the people themselves, who, it was said, had been deprived of their politi cal rights, bad no} complained, and did not desire a retrocession ; that the evil might be remedied by giving them a representation in Congress when the District should become sufficiently pop ulous, and in the meantime a local leg islature ; that if the inhabitants had pot political rights, they had great po litical influence; that the trouble and expense of legislating for the Di-trict would not be grent, but would diminish, and might, in a great measure, be avoided by a local legislature, and thnt Congress could not retrocede the inhab itants without their consent continuing to live substantially under the laws that existed at the time of the cession, and such changes only having been made as were suggested by themselves. The people of the District have not sought by a local legislature that which has generally been willingly conceded by the Congress of the nation. Asa gene ral rule, sound policy requires that the legislature should yield to the wishes of a people when not inconsistent with the Constitution and the laws. The measures suited to one comma nity might not be well adapted to the condition of another, and the persons best qualified to determine such ques tions are those whose interests are to be directly affected by any proposed law. In Massachusetts,for instance, male per sous are allowed to vote without regard to colpr, provided, they possess a certain degree of intelligence. In a population in that State of 1,231,066, there were, by the census of 1860, only 9,602 per sons of color; and of the males over twenty years of age there were 339,086 white to 2,602 colored. By the same official enumeration there were in the District of Columbia C 0,954 whites to 14,316 persons of the colored race. Since then, however, the population of the District has largely increased, and it is estimated that at the present time there are nearly 100,000 whites to 30,000 ne groes. The cause of the augmented numbers of the latter class needs no explanation. Contiguous to Maryland and Virginia, the District during the war became a place of refuge for those who escaped from servitude, and it is yet the abiding place of a considerable pro portion of those who sought within its limits a shelter from boudage. Until then held in slavery and denied all op portunities for mental culture, their first knowledge ol the Government was ac quired when, by conferring -upon them freedom, it became the benefactor of their race. The test of their capability for improvement began when, for the first time, the career of free industry and the avenues to intelligence were opened to them. Possessing these ad vantages but a lin ted time, (the greater number, perhaps, having entered the District of Columbia during the latter years of the war, or since its termina tion,) we may well pause to inquire whether, after so brief a probation, they are, as a class, capable of an intelligent exercise of the right of suffrage, and qualified to discharge the duties of offi cial position. The people who are daily witnesses of their mode of living, and who have be come familiar with their habits of thought, have expressed the conviction that they are not yet competent to serve as electors, and thus become eligible for office in the local governments tinder which they live. Clothed with the elec tive franchise, their numbers are already largely in excess of the demand, for labor would soon be increased by an influx from the adjoining States. Drawn from fields where employment is abun dant, they would in vain seek it here, and so add tg the embarrassments already experienced from the large class of persons in the District. Hardly yet capable of forming correct judgments upon the important questions that often make the issues cf a political contest they could readily be made subservient to the purposes of designing persons. While in Massachusetts, under the census of 1860, the proportion of white to colored males, over twenty years of age, was one hundred and thirty to one, here, the black race constitutes nearly one third of the entire population, whilst the same class surrounds the District on all sides, ready to change their residence at a moment's notice, aud with all the facility ol a Nomadic people, in order to enjoy hereafter a short residence—a privilege they would find nowhere else. It is within their power, in one year, to come into the District in such numbers as to have the supreme control of the white race, and to govern them by their own officers, and by the exercise of all the municipal nutbority—among the rest, of the power of taxation over pro perty in which they have no interest. In Massachusetts, where they have enjoyed the benefits of a thorough edu cational gyatera, a qualification of intelligence is required; while here suffrage is extended to all, without discrimination, as well to the most incapable, who can prove a residence in tbe District ot one year, as to those persons of color who, comparatively few in number, are permanent inhabitants, and having given evidence of merit and qualification are recognized as useful and responsible members of the com munity. Imposed upon an unwilling people, placed by the Constitution under the exclusive legislation of Congress, it would be viewed as an arbitrary exercise of power, and as an infication by the country of the purpose 6f Congress to compel the acceptance ot negro suffrage by the States. It would engender a feeling of opposition and hatred between the two races whieb, hecoming desperate and ineradicable, would prevent them from living together in a state of mutual friendliness. Carefully avoiding every measure that might tend to produce such a result, and following the clear and well ascertained popular will, we should assiduously endeavor to promote kindly relatious between them, and thus, where the popular will leads the way, prepare for the gradual and harmonious introduction of this new element into the political power of the country. It can not be urged that the proposed extension of suffrage in the District of Columbia is necessary to enable persons of color to protect either their interests or their rights. They stand here pre cisely as they stand in Pennsylvania. Ohio, and Indiana; here, as elsewhere, in all that pertains to civil rights, there there is nothing to distinguish this class of persons from citizens of the United States, tor they possess the full and equal benefit of all laws and proceedings for the security of person and property, as is enjoyed by white citizens, and are made subject to like punishment, pains, 'and penalties, and none other, any law, statute, ordinance, regulation, or cus tom to the contrary notwithstanding. Nor, as has been assumed, are their saffrages necessary to aid a loyal senti tnent here» for local govenments already exist, of undoubted fealty to the govern ment and aresustiined by a community which were among the first to testify their devotion to the Union, and which, during the struggle, turnished their full quotas of men to the military service ol the country. The exercise of the elee tive franchise is the highest attribute of an American citizen, and when guided by virtue, intelligence, patriotism, and a proper appreciation of our institutions constitutes the true basis of a Demo cratic form of Government, in which the sovereign power is lodged in the body of the people. Its influence for good necessarily depends upon the ele vated character and patriotism of the elector, for if exercised by persons who do not justly estimate its value, and who are indifferent ns to its results, it will only prove a means of placing power in the hands of the unprincipled and ambitious, and must eventuate in the complete destruction of that liberty of wjjich it should, ,le ths_ most powerful conservator. Great danger is therefore to be apprehended from an untimely extension of the Elective Franchise to any new class in our country, especially when a large majority of that class, in wielding the power thus placed in their hands, can not be expected correctly to compre hend the duties and responsibilities which pertain to suffrage. Yesterday, as it were, four millions of persons were held in a condition of slavery, that has existed for generations. To day they are freemen, and are assigned by law to be citizens. It cannot be presumed from their previous condition of slavery, that as a race, they are a, well informed as to the nature of our Government as the intelligent foreigner who makes our land the home of Ins choice. In case of the latter, neither a residence ot five year3 and the know ledge of our institutions which it gives nor attatchment to the principles of the constitution, are the only conditions upon which he can be admitted to citizen ship. He must prove, in addition, a good moral character, and thus give reasonable grounds for the belief that he will be faithful to the obligations which he assumes as a citizen of the Republic. Where a people, the source of all political power, speak by their suffrages, through the instrumentality ol the ballot box, it must be carefully guarded against the control of those who are corrupt in principles and ene mies of free institutions, for it t-au only become, to our political and social system, a safe conductor of a hearty popular sentiment, when kept free Irom demoralizing influences. Controlled through fraud and usurpation by the designing, anarchy and despotism must iuevitably follow. In the hands of the patriotic and worthy, onr Government will be preserved upon the principles of the Constitution inherited Irom our fathers. It follows, therefore, that in admitting to the ballot box anew class of voters not qualified for the exercise of the Elective Franchise, we weaken our system ot Government, instead of adding to its strength and durability. In returning this bill to the Semite I deeply regret that there should bo any conflict of opinion between the Legisla tive and Executive Departments of the Government, in regard to measures that vitally affect the prosperity and peace of the country. Sincerely desiring to re conciie the States to one another, und the whole people to the Government of the United States, it has been my ear nest wish to coflperste with Congress in all measures having for their object a proper and complete adjustment of the questions resulting from our late civil war. Harmony between the coordinate branches of' the Government, always necessary for the public welfare, was never more demanded than at the pres ent time, and it will, therefore, bu my constant aim to promote, as far as pos sible, concert of action between them. The differences of opinion that have al ready occurred have rendered me only the more cautious lest the Executive should encroach npon any of the pre rogatives of Congress, or' by exceeding, io any manner, the Constitutional limit of his duties, destroy Ihe equilibrium which should exist between the several coordinate Departments, and which is ho essential to the harmonious working of the Government. I know it has been urged the Executive Department is more likely to enlarge the sphere of its action, than either of the other two branches of the Government, and especially in the exercise of the veto power conferred upon it by the Constitution. It should be remembered, however, that the power is wholly negative and conservative in its character, and was intended to operate as a check upon unconstitutional, hasty, and improvident legislation, and as a means ot protection against the invasion of the just powers ot the Executive and Judicial Departments. It is remarked by Chancellor Kent, that ■‘to enact laws is a transcendent power, and if the body that possesses it he a full and equal representative of the people, there is danger of its pressing with destructive weight upon all the other parts of the machinery of the Government. It has therefore been thought necessary by the most skilful and most experienced artists in the science of civil polity, that strong barriers should be erected for the protection and security of the other necessary powers of the Government. Nothing has.-been deemed more fit and expedient lor the purpose, than the provision that the head of the Executive Department should be so constituted as‘to secure a requisite share of independence, and that he should have a negative upon the passing of laws, and that the Judiciary power vested upon a still more permanent basis, should have the right of determining upon the validity ot laws by the standard of the Constitution. The necessity of some such check in the hands of the Executive is shown by reference to the most eminent writers upon our system ot Government, who seem to concur in the opinion that en croachments are most to be apprehended from the Department in which all Legs islative powers are vested by the Constitution. Mr. Madison, in referring to the difficulty of providing some practical security for each against the invasion of the others, remarks that the legislative Department is extending the sphere of its aciivity, and drawing all power into its impetuous vortex.” The founders of our Republic seem never to have recollected the danger fVom Legis lative usurpations, which by assembling nil power in tig same hands must lead to the same -cranny as is threatened by Executive usurpation. In a representative republic, where the Executive Magistracy is carefuilv limited both in the extent and the duration of its power, and where the legislative power is exercised by an assembly which is inspired by a sup posed influence over the people, with an intrepid confidence in its own strength which is sufficiently numerous to be incapable of pursuing the objects of its passions by means which reason pre scribes, it is against the enterprising ambition of this Department, that the people onght to indulge all their jeal ousy and exhaust all their precautions. The Legislative Department derives a superiority in our Government from other circutqstances. Its constitutional powers being at once more exten sive and less -susceptible of precise limits, it can with the greater facility mask under complicated and indirect measures the encroachments which it makes on the co-ordinate departments. On the other side, the Executive power beiug restrained within a nar rower compass, and being more simple in its nature, aud the judiciary being described by landmarks still less uncer tain, projects of usurpation by either of these departments would immediately betray aud defeat themselves. Nor is this all. As the Legislative Depart ment alone has access to the pockets of the people, and has in some constitu tions full discretion, and iu all a pre vailing influence over the pecuniary re wards of those who fill the other de partments, a dependence is thus created in the latter which gives still greater facility to encroachments of the former. We have seen that the tendency of Republican Governments is to an agrandizement of the legislation at the expense of the other departments. Mr. Jefft ■rson, in referring to the early constitution of Virginia, objected that by its provisions, all the powers of Government, Legislative, Executive, and Judicial, resulted to the legislative body wholly that the concentrating these in the same hands is precisely the definition of despotic government. It will be no alleviation that these powers will be exercised by a plurality of hands, and not by a single one. One hundred aud seventy three despots would surely be as oppressive as one. As little will it avail us that they are chosen by ourselves. An elective despotism was not the government we fought for, but one whieh should not only be founded on free principles but in which the powers of government should be so divided and balanced among several bodies of magistracy as that no one should transcend their legal limits without being effectually checked and restrained by the others. For this reason, that Convention which passed the ordinance of Government laid its foundation on this basis. that the Legislative, Executive, and Judi ciary Departments should be separate and distinct, so that no person should exercise the powers of more than one of them at the same time. But no barrier was provided between the several pow ers. The Judiciary aud Executive mem bers were left dependent on the Legis lative for their subsistence in office, and some of them for their continuance in it. If, therefore, the Legislature asssumes Executive and Judiciary powers no opposition is likely to be made, nor if made, can be effected, because in that case they may put their proceedings into the form of an act of Assembly, which will render them obligatory on the other branches. They have accordingly, in many instances decided rights which should have been left to the Judiciary controversy, and the direction of the Executive, during the whole time of their session is be coming habitual and familiar. Mr. Justice Story, in his commenta ries on the Constitution, reviews the same subject, and says: “The truth is, that the Legislative power is the great and overtulitig power in every free Government-. The representatives of the people will watch with jealousy everv encroachment of the Executive Magistrate, for it trenches upon their own authority—but who shall watch the encroachments of these representatives themselves? Will they be as jealous ot the exercise of power by themselves as by others? There are many reasons which may lie assigned for the engross ing influence of the Legislative Depart ment. In the first place, its constitution al powers are more extensive and less capable of being brought within precise limits than those of either of the above departments. The bounds of the Ex ecutive authority are easily marked out and defined. It reaches few objects, and those are known. It cannot trans cend them without being brought in con tact with the other departments. Laws may check and restrain and bound its exercise. The same remarks apply with still greater force to the judiciary. The jurisdiction is, or may be, bounded to a tow object* or persons, or however gen eral and unlimited, its operations are ueees sarily confined to tbe mere administration of private and public justice. It cannot punish without law. It cannot create con troversies to net upon. It can decide only upon rights and cases as they are brought by others before it. It can do nothing for itself. It must do everything for others. It must obey the laws, add if it oorruptJy ad ministers them it is subject to tho powor of impeachment. On tho other hand, the Legislative power, except it a few cases ot Constitutional prohibition, is unlimited. It is forever varying its means and its ends. It gnvtrns the institutions, and laws, and public policy of the country. It regu lates all its vast interests. It dis poses of all its properly. Look but at tho exercise of two or three branches of its ordinary powers. It levies all taxes; it dirocta and appropriates ail supplies; it gives the rules ‘or the desceot, distribution, and devises of all property held hv indi viduals; it controls the sources and the resources of wealth; it ch nges at its will the whole of the laws; it moulds at its pleasure almost all the institutions whieh give strength and comfort and dig nity to society. In the next place, it is tho direct visible representative of the will of the people in all tho changes of times and circumstances. It has the pride, as well as the power, of numbers; it is easily aud steadily moved by the strong impulses of popular feeling and popular odium; it obeys, without reluctance, the wishes and tho will of the majority for the time being. The path to public favor lies opeu by such obedience, and it finds not only suppurt but impunity in what ever measures the majority advises’ even though they transcend tho constitu tional limits. It has no motivo, therefore, to he jealous or scrupulous in its own uso of power, and it finds its ambition stimulated and its arm strengthened by the oounten ance and the courage es numbers. These views are nut alone those of men who look with apprehension upon the fate of Republics, but they are also freely ad mitted by some of tho strongest advocates for popular rights and the permanency o? Republican iuetftutions. Each department should have a will of its own—each should have its own indepeodence secured beyond the power of being taken away by either or both of tho others. But at tho eamo time the relations of each to ibo other should be so strong that there should boa mutual interest to sustain and protect each other. There should not only bo Constitutional means, but personal motives, to resist en croachments of oie or either of the others. Thus ambition would be made to counteract ambition, the desire of power to check power, and the pressure of interest to bal ance an opposing interest. Tho Judiciary is naturally, and almost necessarily, as has been already said, the weakest department. It can have no means ot influence by pat ronage ; Us powers can Dover bo wielded for itself; it has no command over tbe purse or the sword of the nation ;. it can neither lay taxes, nor appropriate money, nor commaud armies, or appoint to office; it ia never brought into contact with the people by constant appoal* and solicitations, and pri vate intercourse which belong to ull the other departments of government; it is seen only in controversies or in trials and punishments; its rigid justice and impar tiality give it no olaims to favor, however they may to respect; it stands solitary and unsupported except by that portion of pub lio opinion which is interested only in tho NO. 6. strict administration of justice. It can rarely secure the sympathy or xealons sup port either of tbe Executive or tho Legisla ture, If they are not, as is not nnfrequeutly the case, jealous of its prerogatives, the constant necossity of scrutinising tbs acts of esch upon tbe application of any prirato person, and tbe painful duty of pronouncing judgment that these acts ere a departure from tbe law or Constitution, can hare do tendency to conciliate kindness or nourish influence. It would seem, therefore, that some additional guards would, under such circumstances, be necessary to protect this department from the absolute dominion of the others. Yet rarely have any such guards been applied, and every attempt to intro duce them has been resisted with a perti nacity which demonstrates how slow popular leaders are to introduce checks upon their own power, and how slow tbe people are to believe that the Judiciary is the reaj bulwark of their liberties. If any depart ment of the Government has undue influence or absorbing power it certainly has not been either the Executive or Judi ciary. In addition to what has beeu said by these distinguished writers, it may also be urged that the dominant party in each House may, by tho expulsion of a sufficient number of members, or by the exclusion from representation of a requisite number of States, reduce the minority to less than one third. Congress by these means might be enabled to pass a law, the objections of the President to the contrary notwithstand ing, which would render impotent tho other two departments of the Government, and make inoperative the wholesome and res training power which-it was intended by the ramers of tbe Constitution, should be exerted by them. This would be a practical concentration of ail power in the Congress of the United States. This, in the language of the antbor of the Declaration of Inde pendence, would be preoisely the definition of despotic Government. I have preferred to reproduce these teachings of the great statesmen and Constitutional lawyers of the early and later days of the Republic, rather than ‘o rely simply upon an expression of my own opinions. We cannot too often recur to them, especially at a conjuncture like the present. Their application to onr actual condition is so apparent that they now come to us as a living voice, to be listened to with more attention than at any previous period of our history. We have becD, and are yet, in the midst of popular commotion; the passions aroused by a great civil war are still dominant. It is not a time favorable to that calm and deliberate judgment which is the only safe guide when radical changes in our institutions are to be made. The measure now before me is one of those changes. It initiates an untried ex periment for a people who have said with one voice that it is not for their good. This alone should make us pause—but it is not all. The experiment has just been tried, or so much as demanded by tho people of the several States for themselves. In but few •f the States has such an innovation been allowed as giving the ballot to the colored population without any other qualification than a residence of one year, and in most of them the denial of tho ballot to this race is absolute and by fundamental law placed beyond the domain of ordinary legis lation. In most of those States the evil of such suffrage would he partial; but, small as it would be, it is guarded by constitu tional barriers. Here the innovation as sumes formidable proportions, which may easily grow to such an extent as to make the white population a subordinate element in the body politic. After fu’l deliberation upon this measure, Icaunot bring myself to approve it, even upon local considerations, nor yet as tho beginning of an experiment on a larger scale. I yield to no one in at tachment to that rule of general suffrage which distinguishes our policy us a nation ; but there is a limit wisely observed, hitherto, which makes the ballot a privilege and a trust, and which requires of some classes a suitable time for probation and preparation. To give it, indiscriminately, to anew class, wholly unprepared by previous habits and opportunities to perform the trust which it demands, is to degrade it, and, finally, to destroy its power, for, it may be safely assumed, that no political truth is hotter established than that such indiscriminate and all-embracing extension of popular suffrage must end, at last, in its destruction. ANDREW JOHNSON. Washington, Jan. stb, 1867. AUGUSTA BOBBIN WORKS, AUGUSTA, GEO., H. T. NELSON, Proprietor. des—taugs ~ ICE rpHE MoINTOSH STREET Ice House (OPPOSITE THE POST OFFICE) IS STILL OPER Prices for tbepresont, two and a half (2i) cents a pound, retail. For fifty pounds or more, two (2) cents. R. A. HARPER A CO aul6—tf Piano-Fortes Tuned. TO MEET THE TIMES, I HAVE RE duced tho chargo for TUNING to THREE DOLLARS. Orders left at Mr. GEO. A. OATES', 240 Broad Street, or at my Shop, opposite the Post-Office, promptly attended to. gel—ts ROBERT A. HARPER. IST otice. TWO MONTHS AFTER DATE. APPLI CATION will be made to the Honorable the Court or Ordinary of Richmond oountj for leave to sell the Real Estate belonging to the estate of Charles W. Bond, of Co lumbia county, deceased. GEO. P. BUTLER, noSO—2m Adusiu fe trato Hotice. OFFICE OF CHIEF OF POLICE,) Augusta, Ga., Jan. 2, 1367. J Taken up by the police, a Black MARE MULE, whieh tho owner can have by calling at this office, proving property, and paying charges. If not called for within fifteen days from this date, it will bo sold at publle outcry, in accordance with the City Ordinances. J. A. CHRISTIAN. j*3—ls Chief of Police. gjt failg |tm BOOK AIIWOBIpBIITIia ow •VERY DESCRIPTION XXXCOTIID IN THE BEST MANNER. The Faeteet Power Prewet, and Beet es Workmen enallet ne to do Superior JOB WORK at Cheaper Bate * than eleewhere. Commission Merchants. Wedemeyer & Evers, GROCERS,. AXD COMMISSION MERCHANTS, ICB READS STREET, HEW YORK. Respectfully solicit CONSIGNMENTS of SOUTHERN PRODUCE, snd are pre pared to fill orders for GROCERIES snd NORTHERN PRODUCE generally at lowest rates. oc2S—6m JAMES T. OARRIVES, m COMMISSION MERCHANT, Mclntosh Street, Augusta, Ga. Will give bis personal attention to the" STORAGE AND SALE OF COTTON And such other Produce as may be sent him. Cash advances made on Prodoce in Store aull—6m Insurance. B. H. BRODNAX, JN3URANCE AGENCY. OFFICE AT THE OLD SAVINGS BANK, 229 BROAD STREET jufl—ly JOSEPH E. MARSHALL, JNSURANCE AGENCY, 207 J BROAD STREET.* AUGUSTA, GEORGIA. ap2fl—ly - ——• J 1 a 1 .'J i ■ g 1 Jewellers. ■ REMOVED. RECEIVED AND RECEIV fr / iB ING a fine assortment of 4k Jgl silver ware, jewel- RY, Fine SILVER-PLATED WARE, WATCnES.ete. Allkindsof Jewel ry and Watches repaired and warranted, at low CASH rates. Stereoscopic views, Pic tures, etc., for sale, at E. B. Long A Co.’s 286 Rroad street. noß—ly T. RUSSELL A CO. Watches, Clocks, and Jewelry. EH. SUMMER— • 184 BROAD STREET, Three doors below Daily Press office. Augusta, Ga. WATCHMAKER’S TOOLS, MATERIALS, and GLASSES. WATCHES and CLOCKS repaired snd warranted. JEWELRY made and repaired All kind of HAIR BRAIDING done, no7—tf DIRECT FROM EUROPE I AT F. A. BRAHE’S OLD STAND, 194 BROAD STREET Established in 1844. Rich Solid JEWELRY and SILVERWARE Fine WATCHES of the best European makers, selected by myself there. ALSO, A Fino lot of Fine Fancy Goods ! Just the thing Jor the season. Having superior facilities for tbe Repal of Watches, Clocks, and Jewelry, I can da. them at reasonable terms. oc3o-3m Salisbury, Bro. & Cos., EXTENSIVE MANUFACTURERS And Importers of Gold, Plated and Oreide Jewelry, SOLID AND NICKEL SILVER WARE American, English and Swiss WATCHES, cased by ourselves, and every description es Fqncy and Yankee Notions, especially adapted and designed for Southern aid Western trade. Circulars and full descriptive Price Litis sent free. Agents wanted everywhere SALISBURY, BRO. a C& 51 Dorrance Street, noli—3m Providence, R. I. KID GLOVES, HITE KID GLOVES, Beautiful qualities, All sizes, Just received, by Mrs. PUGHE, oel7—tf 190 Broad street. Ice Cream and Sherbert! CANDIES AT WHOLESALE AND RETAIL AT THK FRENCH STORE, I*l# —ly 200 Broad street. Furniture. FURNITURE 1 FURNITURE!! MMBMHW "WHOLESALE AND RETAIL. DEGRAAF & TAYLOR, 87 and 89 BOWERY AND 65 CHRISTIE bTREETS NEW YORK, have the best assorted stock of Parlor, Dining Room and Bed-Room FURNITURE! SPRING BEDS and BEDDING IN THE CITY. CANOPY and HIGH POST BEDSTEADS, Expressly for Southern trade. STEAMERS AND HOTBLS FURNISHED WHOLESALE PRICES. KNOCK DOWN CANE WORK AND TURNED POST BEDSTEADS, in eases. ALL WORK GUARANTEED AS REPRESENTED. Our Facilities for manufacturing defy competition. myl—ly