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Cbt satit) yrcss. City Printer-Official Paper LABIiESTOrtWUiIUTIOJr AITOUH I'AV t*A. Tuesday MWiiw®.—*•» ,8 ®* | To Advertisers Generally. j Thr In Irma I »rT«i«« Uw •» ! Ik» I aluA M«W> lnt«*» »•* •* 3 ! per cc««. M lk( amount ntri**A lor sxtiertl.cuarui. kr »k« pufclWfc rn of ttrtr Jo*rßOl«»cw«pn»fr fcatiawa circulation of lotlkov •M< or more coptra. Tk» BAIH FRkMPAVtiTUIiTAX.tBA pnk- Il.kc> tkt official Litl of l.rtlrre ! ant, Ibrrrforr, taaet hate Ik* tar* rot circnlaliau, und, route. qneattty. affant* Ik* knl medium far adtertiolac all kind* of ka*k> nets. Float Grain The political affaire oi the country are in such a disturbed condition, that the public mind at the South scarcely know* which way to turn its attention. Tbreataned with military rule, com merce aud business of all kinds becomes depressed, agriculture finds a difficulty in securing' assistance necessary to conduct successfully, and everything is at a stand still. This is a state of affairs greatly to be deplored, and it becomes the duty of the people to mitigate the evil as far as lies in their power. We do not suppose that the military will interfere with labor and trade, any further than may be abso lutely necessary iu enforcing their orders ; but will rather give every facility in their power to encourage them. At least, we hope so. With this expectation and this hope, we advise our. people to cuminue on iu the even tenor of their way ; not to allow their fairs and regrets to overcome tbetu; but_ to continue to work—and particularly to cultivate the soil. Plant grain and make as much to eat »s possible. If we cannot vote or talk politics, let us, at least, do all that we can to keep from starvation. Perhaps, after all, something may soon turn up for our good, that will relieve us fiom dangers which threaten us, and enable us to progress in Union, peace, and harmony. The Political Status. We lay before our readers this morn ing, a series of articles, embracing edi. torials of the leading New York dailies, and including the Sherman I {-"construc tion bill, and the Constitutional Amend ment, so that the entire position of political affairs may be thoroughly un derstood. ThebiiliUdti.sclenrenough without any further explanations; while the news paper comments of the Iribune, Timet aud World, show equally as clear what the South is to expect if this measure is to be rejected. If the Constitutional Amendment had been adopted by the Southern Slates, we might have been spared the present '-humiliation; but it is unnecessary to idnlge iu idie repin ing* as to what ought to have been done. The future, the inevitable future is before us, ami it behooves us to con sider carefully and cautiously our position and course. ' Wc urged upon our readers* some time ago, the necessity of adopting some action—something that would secure a compromise in regard to existing diffi culties; but our advice was unheeded, and the advocates of inactivity pre vailed. The result is disastrous to us- A via. has hsiii piaoSvd >.'h>vh 1* auvt'. ampled ia severity,even in a monarchical government; and we must submit to it. The President's veto will accomplish nothing. He is as powerless as we are. To hope for successful resistance on his part, therefore, is vain and idle. The only question then is for us to decide whether we shall avail ourselves of the fifth section of the bill, aud so rid our selves of its military provisions, or whether we shall continue ar.der that rule indefinitely. These are the only two conditions which are left for us to decide; aud bard as our fate may be, bumiliating as it may be, we can see no other alternative to pursue. We do not feel ourselves competent to advise any particular action in this time in the premises: but only repeat ■what we have already said, that some action will be necessary, and it will be for the people to decide wbat action they will take. The Charleston Courier , of Feb. 25th says on this subject: The President, it is expected, will send into Congress this morning bis veto of the Sherman Bill for the govern ment of the South. Upon its various provisions we have heretofore expressed our views. We await the result of the expected veto. Until then it is idle to indulge in speculations. The future indeed looks sad and painful. 'There seems scarcely a star of hope in the political sky. The duties of life are superior to life itself. It is one of the highest attributes to preserve our forti tude and sclf possession amid all of its trials and misfortunes. Calamities may be thrust upon us, but we can still pre serve our dignity and self respect. We, however, forbear further comment for the present. With the Courier we also say, what ever we do, let'ti.s still preserve onr dig nity and seif respect. [From the hew York Tribune,] THE RECONSTRUCTION STRUGGLE. The plan of reconstruction which both branches of Congress have adopted, underwent so many changes in its form ation that it seems desirable to explain the issue between the Senate and the House und the nature of the struggle between the lladicals, led by Mr. Ste vens, and the more Conservative Re publicans who supported Mr. Sherman. The history of the measure may be briefly written es follows: Mr. Stevens, on February C, reported lrom the Committee on Reconstruction, the “ bill to provide for the more efficient government of the insurrectionary States.” The House entered at once upon a debate wbicb continued till the 13tb, when it passed the bill, with little amendment, by a vote of 109 to 55. Tbe original plan was intended to sot aside the prelendedigownrineuti of tbe Rebel States; to enforce peace nnd good order by dividing tbe States into five mihtarv districts, the General ol tbe Army to appoint to the command ol each" district a Brigadier General Os higher officer of the Regular Army, to w-iotn power was to be given to try all c sea by tyilitarvceurts, and to overrule all laws and decisions made under the authority of the Rebel Government. Certain necessary restrictions of tbi* power were provided in the bill, which was in fact no more than a police sys tem. As such we approved it, holding railitarv rule to be better than Rebel State Governments, and believing that it would be speedily followed by a plan of reconstruction in which the army would bold but a subordinate place, and of which loyalty and impartiality would form the basis. W'e did not think this bill the best that Congress could make, but we knew it to be far better than con tinned inaction. The Military bill was first debated in the Senate, Feb. 16, meeting with reso lute opposition, chiefly on the groond that it proposed no solution of the ques tion which tor two years bad been be fore Congress, and that it established military rule in the South without con taining any provision for the restoration of loyal civil governments. The first change proposed by the Senate was tbe amendment previously offered by Mr. Blaine in the House, and by that body rejected. This amendment was to the effect that any Rebel State adopting the Constitutional Amendment giving the elective franchise to its citizens without respect to color, and adopting a Consti tution ratified by all its legal voters, should be declared entitled to represen tation in Congress, and that from the day of their admission the military sec tions of the bill should be inoperative in such Slate. It will be seen that the Blaine amendment did not strike out a single section of Mr. Stevens’ bill, but introduced anew issue of reconstruc tion by making the ratification of the Constitutional Amendment and the con cession of impartial suffrage the sole conditions of restoration. It was de feated in the House upon the ground that it did not disfranchise any of tbe Rebel leaders, and gave them full power to take part in the work of reconstruc tioti. In the Senate it wax also defeated, but amply for parliamentary purposes. Mr. Sbermau, on the lGth, proposed a substitute, including substantially the Blaine amendment, and this was passed on the 17th by a vote of 29 to 10. The Sherman bill set aside the Ste vens bill, (so far as it declared that no legal governments exist in the Rebel State*, divided them into military dis tricts, and prohibited State authority from interfering with the miiitary or ders] but it differed iu declaring it the duty of the President to appoint military commanders, and iu making the Blaine amendment the basis of reconstruction. Thus amended, the biil was returned to the House for its concurrence. The majority of the Republicans in the House were in favor ot the substi tute, but Mr. Stevens refused to accept it, and, with a few Radicals, joined by the Democrats, led tbe best organized opposition of the session. Mr. Stevens, who on other occasions has denounced {filibustering, did not hesitate in this emergency to fillibuster to the extent of his power. With this weapon, hastily snatched from the enemy, he succeeded in preventing a concurrence in the Sen ate amendments, and gaining time lor the passage, of a motion torn Committee of Conference. The Sen etc refused a conference, and insisted on its menu. The House, in return, propose i two to the Sen ate bill ; itie*irst, offered by Mr. Wil son, being to this effect—that no person excluded from office by the Constitu tional Amendment shall take any part in the reorganization of a Rebel State. This was carried yesterday by a vole of 125 to 46. Mr. ShelUbarger had previ ously offered anew section, by which it is enacted that until the Rebel States are admit ed to representation in Congress, all civil governments they may have, shall be provisional only; that at all elections held under provisional author ity impartial suffrage shall be allowed, aud that no person shall hold office un der provisional governments who are disqualified by the Constitutional Amendment. This section the House incorporated in the bill by a vote of 98 to 79, Mr. Stevens voting in the affirm ative ; and the bill in this shape‘was agreed to and sent to the Semite, by a vote of 35 to 7, concurred in the House amendments, and thus the XXXIXth Congress, after two years of long and weary debate, has crowned its labors by adopting apian for the reconstruction of the Uuion which the people are wil ling to accept, and by which, we trust, Peace and Justice may be secured to all the States and all the inhabitants of the land. The bill, as passed by Con gress and sent to the President lor his approval, is as follows : Wkerias, No legal State governments or adequate protection for life or pro perty now exist in the Rebel States of Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louis iana, Florida, Texas, and Arkansas; mid whereas it is necessary that peace and good order should be enforced in said States until loyal and republican State governments can be legally es tablished ; therefore he it enacted, etc., That said rebel States shall be divided into military districts and made subject to the mili tary authority of the United States, as hereinafter mentioned ; and for that pur pose Virginia shall constitute the First District; North Carolina and South Carolina the Second District; Georgia, Alabama and Florida the third District; Mississippi and Arkansas the Fourth District; and Louisiana and Texas the Fifth District. Sec. 2. That it shall be the duty of the President to assign to the command of each of said districts an officer of the army not below the rank ol Brigadier General, and to detail a sufficient mili tary force to enable such officer to per form his duties and enforce hi* authority within the district to which he is as signed. Sec. 3. That it shall be the duty of each officer assigned as aforesaid to pro tect all persons in the right of person and property, to suppress insurrection, disorder and violence, and to puuish or causo to be punished till disturbers of the public peace and criminals ; and to this end he may allow local civil tribnnnls to take jurisdiction of und try offenders, or, when in his judgement it may be necessary for the trial of offenders, he shall have power to organize military committees or tribunals for that purpose; and all interference under color of State authority with the exercise of military authority under thja uct shall bo null aud void. Skv. 4. That all persona put under military arrest by virtue ot this net shall he tried without unnecessiry delay, and hu-orue! or .unusual punishment' shall he inflicted, aud no sentence of any military commission or tribunal hereby authorized affecting the fife or liberty of any person until it ia approved by the officer in command W tbe district; and tbe law* ami regulation* lor the gov ernment of the army shall not lie affect ed by this act, except in so far a* they may conflict with its provisions. TVo rided, That no sentence of death under this act shall 1* carried into execution without the approval of the President. See. 5. When the people of any one of said Rebel Slaves shall have formed a constitution and government in con formity with the Constitution of the i United States in all respects, trained by a eonvention of delegates, elected by the mate citiaeu* of said Skvto twenty one year* old and upward, of whatever race, color, or previous condition, who have been resident ia said State for one year previous to the day of such elec tion, except such as may be disfran chised for participation in the Rebel lion or for felony at common law, and when such constitution shall provide that the elective franchise shall be enjoyed by all such persons as have the qualifications herein stated fur electors ot delegates, and when such constitu tion shall be ratified by a majority of the persons voting on the question of ratification who are qualified as elec tors for delegates, aud when such con stitution shall have been submitted to Congress for examination and approval, and Congress shall hare approved the same, and when »aid State, by a vote ol its Legislature elected under said con stitution, shall have adopted the amend ment to the Constitution of the Untied States, proposed by tho XXXIXth Congress, and known as Article 14, and when said article shall have become part of the Constitution of the United States, said State shall be declared entitled to representation in Congress, and Senators and Representatives shall be admitted therefrom on their taking the oath prescribed by law, and then and thereafter the preceding sections of this act shall be inoperative in said State. P.orided , That no person ex cluded from the privilege of holding office by said proposed amendment to the Constitution of the Uuited States shall be eligible to election as a mem ber of the Convention to fro me a Con stitution lor any of said Rebel States, nor shall any such person vote for members of such Convention ” Sec. 6. And be it further enacted. That until the people of the said Rebel States shall by law be admitted to representation to the Congress of the United States, ail civil governments that may exist therein shall be deemed provisional only, and shall be in all respects subject to the paramount au thority of the United Suites, at any time to abolish, modify, control, and supersede the same, and in all elections to auy office under such provisional governments, all persons shall be en titled to vote, and none others, who are entitled to vote under the provisions of the filth section of this act. And no person shall be eligible to any office under such provisional governments who wooid be disqualified iron) holding office under the provisions of the third article of said Constitutional Amend ment. TheimmediateYespousibiUty now rests with the President, and after him with the Southern States. He may veto the bill, and they may refu-e its offers. But should it become a law, tbe effects will be these: I. The Rebel States will retain their present governments, but merely as pro visional governments, under, which no person who, as the third section of the ConsUtutiunnl Amendment enacts, ‘•having taken an oath as a member Os Congress, or ;is an < fficer of the United States, or as a member of any State Legislature, or as executive or judicial offi er of any State, to support the Con etitiition of the Untied States,” shall have aided tlm Rebellion, is eligible to office. And also under such govern ment* no discrimination in regard to color shall be made in the elective fran chise. * 11. While these provisional govern ments liebel States are to be divided into military districts, governed by officers of the army, with power to organize military courts superior to State authority. 111. The people of the Rebel States, whenever they are tired ot this govern ment, may, by a vote of all their citi zens, without respect to color, except those disqualified from holding office by the Constitutional A mendtr.ent, elect delegates to a Convention to form State Constitutions. When these Constitu tions are established upon the basis of impartial suffrage, and are ratified by the people, and when the States thus organized have adopted the Constitu tional Amendment, they shall be admit ted to representation in Congress, when military rule will cease, and South Caro lina and Texan will hold ihe same places in the Union as New York arid Massachusetts. Nor is there want of cause to hope that this result may soon be reached, for those provisions of the bill which at once establish Impartial Suffrage make the Freedmen equal participants in the work. [From the New York Times.] THE SOUTHERN PEOPLE AND THE ACTION OF CONGRESS. Though the inhabitants of the ten Southern States have no part or voice in the legislation of the country, and though the white population of those. States are not likely to be a political force for some time to come, it is not without value to observe the way in which they regard the endless legisla tion of Congress concerning them. They have been perpetually before Con gress ever since the close of the rebel lion. There have been numberless schemes under debate for regulating them and their affairs. These schemes have affected their privileges, rights and liberties, their property, social condition and deeply rooted customs; in fact they have touched upon everything which appertains to human nature, or which matt run possess. Have they been ac customed to political rights?—of these they should be deprived. Have they been possessors of property ?—this it was proposed to confiscate. Instead of local laws and the civil administration of justice, they must submit to martial law administered by Northern soldiers. It the blacks, as their hereditary slaves, were without power, they should be de graded to the former position of the blacks, and t)-e blacks elevated to the former privileges of their hereditary musters. Their already subdued pride must be broken, as it were on the wheel, and whatever means might be necessary tor that cud, eager advocates aud ready support could be had for it. Arid yet, while such schemes and projects have buen under hot and-inoes sain debate in Congress, the Southern people, to whom they were applicable, have appeared (o care less nbout them than j»ny oilier section or party of the country. Wliilo in the North Radicals, have fought with Conservatives, and Democrats battled with Republicans upou questions ull important to the South and its interests, we have seen the whole matter regarded in the Booth itself with a degree ot unconcern that could hardly be surpassed if tbe diaens *k>us referred to the moonshine of an other world. Even those highly demon atrative sad reinonstrative bodies, the Legislatures and the newspapers, have treated the subject with an indifference that is all but unaccountable. If articles that presumed to be bitter were printed now and then .in some of the newspapers, the weakness of the utterances was more calculated to draw sympathy than scorn from a generous nature ; and if a Leg islature declined to commit toiri-kari at at our demand, it did so in a way that showed there would be no more resist ance to the death penalty when inflicted by other hands. It is evident from a thousand proofs that the great bulk of the Southern millions have not only felt unconditional submission to be a neces sity. but have felt that the necessity itself was not beyond the limits of en durance. Take, for instance, their course in view of the Military Bill which has been un der discussion for a week past, and has now gone through both Houses of Con gress. It would be hard to conceive any measure more strinvent upon the South ern people than this, as far as it goes. It embodies measures wbicb have iong been threatened, but which few people in the North or South believed would be executed. And yet, except a few small newspnper articles, no Southern voice is raised in deprecation of it. We are very far from saying that all this furnishes any excuse for harsh measures toward the South. On the contrary, we think no stronger argument could be made for justice aud lenieucy. It shows such a profound change in the Southern temper and style of dealing with matters, if not in the Southern character itself, as to furnish conclusive proof that old things have passed away, aud all things have become new. The tact must not be lost sight of that it is part of the American people, and not that part of them which lias been least imperious and resentful iu times past, who are now displaying the char acteristics we have indicated. If it were a people of another stock, of a less inde pendent and self-asserting nature, a peo ple accustomed to the rebuffs of fortune aud the caprice of the conqueror. If it were a race whom the centuries had broken, instead of one growing stronger with the generations, the phenomenon of their temper and their submission might be indicative of nothing very remarkable. But as Americans we can appreciate it in our fellow Americans. Explorers of history and hunmn na tare, aud students of political philosophy, may think they find in such phenomena grounds lor doubting the permanence of our free institutions. If the Southern people, who comprise one third of the population of our country, have become so prostrated as to be not only careless of their political fate, but to be ready for submission to any order of things which Congress may choose to impose, be it regal, military, or theocratic, why may not the probable events of the fu ture bring about a similar prostration in the West or North, to be accompanied by similar feelings, until we ali shall welcome the “man on horseback,” whose coming Caleb Cushing foresaw twenty years ago? Neither the reasoning nor the question ia unnatural, and though we may not be prepared to allow them as incapable ot answer, we must be prepared to admit that they have force enough to justify forethought. At alt events, whether in view of immediate politics or permanent poi-ties, we con sider it exceedingly bad tor the country that a third oC its population should be precluded from participation in public affairs until they care nothing whatever for the free institutions of America, or its political welfare. [Fr ua the Xev York Times.] NOT SO BAD AS IT MIGHT BE. The IVoifd expresses the opinion that the Reconstruction Bill adopted by Congress might he much worse: *' This hill, bad as it is, is more fa vorable than any likely to be pas.-el in its stead. If it is sent back with a veto, the Republicans cannot choose but try to repass it. If they succeed, it binds them to this measure instead of a worse one which might follow it, and prevents the absobit*? (\iiij (iu«l exclusion of ths South from the Presidential election, which would be .the certain consequence of letting the whole subject drop.” We have seen what Democratic at tempts to obstruct the measure result in. They led to the disfranchisement of the very class whom {he South has striven to protect, and to their exclusion from all share in the work of reorganization. Further obstruction will provoke Con gress to further action, and the imposi tion of yet more distasteful pains and penalties. The World's opinion, then, should be pondered hoih by the Presi dent and the South. The bill, as it is, has no claim upon their admiration or attachment. But objectionable as it is in many features, it might be easily rendered more objectionable. The best course, in existing circumstances, is to ‘•make the best of a had bargain.” [From the New York Times.J THE PRESIDENT AND THE RECONSTRUCTION BILL. The decision of the President, what ever it tnav be, in regard to Ihe Recon struction Bill, will be chiefiy important in its bearing upon his own position and upou the mi tunes of the South. The more than two thirds vote by which the bill passed both branches of Congress, places it beyond the reach of the veto. The most that can happen is temporary delay. To veto the measure openly would simply be to insure its enactment as law, irrespective of the President's hostility. To retain it in the Executive pocket, and so to smother it for the ses sion, would btsfquully unavailing ; since’ the Congress which is to assemble on the 4th of March would at once pass a similar law, and might possibly augment its harshness and stringency. Fur the •sake of the South it is desirable that the contingency be obviated, which can only be done by an absolute settlement within the next tew days. And for the sake of the President himself it is to he hoped that he will meet the issue imme diately; whether his final decision be for or against the bill. The principles upon which recon struction is provided for, and the con ditions to which it is subjected, differ so widely from those tavored by the President, that his concurrence can scarcely be expected. He has uot shown himself an adept in the art of conciliation, or a very earnest seeker after compromise. The question has reached a stagey however, iu which the reaffirmation of his antagonism to Con gress can avail neither himself nor the country. It is not necessary that be re cant his declared opinions, or surrender his version, of constitutional right and duty. Ha may adhere consistently to both, and yet find himselt at liberty to follow Mr. Beverly Johnson in his ac ceptance of the inevitable. By no pos sibility can he gain aught by refusing tp acquiesce in the action of Congress. Ho may intensify the feeling ugaiusj himself, sod may percbaoca bring other burden* upon tbe Booth, bat he can no more bope to give effect to his own views or to induce Congress to abate die exercise of its power. The unex pectedly large majorities on Wednesday placed these points beyond dispute. Nor should the President forget the pro bable influence of his course upon the temper and policy of the South. Do what be may, the bill will go into effect. W hat be may say or do may nevertheless influ ence tbe Southern people for good or for evil. They were misled by his ad* vice into the rejection of tbe Constitu tidnal Amendment—a measure which, compared with the Reconstruction Bill, was mildness itself. Again they have exulted in his checks upon military authority, and have been encouraged by hi* language and acts to rely upon the intervention of Ihe Supreme Court Intentionallv or otherwise, there.ore, he has incurred a responsibility from which he cannot escape, and the remembrance of this fact should not be without influ ence upon his treatment of the present bill. It is now possible for him to encourage the expectation that bis views shall more or less affect the ad ministration ot the law—in which case much sullen defiance may be looked for in tbe South ; or, ou the other hand, by an unreserved acknowledgement of the power of Congress and the will of tbe loyal people, he may at the outset convince the South of the necessity of accepting the terms offered without more ado. To the South it is no longer a ques tion of choice. The “dignity” which obstructed Governor Orr's path cannot tsve tbe present Governments from tbe operation of negto suffrage and the disability clause of the Constitutional Amendment. The ‘‘passive resistance” and “masterly inactivity” which South ern Solons have inculcated as infallible prophylactics, will neither frusirate-the Brigadiers -and their commands nor save from disfranchisement a large and influential class. The provisions of the bill will be brought into play, happen wbat may. New Constitutions will be provided, despite the disfranchisement and exclusion from the conventions of every prominent rebel. The only open aspects of the question refer to the -spirit in, which these events shall be received, and the disposition to be shown in relation to them. It is in connection with these points that the President should feel his responsibility. And it is iu view of this responsibility, rather than in consideration of any other circumstance, that we trust the President will respect the action of Congress as a settlement of the recon struction question, from which there is no appeal. THE CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT. The following is the text of the Constitutional Amendment now await* ing the action of the Legislatures of the several States : -Joint Resolution proposing an Amend ment to the Constitution of the United States. Pc it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled (two thirds of both Houses concurring), '1 hat the following article be proposed to the Legislatures of tbe several States as an amendment to the Constitution *f ' the United States, which, when fcrifctaßl by three-fourths of said Legis- Ttasßs, shall be valid as part of the Constitution, namely: ARTICLE XlV—Sectio.y 1. All perseji# born or naturalized iu the l nited States, aud subject to the juris diction thereof, are citizens ot the United States, and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States ; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law. noc deny to any person within its juris diction the equal protection of the laws. Sec. 2. Representatives shall be ap portioned among the several States according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at any election for the choice of Electors for President and Vice President of the United States, Representatives'in Congress, the executive and judicial officers of a State, or the members of the Legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such State, being twenty one years of age and citizens of the United Slates, or in any way abridged, except for participation ■ in rebellion or other crime, the basis of representation therein shall be reduced in proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty one years of age, in such State. Sec. 3. No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress, or Elec tor of President and Vice President, or hold any office, civil or military, under the United States or under any State, who, having previously taken an oath, as member of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any State Legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid and comfort to the enemies thereof. But Congress may, by a rote ot two thirds of each House, remove such disability. Sec. 4. The validity of the public debt of the United States, authorized by law, including debts incurred fur pay ment of pensions and bounties for services in suppressing insurrection and rebellion shall not be questioned. But neither-the United States nor any State shall assume or pay any debt or obliga tion incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or any claim for loss or emancipation of any slave ; but all such debts, obli gations. or claims, shall be held illegal and void. Sec. 5. The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate legis lation, the provisions ol this article. The Peabody Record. To bis relations $2,500,000 To tbe poor of Loudon 2,250,000 To'the Grinned Arctic Expedi tion 19,000 To the towns of Danvers and Salem 100,000 To the City of Baltimore 1,000,000 To Phillips’ Academy 25,000 To the Massachusetts Historical Sooiety 20,000 To the Baltimore Historical So- . eiety 25,909 To Harvard College 150,000 To Yale College 150,000 To the South 2,000,000 To tho Essex Mm cum, Salem, Mass 150,000 To the Institute, Newburyport, Mass ...• 15,000 To Bishop Mcllwains, for col lege iu West 25,000 Total $7,829,000 Tbs Kllswoktb Humicidx. — Tbe Mt. Sterling (Ky.) Sentinel,o f the 21sU, gives tbe following account of the mur der of Mr. Smothers, by Capt, Ells worth, formerly quite noted as Gen. Morgan's telegraph operator. On Saturday evening last, Capt. Ells worth, accompanied by Boyd and Mox ley, both residents of Bath county, went to the village of Sharpsburg, began drinking, and soon became intoxicated. While in this condition they engaged in a game of cards with some of the pro fessional gentry of Sharpsburg. Before, however, they began playing, Mr. Smo thers, knowing CapU Ellsworth, at tempted to dissuade him from playiosr. In this his efforts were ineffectual. After playing a short time, Ellsworth requested Smothers to get them a bottle of brandy, which he did. After hand ing it to him he turned off to leave them. Ellsworth drew his pistol and shot him, the ball entering his back be low tbe shoulder blade and passing through his heart, killing him instantly. Thereupon, Ellsworth. Boyd and Mox ley mounted their horses, dashed through town, shooting at every citizen that dared to show himself. A posse of citizens started in pursuit of them, sue ceeded in overtaking and capturing Boyd and Moxlev; they also overtook Ellsworth, but upon their coming up with him he fired upon them, and there by so delayed them as to make good Jps escape, at least for the present time. Too long has our section been disgraced by such foul murders. IN MIDIORI i.n DOMINICK FRANCIS SUERON; born in the Parish of Eglish, King’s County, Ireland, July 26th, 1843; Died in Augusta, Ga., February I6tb, 1867, aged 23 years, 6 months, and 21 days. A young man of noble character and high promise, bis death is a loss, not only to his own family, but, also, to the community of which he was snch a worthy and respected member. Full of hoDest and praiseworthy ambition, he strove hard to excel in the oc cupation which he had selected for himself; and faithful and attentive as an Apprentice at the Printing Easiness, he proved faithfal and just as a graduated Compositor. Pa triotic and devoted to his adopted country, he went with his Company when called into service, though of a delicate constitution and exempted from military service. Pes sessing talents of no ordinary character, he wr te some interesting sketches of “Irish Celebrities,” which were published in the Pacijientor, of this city, at the time, and wbicb reflected no little credit upon his liter ary taste. At the close of the war, he sought to improve his uiiud, and for this purpose betook himself to tbe “Academic Groves” of Georgetown College, where he applied himself so closely to study that he soon gained Collegiate honors and distinctions of the most flattering character, and gave as surance of an honorable and enviable future for tbe zealous young student. Bat, alas! tbe assiduity with which be applied himself to his studies proved too much for h's al ’ready feebie constitution, and, perhaps, served to hasten the sad event which we have recorded. On bis return from College, he sought, in the wilds of Florida, to restore his shattered health; but in vain ; and he returned to Augusta only to die in the bosom of his family and in the a-mg of that mother he had, in life, so fondly loved. After long suffering, with patient resignation, be yielded up his spirit to the God who gave it, aud in a blessed immortality, it is to be hoped, that spirit dwells in the regions of Bliss, and wears tho crown of glory given to the blessed “dead who die in the Lord.” “Full of repeutance, Continued meditations, tears, aud sorrow, lie gave his honors to the world again, His Messed part to Heaven, and slept in peace." # 3 * » * * * “Nothing in his life Becsmc him like the leaving it. lie died As one teat had been studied in his Death, To throw away the dearest thing ho ow’d As ’twere a careless trifle !’’ Peace to his ashes ! Immortality to his soul! B. A nynWa, Ga., Feb. 25, 1867. S. ecial Notices. Consignees pek Central Railroad. Feb. 24. Ist Ames, B A Cos, 0A D, Nelson A Mol, WAD* Cos, V A M, Mrs Frede rich, Cook AM, JGB4 Bro, M CoheD, E O'Donnell, E Mustin, II F Bussell, T Richards A Son, Jas Yarrow, D R Wright & Cos, G Voirer & Cos, V Richards A Bro, Gray M dc C, Moore A Cos, [N. Y.J R F Urguhart, Sterenson A Cos, Conley F A Cos, Stoy A J, A Bohne, W H W db Cos, P Ma* 1 >no, C db M, T N Johnson, Mrs Goutihy, C W Johanson, W T Peay, S D Heard, Bruce A Cos. EMIGRATION TO VENE ZUELA.—Having been appointed Agent of the Venezuela Company loi the State of Georgia, I atn prepared to sell shares in said Company, and to impart such informa tion as will convince all that Venezuela pos sesses superior advantages over all other countries for our people to emigrate to. A. F. RUDLER. Agent Venezuela Company, Georgia State Lottery Office, Rear of No. 227 Broad street. fe26—tf BUREAU OF R., F. AA. L. ) Office A. S. A. Cosimissioner, > Augusta, Ga., Jan. 29, 1807. J ORDER NO. 1. EST* INFORMATION HAVING been received at this office that numerous parties are in this city employing Freedmen for laborers; that some of these parties are in the habit of giving the Freedmen liqaor for the purpose of iuducing them to sign contracts, also inducing them by this means to violate contracts previously made. Therefore, it is hereby ordered, That no contract will be considered binding until approved at these Headquarters, neither will auy contract be considered binding when made through the influence of intoxi cating liquors ; neither will the advancing of money or rations have any effect in binding the parties made in relation of this order. W. F. WHITE, fcbl—tf Capt. A A. S. A. Com. MRS. PICQUET WOULD IN FORM the Ladies of Augusta that she is prepared to dr Dressmaking, Plain Sewing, and Braiding, and desires a liberal share of their patronage. She can he found at the corner of GItEENE and CENTRE SIS. No. 96. ja23—tf pumSStner 212 BROAD STREET, AUGUSTA, GA. jalO—tf New Advertisements. Situation Wanted. TBI SERVICES OF A practical BOOK-KEEPER, who can give good reference, and bar an extensive city and country acquaintance, can be procured at a moderate salary. Apply at THIS OFFICE. fe26—6* To Rent, The well known and popular FLOWER GARDEN and ICE CREAM ESTABLISHMENT celled Smith’s Garden, oo Telfair street. Ap, ly to MRS. SMITH, fo26— ts * 134 Broad street. Election Notice. CLERK OF COUNCIL’S OFFICE, > Auccsta, Ga., Feb. 21,1867. / AN ELECTION FOR INSPECTOR and Measurer of Wood, for the Second Di vision, vice Matthew Sheron, resigned, will be hold at the next Regular Meeting of Council, Friday, March Ist, 1867. Candidates must hand in their applica tions at this office by 12 o’clock, M., tbe day previous. By order of Council. L. T. BLOME, C C. fe26—3 NEW BOOKS! NEW BOOKS I! IdALIA {by Oneida) TWO MARRIAGES (by Miss Mulock) INGEMI6CO CAMERON HALL FAITH UNWIN’S ORDEAL ST. ELMO, and others. Just Received at J. C. SCHREINER A SONS. fe24 —3 JUVENILE CONCERT AT Concert Hall. TUESDAY EVENING, FEB. 26, 1867. Doora open at 74, Concert to commence at 8 o’clock. Singing, Mnsic on the Piano, Duett-, etc., Given by the Pupils of Madame Ballot’s Music School as a mark of respect for that lady. The ages of tho Children giving the Con cert will be from 5 to 12 year3. The use of tho Hall has been gratuitously tendered, and the Piano to be used has been kindly loaned by Geo. A. Oate.-. Eiq. Tickets, sl.; Children under 12 years old, 50c.; to be obtained at J. C. Schrein er’s and at the door. fe24—2 ROOMS WANTED, FOR THE Parisian Photographic Company. A DDRESS, WITH FULL PARTICU -11 lars, A. P., fe24—2* DAILY PRESS OFFICE. GROCERIES. 2Q HnDS. BROWN SUGAR bags COFFEE chests TEA C) X hhds. BACON, Sides and Shoui- U“e ders 1 tierces prime SUGAR CURED IU HAMS J QQ bbls. FLOUR, all grades |OO kegs NAILS cases MUSTARD, J, J, aud 1 lb eJ\J cans f/C boxes Colgate’s Palo and No. I IO SOAPS 25 boxes Pearl STARCH KA cases Plantation and Wahoo BIT -O\J ters bbls. Rye WHISKEY I A qr. casks WINE, Sherry, Port, and -I vz Madeira 00 boxes TOBACCO, assorted grades 50 boxos CANDLES 50 doz. BROOMS g 0 doz. BUCKETS 20 cases SARDINES 50 boxes CHEESE 50 cases PORTER and ALE 10 nests Cedar TUBS 20 nests Painted TUBS, In store anti for sale low by O’DOWD db MULHERIN. fe24—s COM AND OATS. 1 000 BUSHELS CORN 500 bushels OATS Far sale by O’DOWD & MULHEBIN, fe24—s A NOVELTY. The repeating match, anew invention for safety and economy. For sale by BARRETT, CARTER & CO-, W. 11. TUTT, HANSBERGER A CO. 1e24—6 BAUON FOR SALE. 1 flfifi Uj!i - BACON CLEAR SIDES, A OjUUvJ zured in this city; 1 x Ann !bs - bacon CLEAR RIB lUjUUU SIDES and SHOULDERS; At the lowest market price. May be seen in the Wareroom under tbe Newton House, on tho corner of Washington and Kllis streets. SI. A. DEIKJNEI’. fe2t—tf GRA.N, Floor, Bacon, Etc. 3000 BUSHELS CORN 3000 BUSHELS OATS 300 BARRELS FLOUR SOOOO POUNDS CLEAR SIDES 5000 ORAIN sacks Tennessee BUCKWHEAT, BUTTER, and EGGS, for sale low, by C. A. WILLIAMS A CO. fe22—Hit BOARDING. A FEW SINGLE GENTLEMEN CAN be accommodated with BOARD AND LODGING, by application to J. J. I.ATnROP, Corner Lincoln and Ellis streets. feS— tf Carpets *• Upholstery, New Supply^ OF CAEPETSi mats, RUGs, druggetts, FLOOR OIL CLOTHS TABLE OIL CLOTHS, Window Shades, PICTURE TASSELS, Cord and Nails, COCOA AND CANTON MATTINGS, WALL PAPER AND Lace Curtains, AY FEW STYLES, WITH FINISHED BOEDEES DAMASK, REP, AND MUSLIN CUHT^YXISrS! CORNICES, ~ Bands and Pins! JUST RECEIVED, IN NEW STYLES AND AI REDUCED PRICES! The attention of those in want of such articles is invited to the above New and Beautiful LLYE OF GOODS! J. G, BAILIE & BRO., 205 BROAD STREET. Groceries! Anew and beautiful stock of GROCERIES Just received, embracing all of those Fancy Groceries Required about Christmas times. ALSO, Table and Cooking WINES OLD BRANDY OLD WHISKEY RUM AND GIN. 5 kegs Pure Old IRISH and SCOTCH WHISKEY! Just arrived and for sale by JAS. G. BAILIE & BRO., 205 BROAD STREET. de2o—tf