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ftTPs ? rtss * lurried FKICK: Js M ... i» **”*?::—' :"■!£'■! »>° ?'* MtolU *«■*“** ..iMSf CITY CUCULATION. 5S Ex-Gov- Brown’s Speech. Below •« fi™ lhe Bttb * UnW ° f T 1* delivered by Ex-Qov.roor Jo.. i« JHWWeS Jtt ‘ ,e °‘h ]gS7 t on the prose* l situation *nd luture of the eonntry: ofpasadH. T Uno lime for crtm.nat.oj. and Io .niua.ion. We have all erred more , or I ™ in the past. Each has someth,,., “onUet and .omething to forg.ve— Unity aud harmony among ourselves are of the utmost importance. " hel ‘ " e hare common misfortunes and dangers why should we quarrel with each other? Let us bury past differences and party strifes, and some up a united people to the inquiry, vrhat is beet lor us to do? , .... . I am aware that I have been bitterly assailed bv past political opponents for the course I have felt it my duly to take in this great emergency, and that many political and highly esteemed personal friends have felt and expressed their deep regret. While I attribute to each and all the same honesty of purpose which I claim for myself, knowing that we have viewed the situation from different standpoints, aud have acted upon information acquired from different sources, I cherish the hope that at no very distant day Our views will be more in harmony with each other. 1 belong" to uo party organisation ol any character, except the Reconstruction party of Georgia, to which I think it our true interest that every man in Georgia should belong. My platform is the Sherman Act, with the Wilson amend ment, by which I mean prompt recon struction in strict good laith upon the terms laid down by Congress. When we are re-admitted into the Union as a Stale I expect to advocate an affiliation with whatever progressive national party shows the greatest inclination to stand by principle and deal justly by us, with the most power to aid iu restor ing prosperity to the South and to the whole country. The war has forever settled the old issues upon which the country was divided into parties. In making a future selection I shall be governed' by none of the predilections nor prejudices of the past- In looking back over the past I think I see that the South acted unwisely. In order to main- tain political consistency we took the hull and gave the North the kernel. W’e opposed tariffs and internal revenue improvements, still we had both. We gave the North all the substantial or material benefits, and in return they generally gave us the Presidency, and a large share of the offices. With this Southern statesmen were satisfied. But when war came we found that Southern interests had not been advanced. High sounding titles and empty honors would Dot maintain armies in the field. This required material, resources and devel opment. In future, let us deal liberally and justly by all sections, but when the material benefits of the Government are to be enjoyed let ns claim our share. When a large appropriation is asked for the North let us ask a million of dollars to improve the harbor o( Savannah, and another for Charleston. When a Pacific Railroad is to be built for the West, let ua ask a few millions to rebuild the levees on the MississippitiVef.and secure that magnificent country Irotn inunda tion. In a word, let us maintain in good laith the credit of the Government, and pay our full proportion ot the public debt, and do all other duties faithfully and promptly, holding ourselves ever ready to uphold the national flag in every emergency, and in turn let us claim, and we shall then receive our just share of its benefits and its aid. tWhen we are readmitted, we shall have twenty Senators, and probably fifty to eighty Representatives. This will be a power in Congress that will be kindly treated and conciliated rather than provoked and despised. When we have an election, we should choose Senators and Representatives, who are true Union men, and oan take the test oath, whose views are .in accord with the Government, and will sustain and support it in goods faith. At the same time we should elect Lnton men who are neither revengeful nor proscriptive, who sympathize with us, and desire to restore prosperity, unity, and happiness to our whole people, North and South. If we do this, and our people will conquer their prejudices, the breach will be fast healed, and the nation will soon enter upon anew tide of prosperity and greatness never before witnessed on the continent. It will then be seen that the war has only developed our strength, and shown to the world the gigantic dimensions of our power, lime will soon heal the wounds now .feeding ; immense numbers of immi grants will p<,u r ftn , oD g ug> an <i vast amounts of capital will seek and nml profitable investment in Georgia n other Southern States; and our 1 1 dreu P ut > by the abolition of ■ very, upon their own energies, may tr„ e m *j e tliat , tlle war, with all its nl.' 8 ’ < * e ® true ti° n , and privation, was a national blessing i n disguise. To do coLm WeVer ' as 1 have “ id - « remind °? L r > lrc J u,lioeß ’ We must in r.ea ,’ er . t * lat '. en,- mies in war should able L f ; ,endß - When respect amm,r ,ple ' rom tlle "‘tie sociaU. 'I 8 ’ , WC , n . lUBt B‘ ve fhem the Tnd l^ tUS V Wl ‘ ich thei * intelligence them p€ £ B<>nal . character may entitle R . 9*f r Wlves and our daughters S/lT' Wd «*»iw Tre n‘t L 0 ° Ct " and ‘ h «J friends Th° gRnt ’ ?* ne, R hbo ™ and housand I'* C ° uld be twenty-five toXv who eouTd 8816016,11,1 th * So“‘ h emment in t- and this Gov teus of thousandTof DOntll ?’ and °‘ UBe the South ami tlw! to 00,1,6 10 dollars to aid nSd of m,lli onsof This work ! , “P and devol °P those in , be doo# onl y b y leaders in society i*., r6o °?. n, * ed a » “ r y is to subdu*" «, • that 18 neC6B - their r,,.' *?. eir Prions and 1 their prejudice., till they can THE l> VI LY PRESS. VOL. 111. W*at m social equals, those whose position and intelligence entitle them to such recognition, and the work is done. We cannot export Northern families of worth and education to come and settle among us with their capital, if they are socially ostracised as soon as they come. I admonish our role to think seriously of this matter. is one of vital importance to our future prosperity and development. But in connection with this, it is also essential that the Southern States be reconstructed, and readmitted into Congre u. Capital is timid and will not come into these States till it is understood thaUrcr political status is defined and settled. This brings us to the inquiry, should we accept the terms proposed by Con gress? If we c **P , j in «©> we haVe the solemn pledge of Congress that we shall be re-admitted. That pledge they cannot aud will not disregard. If •they should it would inevitably lead to the overthrow of the Republican party. No party can openly violate its faith aud be sustained by the people. That party will not attempt it. The only question is, shall we comply faithfully with the terms? I say that interest requires and honor allows us to do so. We met in Convention and passed a solemn Ordinance of Secession, by which we declared that Georgia hnd resumed to herself all powers delegated to the Federal Government. We de clared subs'c.utially that the Government of the United States, and the Northern States, as New York fur instance, were Foreign States to us, and we to them. That we were enemies at war, iu peace friends. And we pledged our Sacred honor before the world to stand by this declaration. We then said we were out of the Uuion and we fought t 6 maintain that declaration. And just here let me inquire when did we get back into the Union, as States? The Constitution gives to Congress the war making power, and it is h >rd to resist the conclusion that thia vests in them the peace making power. When we surrendered, after a gallant fight, we were upon our own declaration a conquered Foreign State ; subject to the will of the conqueror. We must, then, be re-admitted to the Union according to our own doctrine, before we could claim political rights in it. The wax making aud peace making power deny that we have been re admitted. They claim that they hold us as a conquered power, subject to be re-admitted upon their own terms. — They have submitted one proposition to ils for re-admtssion, (the Constitutional Amendment), which we have rejected. That left it to our option whether we would allow the colored people to vote. If we did not vote them we were not to count them as part of our representative populatiou. Certain classes of our officers were disqualified to bold office, but were still voters. True to human nature, after our rejection of those terms, they proposed more rigorou? terms. They now Submit back the amendment with au ac(‘oT CongreiSff guaranteeing to the freedman the right to vote, 3ud taking from the class of officers mentioned in the amendment, the right of suffrage as well as the right to hold office. suppose we reject this. Can you reasonably expect that the conqueror will back down and take less, or will he, as is the nature of man in ali ages, require more? It is nut difficult to answer. If we reject this, when Con gress again meets, it will do one of two things, saying nothing for the present about confiscation. it will cither dis franchise all who vote agaiust a Con vention, or all who voluntarily engaged in the rebellion. What would then follow ? The Commanding General would be directed to make another enrollment of the freedmen and tew white men not disfranchised, and the questiou of reconstruction would be referred back to them. They would accept promptly, and form a constitu tion for the Clate, ami elect Slate officers, and Members of Congress, and upon that organization the Slate would be admitted into Congress by her rep reseulalives. The present proposition leaves probably eight to nine teuths of the white men still voters. The next will not probably leave the ballot in the bands of one or two tenths of the white meu, if the basts ot exclusion should be all who voluntarily aided the rebellion.. A distinguished citizeu of South Car olina, Ex-Governor Ferry, objects to the acceptance of the present proposi tion because, be says it, will give the ballot to an element that will adopt State dislrancbisementaud confiscation. If there is danger of that on the present plan, what is to become of us when the great majority of the white men who are now vote's are disfranchised, which will certainly follow our rejection of the pr, seut terms by the vote ot the white men? Do we not stand abetter chance to escape extreme measures with nine tentns of the white tuen voters, than we will if only one lentil are voters ? Have we reached that poiut ot passion aud madness where we prefer to give up the entire control and gov ernment o! the State to the black race? If so, we should all vote against a con vention. There can be no ques iou tbat such a result will follow iu that event. Governor Perry’s letters are founded upon bis objection to confer lag the elective franchise upon the treeii man. But the weakness of his position consists iu the fact that he does not offer.even a plausible argument to show how we can complete or prevent it. Will voting aguiust a convention do this? That will only result in the gene ral disfranchisement of the white man, and in placing in the bands ol the black man complete control. Congress has already placed the ballot in the hands of-the freedman, and has placed th* military here to see that he is allowed to exorcise his right to vote. Jt is no longer a question whether he shall vote, hst the question is what class of the white men may vote. It we accept this proposition the white men not now disfranchised will remain voters. If we reject it a very large proportion of them wifi not. To this it may be replied: Why then does Congress submit the question to us, if we have no power to prevent it by our vote? I can give you the reply of several distinguished mem bers of that body, with whom I have conversed on the subject, aud to whom 1 have propounded tbe same question. They do it as a test of our loyalty, to determine whether our people are pre pared to return to a participation in the Government upon a basis which they claim to be the logical sequeuce of the war. They say it uecessarily follows, AUGUSTA, GA., SUNDAY MORNING, JUNE IC, 1867. under our system of government, that a race of four millions of people made free, and made tax payers, have a right to a voice in the selection of those who -are to tax and govern them. They also say that we lost our political rights by' rebellion, aud that they will not restore os to their exercise till we (eeegnise this principle in other freemen. Suppose we reject the terras by voting down the Convention ; what probable prospect have we of getting batter terms? Congress claims and exercise* the right to dictate the terms of settlement. The issue between them and the President on that question was submitted to the people of the States called loyal at the last Fair* elections. Congress was sus tained, and a majority of more there two-thirds of the Republican members elected to the present Congress. They are now in power for two years, and can flirty any measure they please over the President’s veto. Then we are in the hands of Congress, and can expect no relief from the President. The Su preme Court has dismissed tbe bill filed by the Gorernor of Georgia for want of iu«M*ction. * r, t i / \ rvr I Wo can expect uo relief from the Supreme Court. If we vote down the Convention, Congress will meet in December and extend the disfrauchisc meut of all white* meu as already stated, and submit tbe question back to the remainder ot whiles not disfranchised, and to the blacks. A refiurollmeiit will then be made next winter or spring, and a Convention will be held in this city, that will accept. Tbe State will be reorganized. We shall be generally disfranchised by the Slate Convention. Members will be elected to Congress under that organization, who will take their seats as the Tennessee members now hold their’s under a.similar dis franchiseineut of the great body of white men. We will then be recon structed and iu the Uuion. Have you considered what prospect we will have of relief from thia state of things ? Some one may reply a change of Northern sentiment wi(J relieve us. How cqn it do it? Iu the first place I see bujk little prospect of that change ; the Northern sentiment is now overwhelmingly in favor of giving the ballot to the South ern freedmen. But suppose tbe change should occur this fall in the Slate elections Nurth, and the Republican party should tosh ground about the tune we vote down the Convention. What would be the natural result? The Republican party in Congress baying two thirds, aud having lost ground in the North, would naturally desire to perpetuate its power by adding to its strength ten Stat s in the South, which it could readily do by the diafranchise meutof tbe white linen who engaged in the rebellion, and who are the chief reliance in the South for Democratic support ? Our rejection of their terms would give them a good excuse for takjug this course, and, th* -very ifiud of a reverse in popular sentiment, thia fall, would -afford them the strongest induce ment to do it. It is certainly very that they have the power to acomplish it, as they have ample time to recon struct us upon that basis betore their present term of office expires. Suppose, in the next place, it is done and your State Government is organized upon it, as in the case of Tennessee, and your members are admitted into Con gress? How will you undo it? Admit that the Democratic parly may carry a majority ot the Northern States at the next Congressional election, (which is not probable), how will that affect it? They will find these States represented. How will they get them out? It will take a majority of the whole Congress to pass a law or resolution expelling them. They will all be there ns voters, and a majority of Northern D mocrats cannot get them out. If the Democrats Bnould have a majority over them and the Northern Republicans in the House, and should pass a bill to reorganize tbe Southern States on a basis that would again enfranchise white men, the Senate with a large majority of Republicans would refuse to pass it, may say, change the Senate. This will take at least four years, as there are more than a majority of Republicans now iu office f r that period. Alter we have been reorganized and our members have held their seats in Congress lor four years, what reason ble probability is there that they will then be ejected by a change in Northern sentimeut, and these States again re manded to a territorial position, to be reorganized under Democratic rule?— What Democratic leader North hopes to be able to eject the Tennessee members in case of a Democratic victory? 1 trust th.t I have been able to demon strate that we have much to lose and noth ing to gain by voting against tbe Conven tion. Thus far I have discussed the ques tion only in its political bearing upou tbe rights of franchise, and have left confisca tion out of it. Are we in no danger of confiscation in case of onr refusal to organ ise und- r the present laws? Mr. Stevens’ confiscation bill has been referred to as the sleeping lion upon the speaker’s desk. May we not, by our course, wake that lion and provoke him to tear us asunder? Mr. Stevens has pledged the remainder of his life to the passage of thia bill. If we accept, and reconstruct, he can never do it. If we rote down tbe Convention, he can. We say the Northern people are great lovers of money. Let us imagine that the Convention bus been voted down, aDd that Mr. Stevens, and those who agree with him, arc address ing meetings of the Northern people. What may we reasonably expect ? They will represent us, as they hold, to have been the party at fault in the whole matter. They will say to tboir hearers: You were at home hyal to the (lovernmeut and obedient to its laws, in the pursuit of your ordinary avocations as peaceful oitizeus, -without public dobt, scarcely tooling the weight of the Government. You elected a President in the Constitu tional mode. The people of the South determined so secede on that aeeouot, and destroy the government of our fathers bccauso they could not coutrol it, and ex tend slavery into the territories. They fired upon our forts, and with an organized army, made war upon us. In the struggle ovor three hundred thousand of tbe loyal sons of tho North tell, and their bones are lstt in the South. They have left almost a million of widows and orphans. All around us we see those who have lost their limbs in defense of the flag of their country. They must have pensions. In addition to all thia misery and misfortune, they have entailed a debt on us and our posterity of two and a half billion# of dollars. All this the speaker will say was caused by <b* wicked acts of tbe Southern rebels. He mil state thrt the North, since the war, has offered to restore tbe South to the Union upon the most liberal term* (as members of Congress often say), that were ever tendered to a conquered people, and tbat we hare a second time burled back into their teeth the terms offered. Having exhausted our clemency and placed our selves right before the civilized world, we will now, lays the speaker, make these people feel the resells of their oendnet. They said they were oat of the Union— wn will so treat them, and having conquered them, we will appropriate their lands and other property to ike payment of tho ex penses of the wnr, lecludleg the war debt, end the pensions of onr wonnd.-d soldiers In the irritated condition of the popular tf*?hi d t£m. *c^°hr r the conquerors, who duos not fear the effect that such speeches would hare upon the Northern mind? They would contain a dangerous appeal to the interest and the passions qf every hearer. The Northern people are anxious to be relieved of the burdens of the public debt; and if they eonld justify themselves in the Eaee of the civilised world, they would be glad to pay it with onr property alter wa have repeatedly rejected terms of settle ment which they regard reasonable. Thee, my friends, do yon sea no dangetsof confis cation in the rejection ? Are you satisfied that the ileepiug liqq will not be aroused by yonr action In-voting down the Conven tion ? This is a subject worthy of yonr very serious consideration. Bat area frequently grow desperate and say t let the property ge, I will not accept the tense to save my property, h this wise f Is it the eonolueion of yonr reason, or tho result of yonr passion ? If yon could savo yonr country, or do a great public service by the sacrifice of your property, patrioti-m would require the offer ing. But I think I hare elearly shown that the saerifioe in thie esse ean result in na benefit to tha country. After you have voted down tbe and your prop arty has been taken, you will have to sub mit to harder terms than those now ten dered: Then, why recklessly sacrifice your property ? Have you a wife aod children ? Have they no need of the little remnant that is left you ? I admonish you my friends to let yonr passions 0001, and then reason ealmly with the companion of your bosom, and she will tall you that your fam ily needs your property ; and as its sacri fice ean do your country no good, you bad better save it. The reply whioh I frequently meet to these arguments if a simple attack upon my own nonsisteney. The sword, my frioods, is a leveller of systems, and a destroyer of consistency. Let me ask him who assails my consistency to look at his own. Ted years ago you would have insulted a man who would have told you tbat you would ever vote to abolish slavery or to mako a colored man a witness in court against a white man. You hare since the war done both. You ai led in the passage of an ordi nance of secession by which you declared you were out pf tho Union, 1 and pledged your honor most solemnly to stay out. You have since taken it back, repealed tbe ordi nance. aud now claim that you arc again id the Union. -hnA odl Your State contracted a debt during tho war. You ware proud us tbe credit ol Georgia, aod gave erery assurance through yuur representatives that it should be paid in good faith. You have since solemnly repudiated it. Yon ridsouled the Procla mation of Mr. Lincoln slavery. You have since in yonr amnesty oath sworn to support iu You denied that our action in tbe war was a rebellion. Yuu hare since admitted under oath that it waa, when you swore to support alt proclamations for the abolition of slavery made during tbe rsbti lion, y on renounced the authority of the United States, and swore to support the Constitution af the Confederate States. Yon have since sworn to auppurt She Con stitution of the United Btales. Bren tbe President of the Confederate, .States waste inconsistent as you were. He displaced the United States Judges in Virginia and other states, and appointed others in their placox. He had the kabenn corpus suspended for a time, and made strong efforts (in which, fortunately, he failed) to get a perpetual suspension. He has lately humbly petition ed a United Mates Judge in Virginia to grant unto him the writ of balsas corpus , closing the petition with tho words, “and your petitioner will ever pray," etc. I men tion none of this as a reproach to you or your late loader. Circumstances beyond your control have compelled you both to act. But what think yon of yonr consis tency ? Again you object to voting for the Con vention because you and > not approve it, or universal suffrage. And you say it is a mockery to ask you to vote for that you do not approve. Did you approve the aboli tion of slavery ? Did the repeal of the ordi nance of secession command yonr approval. Why was not your dignity offended and your honor taruish i when the President required you to pass these acts wbioh you did not approve? You then swallowed the dose without making ugly faces. Even Gov. Perry, whose high sense of honor will not allow him to contemplate the ace.ptance of terms so degrading as those contained in the Sherman Bill, as Provisional Governor of South Carolina, under the appointment of the President, called a Convention of the people of that State, whioh under his supervision and direction, not only abolishing slavery in South Carolina, but assented to, and adop ted a proposed amendment of the Constitu tion of the Uuiled States, tbat it shall forever remain abolished. The saute Convention, under the same supervision, rescinded the ordinance of secession, which that chivalrous Stale bad with so much pomp and defiance passed in advance of any othor Southern State. He then accepted from the Legislature assembled under the Cunstitutiuu formed by that Guvermnent, tin election to a seat iu the Senate of tbe United States, which be, io common with others, has not been permittel to occupy. After the staod that South Carolina had taken as the ohampion of slavery, aud the position she had so long occupied as the very soul of chivalry, if a Senator from tbat gallant little State could lake in his band, as the work of bis own supervision, a Constitution abolishing slavery, aud au act rescinding the ordi nuDce of secession, and holding them up at the door of tbe Senate of the United Stales, demand admission as a member, without humiliation or degradation, it does seem that his sense us honor might at least have borne the shock of the Sherman Bill. Ido nut arraign Governor Perry’s motive, but bis consistency will not bear a much more scrutinizing investigation than that of some of .tho rest of us. It is not very strange tbat four millions of people made free, and subject to the burdens of taxation, should demand some participutiou in the Government which they are to obey, aud by which they are to be taxed. II there was no degradation in eonferring freedom upon them, however reluctantly we may yield to the policy, I am unable to seethe degrada tion which attaches to our assent that they ara enfranchised. Governor Perry and bis followers say they' prefer to remain under military government rather than accept the terms. They will not be allowed that privilege. We *h#ll be kept under military govern ment till these Stales are reconstructed. But Congress is uetermined to reconstruct us soon upon their own terms. If wo rejeot the present tender, the next will immedi ately follow, as abovespocified, and will be accepted. We shall then be relieved from military government, and placed under the new State government. whether good or bud. Gentleman need not flatter themselves tbat they have tbe privilege of ohoosing betweeu tbo present proposition and con tinued military government. Tbe choice is between reconstruction on the present plan and reconstruction by the freedmen of tbe State and a small fraction of white voters. I trust our reason may oontrol us in making tba choice. But another objeotor says I will never consent to disfranchise my leaders ; I will sink or swim with them. You say if Con gress would do it without calling on you to approve, you would aoquiesco; but yon will never vote for It. Congress holds that we ara all disfranchised by our secession or our rebellion; and it proposes to restore till except certain classes to tbe fght to | vote and hold office npou our eomplyiaK with certain requirements. You do not vote to disfranchise us; you only rote to enfranchise yourselves. Congress retains tee power to restore the rest of us in fitters) if it chooses,' by n two-thirds rots, uar prompt acceptance of your own enfranchisement and the conciliation which it wonldfproduoe is the speediest and best way to ((lid in securing our relief. Why shoald rim refuse to accept your own relief becauseYelief is not at the samo time ten dered to. us ? Wo do not derive tbe slight est relief by your rejootion, while you suffer a positive iniury, and your conduct pro vokes agreater injury to us aud yourselves. If yon regard your leaders, aud wish to serve them, the best way is to acoept your own re Kef, and then exsrt yonr Influence for tfaefre. I haws said that, in my judgment, honor allows *rir acceptance of the terms. At the surrender ws were left to our choice to sub mit to. and become loyal subjects of, the Government of tha Unfted States, or to leave become tbe •ttbjefes of some other Government. We atected to remain, aod w« now elaim the protection of this fivernment. We are a conquored people. he oonquerors offer us terms of settlement, upon compliance with which we are to be restored to a participation in the govern ment. We have no further power of re sistance if wo had the will. The govern ment has.its vast army and navy; it has in its arsenals over a million of arms, besides its artillery. We have surrendered and are disarmed. It dictates its terms. If we reject them it will increase their rigor. How then is it dishonorable for us to ac cept? The great generals who lead our forces in the field of battle advise accept ance. Do you doubt their chivalry, and are yon afraid to trust your honor in their keeping? Again allow me to ask: Why should I wish to dishonor the people of Georgia and induce them to aoeept a worse form of gov ernment when they can get a better ? Bora in ths South, I have been a Georgian from boyhood. All my interests are iu Georgia. I expect to die and be buried here, aud leave my obildren iu my beloved State. Why then should I desire to betray my gtate or degrade her people ? If by my act I entail misfortune upon my State, which could have been avoided, will not my owu offspring have to participate iu tbe suffering and share the calamity? What interest then can I have in misleading you ? Bofere coucluding I wish to make a few remarks to our colored friends who are present. The result of the war, and the late Acts of Congress, have imposed upon you a heavy responsibility. You are now voters and must in future take part in the affairs of the government. Y'uu are as much interested as we arc in the formation of a good Constitution and the enactment of wise laws. I think it the duty of every one of you to register and vote for a Con vention. If the white men vote down the Convention, Congress will, no doubt, dis franchise those who refuse to reconstruct upou tha terms offered by it. But if you vote it down Congress will not on that aocouut disfranchise the white men. They will only be held responsible for their own course, not for yours. I presume tbe bal lots will be numbered and preserved for future reference, and it will be known bow saefa b*s voted. Tbit has been tbe practice in Georgia, and there may be strong rea sons for its continuance. I have said our interests are now iden tical. If we suffer by bad laws you suffer 's•o. Yon get your employment from tho white people. If they do not prosper and make money, they are unable to pay you good wages. Yon all feel that now under tho present state of things, wo cannot look for better times until reconstruction is com plete, aud our political position in the Union is recognized and defined. Tho thing most to be feared is a quarrel, or war of races. This would be very nearly the ruin of both races; but you wou and be the greatest sufferers by it. Our race is in the majority in the Southern States. They have tbe advantage of you in education, and know better how to manage than you do. They have been aocustoined to think and provide, while your race has been raised to depend on others. You cannot get ovor this at once. You should remem ber, too, that as soon as this political ques tion is settled, a large number of people from other States of the Union, and other countries, will come here, and settle among us. Nearly all who come, will be white men. This will cause our race to increase in numbers much faster than yours. Look, for instance, at some of the Northwestern States where twenty-five years ago the country was a wilderness, and now each State has a half million or a million of in habitants. They have not been raided there. The great mass has poured in from other places where the population was too thick, and filled up the country and made a great State in a few years. Bur. you must recollect there are very few black people among them. So our territory will be filled up after a time with a large population. You will then be greatly in the minority. You can look only to thena-ural increase of your race, and not to the increase from abroad. Doubtless yon have noticed since you are free, that you are not increasing as fast as you did before. You see few young children of your race. There are causes for this that I need not now explain. I simply call your attention to the fact. It follows, then, that while a quarrel between us, or n war of races would be a great calamity to both races, you would be most injured bv it. Mark this, and when any man, wheth/r from the North or South, whether white or black, encourages you to quarrel with us, or to make war upon us, recollect ho is neither your friend nor our friend, nor the friend of the country, but he is controlled by selfish ness, and hai some bad object to accom plish. You have heard what I have said about the probable confiscation of Southern prop erty in case our Southern people let their stubbornness and prejudices control them iu their action. But this, wbeu it occurs, will do you no good. The Government needs the money to pay irg war debt and to pen sion its crippled soldiers. The Northern people look to their own interest. When they sot you free they thiak they did about enough for you. They gave you tbe right to work for yourselves and dispose of your own earnings as you please, and they now expect you to make a living by your labor. If they take our property it will be to relievo their own burdens and not to aid you. In fact the confiscation of our property would be the greatest injury to you. It would be bought up at the Government sales by Northern men who would come on and settle on it, and in future you would have to look to them for employment. Some of you know when you were slaves tho differ ence between Northern and Southern mas tors. They do not understand your charac ter and habits as well as wedo. The North ern man has been raised in a colder climate. He steps quicker than we do, and expects his blaek servant to move like he does. This is not your habit, lie generally expects a bigger day’s work than we do. You, there fare, could make nothing by the exchange of the people with whom yon have been raised, for strangers as your neighbors and employers. Let us, then, study each other’a interest and act together. While you were slaves our laws f irbado your education. Now tbat you are free men and voters, it is very important tbat you make every possible effort to inform your own minds, and to eduoate your children. It is our interest to aid you all we ean. We are all poor, blaek and white, and we are not yet able to do as much for schools as we hope to be after we have had a little time to build up. We must all, black and white, do all in our power for tbo general education of our children. Another thing I want to call your special atteotion to. It is your habit when you work and make some money, to spend it as soon as possible for fine clothes, or other things yon could do without. That is too much the oase with tbe white people too. Now, I advise you to care every dollar yon ean, and put it in the hands of some one you know to be perfectly good, at interest, till you get enough to Uuy you a little piece of land for a home. Lands are now very ebeap in Georgia. Never spend n dime foolishly. Bo industrious ana attentive to business, and save what you make, and you ean soon be oomfortable. In making these remarks to you, I have no selfish object in view. I am disfran ehised lam denied the right to tote or bold office. Ido not know when I shall be relieved, or whether at all. lam not, there fore, as yon see, a candidate for any office Ido not expect to hola office io future. It follows, then, that I do not waat your votes. While I am profoundly grateful to the people of Georgia for the honors they hove bestowed on me in tbe past, I expeet to **k nothing of them in future but proteetion as a private person. As I expeet no office, I arm in condition- to tell the people the truth candidly, without the bias of interest, and t.' warn *them of tbe danger they are in, no matte* how unpopular my course may be. If I see * man sleeping by the crater or mouth of a volcano, in danger of dropping in, and he has been my friend, it is my sol emn duty to warn him of his danger, though he may for a time be mad with me for disturbing his slumbers. I think the people of Georgia are about in that condi tion now. They have honored roe in the past, and though I well knew when I first sounded the note of alasm, tbat many of them would impugn my motives, ami abuse me for it, I determined to tell them their condition boldly and fearlessly. And let me now say to you, that in case of a quarrel or war of races among ourselves, you are in imminent danger of ruin. Let both races be careful and tread lightly then, till our feet are on firm ground. In conchisioQ, I return my thanks to all who are present, for the good order you have maintained, and the patient and au tentive hearing you have given me. Hotels, Restaurants. BERZELIA ! This well known and popular PLACE, situated twenty miles from Augusta, with ample accommodations for visitors, a FINE SPRING OF MINERAL WATER, Delightful climate, in the midst of the Piney Woods, ami 600 feet above the level of Augusta, has been refitted for the ac commodation of the public. Tbe Proprie tors are ready at ail times to make each visitor feel at home, aud tbe Table is fur nished with the best the country affoids. Giro us a trial. H. A. MERRY A CO., fe22—6m Proprietors. MILLS HOUSE, CHARLESTON, SOUTH CAROLINA. 'nHIS FIRST-CLASS HOTEL IS NOW i. opened for tho accommodation of the public, and possesses every accommodation and comforu calculated to please the most fastidious. Tbe patronage of the travelling community is respectfully solicited. JOSEPH PURCELL, au2B—l2m Proprietor. SCREVEN HOUSE, gAVANNAH, GEORGIA, THIS FIRST CLASS HOTEL Having been renovatod and newly furnished, is now open for the reception of the travel ling public. GEO. McGINLY, Proprietor. mhlS—tf EATING HOUSE, Berzelia, • Georgia R. R. PASSENGERS BY THE PASSENGER Trains leaving Augusta at 6.30 A. M., and Atlanta at 7.15 P. M., also, those leaving either Augusta or Atlanta by Freight Trains, can got a GOOD MEAL AT THIS LONG ESTABLISHED AND POPULAR HOUSE. H. A. MERRY CO., fe22—6ra Prenriotor.. MECHANICAL WONDEIi ! The Hicks Steam Engine, Manufactured by the Hicks Steam Engine Cos , of Delaware, BLANTON DUNCAN, President. 'fllOS R. SHARP, General Superintendent. I BEG LEAVE TO CALL THE ATTEN TLON of the public to this wouderful Steam Engine, which is cheaper, lighter, less intricate, occupies less space, consumes less fuel than any other engine, and is superior io every other way, it being in fact a double cut off Engine, without the friction ot a double sot of valve 3 with their multiform attachments, and for its superior merits was awarded the gold medal at the Maryland Institute Fair, in October, 1866, over all other engines. This invention, therefore, forms the most radical and entire change in steam engines which has occurred since the days of Watts, being durable, accurate, and econ omical iu operation in spaco beyond all comparison with the past, and at far less original cost than ever before attained. All orders promptly filled at tbe DAILY PRESS OFFICE, 100 Broad street, Augusta, Ga. Send for circulars giving a minute de scription of Engine. ap2—6m "“The Daily Press,” PUBLISHED t AT AUG VS TA, GA . IS THE Best IVtecliuim FOR ADVERTISING IN THE CITY OF AUGUSTA. OFFICE : 190 BROAD STREET. 153 ELLIS STREET. NO. 141. Crockery. Moiher, Thomas 4k Scbanb, O \ A BROAD STREET— -4 t x Under Masonic Hall AUGUST A, sSuomt Direct Importers and Dealers in ENGLISH AND FRENCH China! BOHEMIAN, fIFRENCH and AMERICA Glass W are! AUD KEROSENE LAMPS, x«n . AGENTS OF KAOLIN WARE. Try us, and we will eonvinoa yon that you can save tbe Freight from New York to this point. JOSIAH MOSHER, j. Jefferson thomas, GEORGE SCUAUB. ocJ—ly| New Crockery House. BEAN & ADAM, 269 BROAD STREET, Augusta, Ga.* Agents for English Manufacturers, IMPORTERS AND WHOLESALE DEALERS 111 CHINA, GRANITE, AND COMMON WARE. On hand, and arriving, 200 Crates, selected by one of our firm in Europe, to suit THE SOUTHERN TRADE. Being sole Agents for one of the largest Potteries in England, onr facilities for ob taining Goods will euable us to compete with any city iu >he United States. fe2S—tf Snuff A. Tobacco. P, HANSBERGER & CO. 204 BROAD STREET, W holesale and Retail Dealers m SEGARS, TOBACCO AND SNUFF,)PIPES WALKING CANES, Etc. OUR BRANDS OF SEGARS AND TO BACCO are of tbe finest selection, and will suit tile taste of the most fastidious. Call ac i examine for yourself. fe2B—tf AUGUSTUS BOHNE, QOH BROAD STREET, O&VJ (Opposite Planters’Hotel lias always on band a large assortment ot IMPORTED A DOMESTIC SEGARS Chewing and Smoking TOBACCO Lorillard’s SNUFF Fine Moerschaum PIPES] AND CIGAR HOLDERS, genuine and imitation ALSO, Rubber, Briar, Rosewood, aod Clay PIPES, PIPE STEMS, SNUFF BOXES, Eto., AT THE LOWEBT NEW YORK PRICES. THE TRADE SUPPLIED ON LIBERAL au4-ly] TERMS. ALUMINUM FENS. r pHE UNDERSIGNED ARE APPOINTED AGENTS For the sale of the above justly celebrate English Pen Made from a Mineral found in the Mines of Cornwall. They are superior to any Pens now io use, inasmuch as they will not r.rrode, which is of great advantage. They are cheaper than any other Pen now in use. J. SCHREINER A SONS, 199 Broad Street. GEO. A. OATES, ufi—tf 240 Broad Street. To Business Men! JUST RECEIVED, ENTIRELY NEW AND BEAUTIFUL STYLE OF BUSINESS CARDS. IN ALL COLORS AND SIZES AT TUB DAILY PRESS JOB PRINTING OFFICE. feß—tf To Northern Tourists. PERSONS VISITING NEW YORK during tbe Summer are reminded that they may find elegant accommodations in a private family, at No. « LEXINGTON AVENUE, corner 22d street, near Gratnacy Park. M. P. MATTHEWS, my 18—1m* Formerly of Augusta. MULES. | g HEAD FINE PLANTATION MULES For sale at the PALACE STABLES, apr 18-ts M. A. DEHONEY. “The Daily Press” IS NOW THE, Official Paper OF THE CITY. A D VE Li TISE MEN TS INSKRTKD ON VERY LJBERAI^TERMP. E. H. PUGHE, PROPRIETOR sail( |nss. Book AID JOB PRIHTIIft or ■VERY DESCRIPTION BXBCUTBD IN THE BEST MANNER. Tbe Fastest Potter Presses, and Beet Workmen enables ns So do Superior JOB WORK at Cheaper Rates than elsewhere. Insurance. B. H. BRODNAX, INSURANCE AGENCY. orrics AT THE OLD SAVINGS BANK, 229 BROAD STREET jnß—ly Furniture. Furniture and Piano Hauling. JJAVING A NEW AND LI GUT SPWNG DRAY, I am prepared to haul Fureitnra, Pianos, and anything else, without scratching or bruising, as is too often tbe com. Orders left at my store, on Washington street, between Broad and Ellis, will be promptly attended to, at reasonaele rates. Particular ears given to moving Furniture and Pianola WM. HALE (Colored), Dealer in Family Groceries jals—tf Ice Notices. ICXSI rpHE Mclntosh street Ice PEou.se IS REOPENED. tvust my old patrons will remember it, a-u send in their orders. R. A. HARPER. mar s—ts Jewellers. Watches, Clocks, and Jewelry. Eh. summer— . 184 BROAD STREET, Three doors below Daily Press office. Avuusta, Ga. WATCHMAKER’S TOOLS, MATERIALS, and GLASSES. WATCHES and CLOCKS repaired end warranted. JEWELRY made and repaired] All kind of IIAIR BRAIDING done. no7—tf Special Notices. FREE TO EVERYBODY.—A large 6 pp. Circular, giving information of the greatest importance to the young of hoth sexes. It teaches how the homely may become beautiful, the despisod respected, and the forsaken loved. No young lady or gentleman shoald fail to send their address, and receive a copy post paid, by return mail. Address, P. 0. DRAWER 21, mhvn-Bm Troy. N. Y. KNOW THY DESTINY.— Madame E. F. Thornton, the great English Astrologist, Clairvoyant and Psychometri eian, who has astonished the seientifio classes of the Old World, has now located herself at Hudson, N. Y. Madamo Thorn ton possesses such wonderful powers of second sight, as to enable her to impart knowledge of the greatest importance to tbe single or married of either sex. W hile in a trance, she delineates the very features of the person you arc to marry, and by the aid of an instrument of intense power, known as the Psychomotrope, guar antees to produce a lifelike picture of the future husband or wife of the applicant together with date of marriage, position in life, leading traits of character, etc. This is no humbug, as thousands of testimonials can assert. She will send, when desired, a certificate, or written guarantee, that the picture is what it purports to be. By en closing a small lock of hair, and stating plsoe of birth, age, disposition, and com plexion, and enclosing fifty cents and stamped envelope addressed to yonrself, yon will receive the picture and desired information by return mail. AH communi cations saeredly confidential. Address In confidence, MADAME E. F. THORNTON, mh2o —ly P. 0. Box 223, Hudson, N. Y. JKaT* WONDERFUL BUT TRUE.— Madame Remington, the world renowned Astrologist and Somnambulistic Clairvoy ant, while in a clairvoyant state, delineates the very features of the person you are to marry, and by tbe aid of an instrument of intense power, known as the Psycomotrope, guarantees to produce a perfect and lifelike picture of tbe future busbaod or wife of tbe applicant, with date of marriage, occupa tion, leading traits of character, etc. This is no imposition, as testimonials without number can assert By stating place of birth, age, disposition, color of eyes and hair, and enclosing fifty cents, and stamped envelope addressed to yourself, you will receive the picture by return mail, together with desired information. Address in confidence, MADAME GERTRUDE REMINGTON, P. Orßoi 297, West Troy, N. Y. mb 20—ly A YOUNG LADY RETURN ING to her country home, after a sojourn of a few months in tbe city, was hardly recognised b.v ber friends. In place of a course, rustic, flushed face, she bad a soft ruby complexion of almost marble smooth ness, and instead of twenty three she really appeared but eighteen. Upon inquiry as to the cause of so great a change, she plainly told them tbat she used the CIRCASSIAN BALM, aDd considered it an invaluable acquisition to any Lady’s toilet. By its use any lady or gentleman can improve their personal appearance an hundred fold. It is simple in its combination, as Nature herself is simple, yet unsurpassed in its effioacy in drawing impurities from, also healing, cleansing, apd beautifying the skin and complexion. By its direct action on the cuticle it draws from it all its impurities, kindly healing the samo, and leaving the surface as Nature intended it should be, clear, soft, smooth, and beautiful. Price sl, seut by mail or express, on receipt of an order by W. L. CLARK A CO., Chemists. s No, 3 West Fayette st, Syracuse, N. Y. Tha only American Agents for tbe sale es segarsT 40 BOXES “ GENUINE ROBERT BURNS” SEGARS, thoroughly seasoned,. For sale at a very small advance, by juß—tf JAS. G. BAILIE A BRO.