Newspaper Page Text
@he Loqul Geargian.
AUGUSTA, GA , FEBRUARY 17, 1866.
THE ADDRESS TO THE
LEGISLATURE.
In our last issue we called special at
tention to this paper. 'We feel that an
apology is aue, both to the writer, and
to the public, on account of the nume
rous errors which disfigured our imprint:
We hope that in the pamphlet copy, issu:
ed this week, these mistakes will not
appear.®
What first impres:es us in regard to
this documeunt, is the fact ;that it was
drawd up by one belonging to the race
whose cause it g 0 effectively pleads; by
one, therefore, who has had experience ot
the wrongs which he wou!d have redress~
ed, and who has had occcasion to feel the
peed of that justice for which he sues.
The writing is only one of the numerous
ones extant, showing that the power to
think and to write well is not denied to
the black wan; that, give him the op
por unity for selfsculture, and the result
will vindicate bis power to improve it
If the cases which illnstrate this truth
are exceptional, is it not because this
opportunity has been (xceptional? How
often, and amidst all the disabilities aud
obstacles of sluvery—bave iustances oc
curred of men who have felt and follow~
ed the inmortal louging for knowledge;
and, with results, that might well put to
shame the comparatively moderate attain
ments of their white brethrev, who have
snjoyed every educatioval help and facili®
ty. As regards the subject watter of this
prayer, who, with a beart of flesh in his
bosom, can deuy the truth of its positions,
the iutrinsic rightfulness aud justice of
Aits petitious, aud, at the same tiwe, the
delicacy aud ability with which they are
urged. Nor less marked is the ducumeut
in the yualities of mauliness aud seli-re
spect. Lt is the utteravce of a man, who,
while be knows what is due to others, and
especially to the body, to which—iu bé
baif ot his long oppressed race— he ap
peals, kuows, also, what is due to himself
aud to them, ¢
Most sivcerely do we hope that this
earnest and manly addresg will receive
from the Legislature the consideration to
whieb its wtriusic importance entitles it
We trust that the praycr of the petition
ers will be granted. Tuere is something
inexpressibly touching iun these appeals
from a people so recently slaves to those
who uow, as then, bave so wmuch power
over their destiny, for good, or for evil;
in sceing Etuivpia thus stretch torth her
hauds to mun as well as to God, for heip
aud deliverance.
It, only, in respouding to this call, mau
wou.d conseut to imitate the compassion,
and justice, and mercy oi God; doiug as
he would be doue by; that so, he uneed
pot be ashamed to utter the petition, or
uttering it, need not belie it in hs life
and conduet.
“ That mercy I to otbers show,
That wercy show to me.”
KICKING AGAINST THE
PRICKS.
In the procecdings of the Legislature
of this State during the past week we*
bave noticed the following:
Mr. Bedford introduced a bill to define
and punish capital and minor offenscs,
when committed by persous of color.
The bill defines as capital offenses pun
ishable with death, insurrection, or at
tempting to excite it; poisoning, or ats
tempting to poison; rape on white or
colored temales : assault on white person
with attempt to kill; maiming, burglary.
arson of any description; murder of any
persou ; robbery by open force. The
bill provides to puuish minor offenses with
eorporal punishment, iu the judgmeut of
the eourt. ; :
It is strange what blindncss and in
fatuation some men and classes of me.
are possessed of As true as it is that
we are occasionally visited with tempests
of the elements, and if we can beleve
what men of sciemee tell us, by Magnetic
tempests also, so it is likewise true that
mental and moral tempests sweep over
* We are very sorry to sce—since the
above was written —that the pamphlet
<ontaips all the mistakes of the vewspaper
oopy.
the Jand. The South has been subjected
to one of unecommon violence and almost
unparallelléd duration. It has kdpt this
section in a state of violent und agitated
turmoil and commotion for the last eight
ortenyears. The people have been blind
to their own iote.ests. They have op
posed every measure and every policy
that would in any way tend to benefit the
general Government, and many that
would have materially benefited their
own sestion. They haveadvocated mea~
sure agter measure, and policy upon poli
¢y, which, had they been sufficiently suc
cessful, sufficiently powerful, or more
tavored by the Golldess Fortune, would
‘bave plunged their own section and their
own s‘ates into irretricvable distress,
!danger and difficultics Fora time, hav
\ing by violence seized the reins, like Phae
ton in Lis father’s chariot, they lashed
their steeds into a covrse so wild and
‘erratic-that the world stood still to won
der. However brilliant this course, it
it was short; quicksands and bogs were
in the way, and it ended in the mire of
‘woe.
sHaving seen the the result of this
po.itical foment and opposition against
what it should be the higlest duty of
every citizen to submit to, the rightful
authority of Government, and the law of
the land, one would suppose, with some
degree of reasoi, that it was quite time
there should be a break in the clouds, and
some plight indications at least, of peace,
aud quiet and good order beyond But
such does not appear to be the case.
It can not be expected that a complete
and final reconstruction ef the lately
seceded states can he effected, until all
classes, irrespection of conditive and color,
are made equal before the law. Presi
ded Lincolu, in his memorable proclama
tion, declared the slaves fiee. Congress
aud the States acting upon what was so no
bly begun, and accepting it as a declara
tion that neither law nor policy would
allow thewm to retreat from, completed
the work by passing aod adopting the
constitutional amendment, which declared
slavery forever abolished. It is our duty
to accept this as the highest iaw of the
land. It is a decision pronounced from
the tribuoal of the people of this coun
try, from which there is no appeal. A
It is not necessary to speculate upon
jhe causes, the concurwence of events
and circumstances, which brought this
about. It is enough for us to know that
it is true; that it is an existitg self-evi
deut fact. .
Accepting it, then, as the law of the
land, let us ask, was it the intention of
that great and good wan when he sigued
that immortal document that gave liberty
to an cppressed race,—was it tne intens
tion of Congress when it passed the
amendment, —was it the intention of the
States that acted in good faith when they
ratified such amendment, simply to change
the form of slavery, and introduce a sys
tem of peonage and serfdom, better ouly
iu name, but a hundred fold worse in re
a'ity thau the old system of slavery ever
was ?It is vaiu to think so. Let him
that is so credulous as to believe it, look
to the ~xpression that Couogress and an
overwhelming majority of the people of
the North are giviug to this question.
Slavery has not only been abolished,
but the emauncipated race has been de
clared free. Is not freedom alile to all
before the law, save where it is takeun
aw .y for the punizhment of erime ? Can
the law give tu a cluss freedom, and, at
the same time make wide and invidious
distiveMous between that class, and an
other class which 1s also free ? Is wot
freedow, 1o every land, in the eye of the
law, thcse rights, privileges, and immun
ties, which the wost vamerous free class
enjoys ? Freedom is not the sawe in any
two couutries. Kach ecountry has the
undoubted right to restrain the freedom
of its citizens by gencral law to a certain
extent. DButif the laws of any nation
deny the same justice to one class or race
that they give to another. give legal rights
to the one which the other can not have,
put restrictious upen the one which do
not bear upon the other, the former class
cau not be said to be in the enjoywent o
freedom, Freedom in the. Uyited States
may be different from freedom in Eng
land or France; but we claim that free
dom here 5 that freedom enjoyed by the
most numerous class of free persons. &
Accepting this position to ve true, and
we think it'can not be __.othe;'-wivse,.}can a
local autherity declare that the commis
sion of certain acts prohibited, or the
neglect to do certain acts ccmmanded,
shall be a misdemeanor or offense as ap
plicd to ore race of free persons, not
laboring under any disability on account
of crimes committed, and no offense wheu
applied to another? Shall a crime, when
committed by one person, be punished by
death,and by another person by fine only
when the former is a whitcr and fairer
person than the latter, because one eighth
of the blood that flows in his veins hap
pens to be African? Are sach laws just,
wise and politic? Will you do well to
draw such distinetions between people
that are alike free ? Will you not thereby
cause discontent, murmuring and des
pondeney ?
But can the inequality before the law
of this race be established by State or
local legislation in the lately seceded
States ? Congress has reserved to itself,
in. the coipstitutional amendment, the
right to legislate to secure and carry into
effect “the freedom given to the colored
race. That body will most assuredly
cherish and guard this reserved right.
They will not declare nor recognize two
kinds of freedom in this country; one
kind applicable to the whites, and another
to the colored race. They will take care
to see that equal iaws are made for the
protection of this race; that crime shall
be the same to the whites as to the blacks,
and receive the same punishment; that
what shall be a misdemeanor to the one
shall be a misdemeanor to the other; that
all shall bave the right to make contracts,
to sue and be sued, to buy and sell prop
erty, and to testify in the ggourts, under
the same and ro other restrictions.
All these privileges, at least, Congress
will be careful to see allowed by law to
the colored people in each of the seceded
States, before they can receive their full
rights in the Union, and their representa
tives and Senators be admitted. Let
not the people of the South flatter them
solves that the next Congress will be aif
ferent from this. The present pumbers
but carry out the wishes and sentiments
of a great majority of the people of the
North; and that people, when they take
a stand upou great principles of right,
are not easily changed., Tbe right must
prevail.
As lor g as such laws as those alluded
to stand unrepcaled upon our Statute
books, we must expzct to have troops in
our widst, that our representatives and
senators will be allowed the privilege of
staying at home, and that all such State
laws will be suspended.
Is not such legislation but kicking
agaiust the pricks ? Is it wise and politic?
Why shut our eyes to the position of
affairs circumstances and events have
brought about ?Bv looking them boldly in
the face, much good may be dove, and
much evil prevented. Such legislation
cin but tend to keep the Siate out of the
Union, retain troops in our houses and
public buildiogs, and increase taxation to
maintain a large standing army. We
protest against it.
EQUAL RIGHTS.
THE LATE CONVENTION OF GECRG:A.
We are informed that many of our
friends at the North fear that the recent
Convention held in this city was not
true to the cause which it advocated;
that- to use their words —The colored
people of Georgia have gone back on
their Northera friends.” They form this
opinion from reports that have been
circulated by papers unfriendly to their
cause, reports like the following from
the ‘Richmond Republie.’
At the late convention of colored peos
ple held at Augusta, resolutions were
adopted opposing universal suffrage, but
favoring the voting of such colored men
as can read and write well, with the ad
dition of the proper qualifications; that
all vices aud crime amoug treedmen shozld
be discountenanced; that the Freedmen’s
Bureau should compel negroes to work
aud make contracts, if they refused to do
so v-luntarily’; that Southern property
should mot be covfiseated ; and condemn
ing the proposition that the Southern
States are practically territories. 1
E We are pleased to inform our f’rimit&f;}l
that ‘the Republie’ is in error; N
General Tillson nor any person conneeted
with the Freedmen’s Dureau controlled
the Convention, as some of our friends
geem to suppcse. The call was address
‘ed to the firiends of Equal Rrights in
‘Georgia; but the delegates were colored
men. Several white men, friends of ‘the
cause, were invited to take a part in the
deliberations, one of whom was General
Tillson. .We are authorized to say that
the General did potattempt, either direct.
ly or indireetly, to influence the action of
the delegates, and we know that they ac
ted independently. No couvention ever
acted more independeutly, All impor
tant questions were intelligently discass
ed, aud decided as the delerates believed
to be right. They neither sought to
please or displease their white friends,
but to act wisely. We kuow that the
resolutions and all important papers were
drawn up by colored men; they are en
titled to, and should receive the eredit,
Certain persons wish to convince the
public that ecol.red men have no ability:
aud to prove it, declare, whenever they
draw up papers, or make speeches, dis~
playing ab lity, that it is the work of
white men: Credit should be given to
'whom it is due; acd we say again, that
to colored citizens is due the credit of ‘
conducting the recent convention, and of 3
shaping its policy. But some of the
Northern friends of Kqual Rights say
that they acted unwisely, because they
resolved that tbe ‘Southern States are
not Territories, and opposed wuniversal
suffrage.
The convention did nothing of the kind.
Resclutions weve iotroduced, and laid
upon the table, declairing that the States l
lately in rebellion are Territories; butin
refusing to pass these resolutions, the
conventiowr did Lot intend to be under
stood as opposing the doctrine ; uneither
did they endorse it. They were aware
that their friends at the North are divid
ed in opinion; aud felt that the commit.
ing of themselves to either side would be
productive of no good result. They
resolved, ‘That we elaim for ourselves the
dignity of manhood, in common with all
other men, of whatever race; that we are
endowed by our Creator with all and the
same inalienable rights that are other
mens ; and, that we cannot be deprived
of these rights, by any earthly power;
nor can any power or individual infringe
upon these rights without insultiag bu~
manity, and violating the plainest teach
ings of Christianity.’
Their resolution bas the genuine rirg
to it; and must conviove the warmest
friends of Equal Rights that their fricnds
in this State are true to the cause. They
ask that the same rights and privileges
that are given to white men shall be
given to colered men. , Upon this ques
tion of suffrage, too, our friends differ,
Some thiuk no person should vote yho
is unable to read the Constitution ; and}‘
others that no test of the kind should be
reqaired. The eonvention, well kuowing
that its actign would not scttle the ques.
tion, thought best to leave the result with
Congress; only askiong that no distinetion
shall be made on aecount of color. If a
colored man is required to read before
he is allowed to vote, a white man should
be required to do the same. The colored
citizeus ot Georgia wiil be satisfied with
laws which apply alike to all citizens;
and they will be satisfied with nOthing
less. But they are willing t) allow Con~
gress to decide the question of suffrage,
providing they will make no distinetion
on account of color. And they think
that Congress, without their advice, can
decide whether the Southern States are
in or out of the Unioun.
. From the Nationalis®;.
Colonel Robinson alludr:s with severity,
in his report, published %a t,he National~
ist of January 18, to the spirilldisplayed
by the press of this disirict, His re
marks might have },een extended, with
equal force, to the press throughout the
States lately at wor with the Union. Its
managers, through ignorance or willful:
ness, have set themselves the ungrateful
task of prever.ling a quiet acce tance of
the new order of things. The Johnstons
the Hardees, who hay,
l‘::gpt of the fme?:;;re mivingh:i;fi
nestness to establish the Sout \
in {2 pe ways forced upop ;|
in ‘fr‘ € war, '.!‘hey bave d%"
best to sootbe fee.hngs. They ey
byfi&ei,g;gcts,. their good f‘«‘_ith i
hesion they give to the changeg <
of this section, ; a.nd theip a"xi{
shorten the transition of ghigwi
its new resting place Those, Bo,:
who, as a class, have st Shugly,
during this contest, withip thoir'o,.h“
walls, are doing their best to thu,r.h
good efforts of these, who lyy, ,M’;
right to guide. _Facts g, i
fears raised, and mlsrepresema‘-mns’fi
ed out, as if there was no God, “Pl
mand one day, account of Words ‘NI
here.
This is perhaps S!r.a!;ge’ but o,
plicable. Hasty writing is y,, ot
road to reflection; abusing ;¢ i
easier than Judging ; and Pejudiey
eoncei‘ed dogmatism, whigy "
or are softened by earpest Cntey,
an earunest foe, are nourisheq by the
der habits of the desk, Tpe o Bol:\?
neither vents his spite on tle s
instruments of his eaemy, o 38pe‘
him to whom be has yie[g.q his sy,
Bat for him whose Weapon i the |,
magravimity is often the yog diffieyy
virtues. : !
Itis the duty of the logal press hey,
expose the misrepresentations, apg
mask the sopbistry, by which the feel;
of hasty thivkers are emiittereq, °
The parent of all misch ef i the
stantly repeated assertion tha tp . |
here are subjugated, aud that tj; peny
ey
arc under the heel of oppressop Wi
a. mock humility, deviiish j, its e
humbleness, the South is adwopishe
thousaud times, to be quict, bfcflus,x'i
is subjugated ; aud couuseleq iy
compliauce, which is far frop
from the heart. Can any honcrable gy
rest calm—can he be still if it g
that his head is in tHe dust? gy,
even pretend to lend a willing |y
strengthen his chains ? Should yy
very impotence goad him to acty gy
sober judgment would condemn? gy,
days experience auswers these quegiy,
and the South reaps the bitter frui
false teachers sow.
From beginning to end, it is 4 4
statement that the South is subjuyy
The war just ended was one of atieyy
revolution, not rebellion, 1t is truey
for political purposes; the press hey |,
talked of oppression and tyramny:
that was done only for a pretext, T,
truth was, that the majority here ey
laid eyes upon a United States (fiuy
wore formidable than some neighbor, 1
whom a postmastership had fuilen askis
share of porty spoil. The ruling e
had every right possessed by their breti.
ren of the nunsslavebolding Srates, Th
sceds of discord, however, were plantel
at the forming of the Union, in the shap
of conflicting state systems. The coarse
time developed the need of new guaran
tees, to enable slavery to maintain itseli
by the side of frec labor.
Kach year some change in the funda
mental principles upon which the Union
was established, was demanded, and for a
time granted by the free States. Roon 1t
became evideut that if slavery were to
live, free labor must perish. The veriest
schoolboy could see that the struggle fir
existence between the two involved ii
destruction of one or the other, if thy
were to remain side by side. The o
slaveholding States were called upon t»
give up their individuality as free labor
communities, and the answer to this de
mand was the election of Abrabam Lin
coln. Nothing was left for slavery but
to obtain by foree what eould not be hai
through coustitutional measures, and the
effort was made.
A l'ebfl'llion aims at a particular ad
}mmstranon’ and leaves untouched: the
Sutndamental p‘rine_iples upon which the
ate rests. Koglish bistory i full of
examples. A revolution, on the- cor
trary, strikes as the fabrio of the goven
meut itself—as in the cases of the gres
]‘Jngllsh revolution, and the two Fe
gflderwent, The . éfforts of the St
clonged to the class of the latter.
The result we know. Slavery was dv
feated, and the logieal consezuence i%y
that it must be destroyed The exhifi
tion of Federal power that we see about
us, is onlv %0 insure this result The
free States are determined to extirpaté
root and branch, a system which bas
brought nothing bus discord. since the
of the Union, and erowned the whole with
i the bloodiest wan of modern times. This
effected, the hand of the general govern
ment will become as invisible as it was
in the past. Can this honestly be called:
oppression ? Need any honorable wan
feel bitserness for this ? .
The-truth of Christianity. i 8 attested
by the,strength it has.shown in overcow
ing its enemies. By the same test, the
decision has been against slavery. The
Soath placed the palladium of its welfare
in that iostitution, and the end showel
that the god it worshiped was an idol o
its own fashioning. The result of th
‘war was as.ipevitable as the pouringlflf
Lake Erie over Niagam. Falls. 5%
‘missjon to it implies neitlier SuLjughie
on the one hand, nor dishonor of *’
other. .