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DAILY TELEGRAPH.' MACON, _GEOJIGIA: WEDNESDAY MORNING, JUNE 6, 1860. Democratic State Convention. No action was had yesterday. The morning I session opened with the conclusion of Mr. Yan- ! coy’s speech, commenced the night before. Col. I Gardner, of Richmond, followed in a pithy speech of an hour, and then Governor Herschel ' V. Johnson, occupied the floor. He spoke an hour and gave way for a recess, till 3 o’clock. I In the afternoon, he resumed his argument and concluded it about five o’clock. Hon. Henry R. Jackson, of Chatham followed, and we left him speaking, to return to Macon. We can- i not pretend to give a synopsis of speeches in a hasty report which must go to press in less than an hour. Johnson’s speech was a bold, mas terly, conclusive defence of the policy of adher ing to non-intervention. It was the effort of a Titan. There is no chance apparently for a compro mise of views. The majority report will pass by at least two-thirds. We append that portion of it which is not included in a simple r<-.ffirmation and recita tion of the majority platform and the Senate resolutions which are familiar to the reader : 3. Resolved, That we cordially approve of the action throughout of the majority of our <1 legation to the entire delegation actually present in the Charleston National Democratic Convention 4* Resolved, That we do hereby re-appoint the Delegates to represent the Democratic Party of Georgia in the Richmond Conven tion, and also in the Baltimore Convention, be lieving that the whole delegation will be will ing to carry out the foregoing principles, after this expression of the will of the Georgia De mocracy. 5. Resolved, That, in the opinion of this Convention, the Richmond Convention should consult, but take no action towards nomina ti. g candidates for the Presidency and Vice Pr sidency until after the action of the Balti more Convention; and that our delegates, as. ter such consultation, proceed to attend the Baltimore Convention, induced, as we are, to hope that the latter Convention may yet recog nize, by hi action, the Constitutional rights of the South. «>. That in the event the Baltimore Convention fail to adopt a platform recognizing tiie Constitutional rights of the South, as indi cated in the preceding resolutions, and nominate sound candidates thereupon, our delegates with draw from said Convention and return to unite in the action of the Richmond Convention. 7. xo/rr /, That our delegates are hereby instructed to cast the vote of this State, as a unit on all questions arising in this Convention, and that each delegate, who may not be able to at tend in person, is hereby authorized to appoint i tute, such appointment being subject -V—..-f 7 ; K . t. li. * 1 The Minority Report is as follows. AVmoZucZ, That we reaffirm the Cincinnati Platform, with the following additional proposi tions : Ist. That the citizens of the United Statci , have an equal right to settle with their proper ty of any kind, in the organized Territories of the United States, and that under the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, in the case of Dred Scott, which we recognise as the correct exposition of the Constitution in this particular, slave property stands upon the same looting as all other descriptions of property, and that neither the General Government, nor any Territorial Government can destroy or impair the right to slave property in the common ter ritories, any more than the right to any other d -ription of property ; that property of all kind-, slaves as well as any other species of property, in the territories, stand upon the same equal and broad Constitutional basis, and sub- j ject to like principles of recognition and protec- 1 lion in the legislative, judicial and executive de- , p u t menLs of the government. 2a 1. That we will support any man who may be nominated by the Baltimore Convention, for the Presidency, who holds the principles set forth in the foregoing proposition, and who will give them his endorsement, and that we will not hold ourselves bound to support any man, who may be the nominee, who entertains prin ciple.- inconsistent with those set forth in the above propositions, or who denies that slave Dronerty in the territories does stand on an ■ equal footing, and on the same Constitutional basis of other descriptions of property. In view of the fact that a large majority of the delegates from Georgia felt it to be their du: to withdraw from the late Democratic Con vention at Chirlesty;., thereby tbfe 4. «, , i •’ Go, accoru.ng to the de- n-: >'■ of said Convention, Resolved, That this Convention will appoint twenty delegates—four from the State at large, and two from each Congressional District—to rep re-; nt the Democratic party of Georgia in the adjourned Convention at Baltimore on the ISth instant, and that said delegates be, and thev are hereby instructed, to present the fore going propositions, and ask their adoption by (he National Democratic Convention. HERSCHEL V. JOHNSON, THUS. P. S \FFOLD, 11. K. MeCAY, A. COLVARD. ' \\ nt action the minority may take we are unable to say. • - - For the Daily Telegraph. M Editor:- By xx hat mysterious oversight d lthenuion.il D n vr.iey permit Mr. Beruff to damage so awfully, an I t irnish so essential ly, hs political escutcheon on Saturday? — Whit - >ri of necromancy did they bring to bear up m him. th it he should find himself in a nat qu< Democratic meeting—and on a Com —in the Committee room—and, finally, carwurriny in their *’• port, and he sleeping over his prituDhy. Aho awaknl him to a knowledge of his calamity, when be found him £elf a disgraced and dishonored Douglas man? • Was his conscience troubled by his oath of obe dience to the Constitution and laws of the Uni ted States, that he so anxiously proclaims his secession principles? Or did some gentleman awake him with a paper to sign, repudiating | • national Democracy? In either case the pre sumptuous Democracy’ will excuse him. N ’ D ‘ For the Daily Telegraph. Mr. Editor :—ln yesterday’s Telegraph a i communication appears over the signature of i Charles Beruff, stating that at the meeting of Saturday last, he was appointed one of a com mittee to draft resolutions, and that his name was used without his authority’. Now, Mr. Edi i tor, he was at the meeting, when his name was 1 announced, he retired into the room with the committee, and came out with them, and was present when the resolutions were read and adopted, and we never heard Mr. Beruff say one word against it. Strange, passing strange. 0. X. Y. G. From the N. O. Bulletin. THE SOURCE OF DANGER. South Carolina has one man, at least, who is not only an honor to the State and to the South, but to the whole country’. That man is Chief Justice John Belton O’Neal. He is unique. For many years we have frequently’ observed his name in the journals of South Carolina and other States, but never in connection with par ty’ politics as such. Though possessing abili ties of the first order, he makes no pretensions and deems nothing beneath him by which he can elevate the character of his fellow-citizens and promote public and private virtue, hones ty, peace and good order. He is never idle. He keeps his tongue and his pen perpetually employed, and their object is to make men bet ter, purer, more united, and more prosperous and happy. Whenever he goes into a little country village, he calls the villagers around him and addresses them in favor of public and private morals, industry and temperance; and if there is a village paper, forthwith he sits down and pens a communication to it in advo cacy’ of the same noble and glorious and really’ useful objects. He does not consider it be neath his dignity, as Chief Justice of the State, to do so. Nor does he affect modesty and use anonyms. He invariably’ signs his name in full to every letter he writes. He pleads for the cultivation of all those great qualities of the heart that distinguish man from the brute, and elevate him in the scale of intelligence. He considers these as absolutely’ essential to the maintenance of our free institutions, to our prosperity, strength, unity and happiness. He does not content himself with merely giving this as his opinion. He loses no opportunity’ to give these ideas vital force, to make them living and active entities, to spread them abroad through every portion of the country. They’ are the burdens of his thoughts, the ob jects of his ceaseless efforts. He inculcates them upon the high and low, upon the igno rant and the learned alike, upon all occasions and under all circumstances—upon the bench, by bis own example, by oral addresses to his fellow-citizens, and by his pen through the village and city press. He is a sort of modern Washington, and has, we think, made that great character his model. We know of no man in this country who ap pears to be more thoroughly unselfish, who ap pears more anxious to advance the real inter , n;. c-ii.■ f l *'-. ! r who labors harder to do it. his style is sim ple and unpretending, but he has the courage of.i Spartan, and utters calmly and firmly’ sen timents that cut to the quick the drunken, • gambling, thieving politicians that seem to have almost taken possession of the government of this country. We b-ive read and re-read with increasing admiration the following words, mild, but blunt and outspoken, and which strike at the very core of the evils that are upon us, 'which we copy from the Mobile Advertiser, but which appeared originally in the Newberry (S. 0 ) Rising Sun, under date of April 18th. Re ferring to the break-up of the Charleston Con v mtion, and the condition of the country, he proceeds thus : “My confidence and hope is in the merciful overruling of Divine Providence. God has hith erto helped us, and I still believe that he will overrule the madness of men, and bring to us good, greater good than we deserve! “How religious men can counsel violence and goad the people on to results which bring , about a servile war, or array section agarnst sec- ; lion, is, to me, strange—passing strange. ‘T pretend to be no politician ; I belong to , j the country. I have grown up under its mild and fostering rule. I have been blessed ; and I trust I have not been ungrateful. The star spangled banner has floated in glory and tri- ; uniph over my head from infancy. “ I have looked to it as the protector of my r J its, everywhere, and in the East, South, > West and North, .and in the provinces of Her j Majesty, the Queen, I have looked proudly to I the stars and stripes, and said: “ These are the ; emblems of my free and happy home !’’ Are I these to be pulled down and trampled in the dust * bv mad and corrupt politicians? God forbid ! ! Freemen—descendants of the Patriots of'76 — i it is your duty to prevent such a disastrous re i suit! “ Calmly and firmly yon must determine that your county shall live. Place the best and pur est men within your reach at the head of your government. Purge your Congress. Every c wrupt, licentious, rowdy, gambling, drinking i>’m sh« uV.be sent home. Then yon may look ' fj •. < >f hoqasiy 0.-vi "ir t LKa' I'rrtii that i . W’..one, how can you expect the blessing of Go 1? Are drunken, corrupt legislators to min ister for you at the altars of your country? If so, what results are you to expect ? “ Scenes,” ! such as you have witnessed in the past year. I have sbudered at reading the ribaldry and abuse l in the House of Representatives. It would dis grace a Southern grog shop. And yet, Repre- ; sentatives of the Free People of "the United States have unblushingly mingled in it! “0, my country, fearful must be thy fate if these things are to continue! “ But, as these lowering clouds, after blessing the earth with the rain which it so much needs, will dissolve, and the sun will arise to give heat and strength to the vegetable and animal king dom, so let us hope will vanish all our political I clouds, and that the sun of righteousness, peace and safety will arise upon our distracted coun try. “ Your friefld, JOHN BELTON O'NEALL.” Devth of Lady Bvkon.—The N. York Post savs: We learn by the Glasgow that, on the 17th inst., (May,) Lady Byron, the widow of the great poet," died at London, in the 66th year of her age. She was born in 1794, and was the only (laughter of Sir Ralph Milbanke N<>el. Baronet. In 1576, she succeeded to the barony of Wentworth. She was married to Lord Byron tn is 15—the union proving, as is well known, most unhappy to both husband ami wife, and he lived with his wife only seme thirteen days. Their only child, “Ada, sole daughter of my house and heart,’ was married to Earl Lovelace, and died eight ( years ago. # From the Albany Patriot. Letter from Gov. H. V. Johnson. Spier’s Turnout, Geo., ) May 28th, 1860. ( To the Editor of the Albany Patriot — Sir: —In your issue of the 17th inst., com menting on my letter in reply to the Macon cir cular, you express disappointment at my posi tion, and complain that I argued the question , unfairly in this, that I argued as though the question was, “shall we secede from the Amer ican Union because the Democratic party will i not adopt, as a part of its platform, the duty of Congress to protect slavery in certain con tin- 1 gencies.” I complain that your editorial in { spirit, treats me as a political opponent to be vanquished, instead of a political friend and bro ther, in consultation for the best interest of the Democratic party and our common country.— | Conscious of no acrimony in my own heart, I am both pained and mortified to see so ready a tendency in the mind of a political brother to misunderstand me, because! I happen to differ upon a question of party policy. Os all the Democratic sheets that disapprove of my senti- | ments, the “ Patriot” is the only one that has met my eye which seems inclined to indulge an intolerant spirit. After commenting upon my letter, I supposed as a matter of common jus tice, you would have published it, that your rea ders might have judged for themselves. But it is my misfortune that the crowded state of your columns thus far has not permitted. Will you allow a brief reply to your strictures? Lotus reason together. Understand my position and represent it fairly. If we differ, let us differ as I gentlemen, each in honest pursuit of truth. I believe that it is the right of the South to demand, and the duty of Congress to extend, protection to persons and property of ever kind, (including slavery) in the territories during their territorial state. This is no new opinion. I ad vocated the doctrine as far back as 1848, in the Senate of the United States. If you have any curiosity to see the argument, I refer you to my speech on the Oregon bill, delivered 7th July of ; that year, and reported in the Congressional i Globe. How unjust, therefore are the insinua tions with vvhica you intersperse and interlard your editorial comments that all are in favor of “ squatter sovereignty” who happen not to agree with the seceders from the Charleston Conven tion ! I repel the insinuation so far as it may be intended to apply to me, come from what quarter it may, and plead my own record in vin dication. But this is not the question now before the Democratic party of the South. The question is, not whether we have the right to demand, but whether, under the circumstances, we ought to demand Congressional intervention for the protection of slavery in the territories ? I think we ough t not, and the object of my Macon letter was to vindciate that opinion. You complain that 1 treated it as though the question was, “shall we secede from the Amer ican Union because the Democratic party will Tiot adopt, as a part of its platform, the duty of Congress to protect slavery in certain contin gencies.” With due respect, I deny that I treat ed it in any such manner. 1 did not once in sinuate, directly or indirectly, that any body was in favor of seceding from the Union if the Democratic party refused to incorporate that feature into its platform. I did ask the question whether the South ought to demand Congress ional protection as the condition on which she •would remain in the Union ! I repeat the in terrogatory. Are the people of the South—the people of Georgia—with the record of their compromises staring them in the face, prepared yielded by Congress ? If you will j at ne, j I will show the pertinency of the quo; -on, and i that it is not an unfair mode of argument. You say it is the bounden duly of the Na tional Democratic party to pledge itself to this doctrine, and because its Northern wing refus es, you propose to dissolve alliance w th them, nnd run a Southern candidate for the P esiden cy. Remember that we are treating with politi cal brethren in making this demand; if its refus al render them unworthy of our appreciation, <i fortiori, our enemies, who now control the legislation of Congress, would be unworthy of * our association in the Union, //’Mcy should re- i fuse the demand. Zigain. If it be the duty of the Democratic party of the Union to adopt the doctrine of Con- ' gressional protection as a part of its platform, then it is the duty of Congress to cany it into practical operation; and since it is dei landed A' the pctrty, the presumption is, that it will be demanded of Congress. If it be not demanded, it will show a lamentable want of sincerity in this whole movement; and should the demand her jected by Congress, as it certainly will be whenever made, it will exhibit a modifying spectacle of submission on the part of th ‘ South not to press the demand to the “last enreini tv.” When you make the demand, and it shall be refused, point out if you can —tax your in genuity to the utmost to devise another alterna tive to submission besides that of disunion. Again : who is confessedly the great leader of this movement ? Mr. Yancey, of Alabama, for whose talents and integrity 1 have a high ad miration. But the history of his brilliant ca reer, if I read it correctly, abounds wi.L evi . dences that he regards disunion as the best, if not the only redress for wrongs to the South. — He has the" maul in ess to avow, and the courage to face the responsibility of his policy. He led | Alabama, and he was the master spirit in the Charleston Convention, that rallied the Southern delegates to the act of disruption. IR-is in earnest, and if the South will follow him, I. a will enforce the demand for protective intervention at the cost of the Union. * - Again: On the •>'*!> of Auly, 1356, ds&Hon. ‘Alfred Iverson made a speech in Griffin. It was the result of several months deliberation. Its . research and its ability showed that its author concentrated upon it the energies of his intellect. No pains were spared to give the occasion of its delivery the most illustrious eclat. It was de signed to form and lead public opinion in Geor , gia. It was copied into most of our newspa ! pers, with complimentary endorsements. It 1 was hailed in Alabama with commendation and applause. What is the sentiment and advice of that speech upon the very point now' under i consideration? In relation to Congressional protection to slavery in the territories, he said: “It will never be granted or acted upon un til the South, united upon it, speaks in author itative, positive and determined language to the North, and tells it ice are entitled, to this j right—ice must have it —if ice cannot get it in the Union, ice icill sei I' it out of the Union." I refer to this with no unkind spirit towards Judge Iverson, but as the language of the lead er of the movement in Georgia ; and if it does not distinctly point to disunion as the alterna tive of its refusal, then I am at a loss to under stand its meaning. Again; The tendency of the disruption of the National Democratic party is to disunion. It is the only national party. Its overthrow leads inevitably to the formation of parties based upon sectional issues and bounded by sectional lines. THiis result will be precipi tated by the nomination of a Southern candi date by’the proposed Richmond Convention. Now, 1 submit to you, and all fair-minded men, whether 1 argued the question unfairly, as vou charge, by considering it in its bearings as involving the integrity of the Union ? I viewed it in this light, however, not be cause I idolize the Union, but because I do not wish to disturb it unnecessarily and rashly. It will, perhaps, outlive the Constitution; it may survive Southern rights and Southern honor, f Tame contentment with the one will be the ev- ; idence that the other event has occurred. — Hence, whenever a real practical, tangible issue j : shall arise, involving our Constitutional rights, * and not fettered by compromises, I shall be I among the foremost to strike the blow for re- ' dress, .regarding the Union as secondary to the rights which it was intended to secure. , In my Macon letter, I said we ought not to insist upon Congressional intervention for the protection of slavery in the Territories. 1. Because such demand is inconsistent with j non-intervention, to which the South agreed by the compromise of 1850, and the subsequent legislation based upon the principles which it affirmed. 2. Because it would be of no practical utility, j inasmuch as we have no territory where slavery will ever go. 3. Because it is unnecessary, it being de cided by the Dred Scott case that the Territo- . rial Legislatures possess no rights adverse to . those of the slaveholder. 4. Because it would place the South at the mercy of a Freesoil Congress, she, by her own act, having brought the subject before it, and thus yielded the question of jurisdiction. Apro- i pos to this point, let me observe, that but a few : days ago, the House of Representatives, by a : vote of 97 to 90, repealed the law of New Mex ico which protects slavery. Let the South yield jurisdiction, and bring the question again before Congress, and this action shows what we may expect. I do not ask, however, to re argue these po sitions. It would be an unreasonable draft up on your columns. But I hope you will allow me to be heard upon the only point of any force in your comments. You admit that the South is bound by the doctrine of non-inter vention. But you ask, “ What is non-inter vention, as contended for on all occasions?’’ It was (you say) that Congress should not in terfere by legislation on the subject of slavery in the Territories, but the question as to the right of the slaveholder therein was to be set tled by the judiciary. I agree to this state ment of the doctrine. You say further, that by the Dred Scott decision, “the arbiter to whom our rights in the Territory was submit- f ted, gate the award to us." That decision is as formal, as solemn, and of as high authority, as any act of the judiciary can be. * * * That decision says, “that during the territorial condition, the Southerner has the Constitu tional right to hold his slave in the Territory, and to be protected in that right.” 1 agree also to this statement. Thus far we are as one. But from this premise you infer that Congress is bound to intervene for that protec tion, although, just a few lines above, you said that non-intervention, as contended for, was, that “ Congress should not Interfere by legisla tion on the subject of slavery in the Territo ries, but the question as to the rights of the slaveholder therein was to be settled by the ju diciary." From the same premise I infer that it is not necessary for Congress to intervene. We are amply protected by the principles of this same Dred Scott case. You admit that we have agreed to leave our rights in the Territo ries to the judiciary, and that the judiciary has decided in our favor. What more do you want? Suppose Congress pass a slave code, how will you enforce it, except through the judiciary? But, according to your own show ing,. that judiciary has already •L'clnre.'l in our favor. Your own argument proves that Con gressional intervention is not necessary.— Therefore, I infer, also, that it is not necessa ry, as a condition of our political alliance with them, for the Northern Democracy to say that Congress is bound to intervene. The South is j safe in trusting to the judiciary, to which she 1 has agreed, by the compromise, to leave her rights. She can trust them nowhere else with so much security. If she appeals to Congress, the majority is against her; or, if Congress acts, the same judicial tribunal must be the final arbiter. But you say that Douglas and his followers contend for the sovereignty of the territories, and that the people thereof may abolish slave ry or destroy it by unfriendly legislation, and therefore we must require the party to repudi ate this heresy. This is no new opinion of Douglas and the great mass of the Northern Democracy. They believed the same in 1848, in 1852, and in 1856, and avowed it in Congress and every where. The South believes just the reverse. If there had been no disagreement, there would have been no necessity for the com promises into which the North and the South entered in 1850, and to which they have stead ily adhered down to the present time. The North believed that the people of the territories have the right to exclude slavery; the South denied it. The North had the power to carry her views into practical operation in Congress. The South said if you do, we will dissolve the Union. Here both parties agreed to submit the points in dispute to the free action of the peo ple of the territories, “subject only to the Con stitution of the United States,” to be interpre ted by the Supreme Court upon a proper case being made, and both parties retained their res pective opinions upon the controverted question. I This is the compromise, and this was the un- J derstanding of it at the time of its adoption. Now I assert as a proposition that covers the j whole ground of controversy, that by the very terms of the compromise, Congress has delega ted to the territories now organized, all the pow- j ers of legislation which Congress itself posses ses. I will take as an ill ustration the 7th sec- , tion of the act to establish the territory of New Mexico, viz: “Sec. 7. And be it further enacted, That the legislative power of the territory shall extend to all rightful subjects of legislation, consistent with the Constitution of the United States, &c.” \ » principle runs through all subsequent I acts for organizing Territories; and in the Ne- , braska-Kansas Act it is added, byway of giv- , ing it unmistakable significance, '‘"That it is the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom; but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regu late their institutions in their own way, subject 1 only to the Constitution of the United States." I submit to every fair-minded man whether this is not an entire surrender of all legislative | power, on the part of Congress. In other 1 words, does it not confer upon the Territorial I j Legislature the right to pass all laws upon all subjects which Congress could pass under the , Constitution ? It is our agreement—aye, the South demanded that Congress should thus wipe its hands of all intermeddling of slavery in the Territories, and confer upon the people thereof power to regulate it in their own way—de manded that the Territories should be organ ized upon this principle. Who disputes it? Who can dispute it in the teeth of the history of the case ? Now, suppose Congress should repeal this feature of the territorial act, as she has the right to do, and resume the legislative powers thereby delegated, would it not be pro tan to a change of the compromise—a modifi cation of the compact between the North and the South —aye, a violation of it? How, then, do we stand, when we require Congress to pass a code of laws for the protection of slavery in the Territories? Are we not asking to that extent the resumption of legislative powers which we agreed should be given to the people j thereof? Do we not demand that the compro mise, to that extent, shall be repealed ? Is not such a requirement a palpable violation of our j plighted faith ? For my life I can see it in no other light. It strikes me as repugnant to our honor and ungenerous to our fellow-Democrats i of the North. Let us not destroy the National Democratic party upon any such issue. Ido sincerely believe that it will be the worst step the South ever took. Let us stand by our bond, and more especially since the Dred Scott case assures us we made a safe bargain. The minds of the Democracy of the seceding j States seem to be haunted with the apprehen sion that Douglas will be nominated; and I verily believe if his name had not been con -1 nected with the Presidency, or if he had been weaker, and two or three other aspirants stronger, the Convention would have nomina ted harmoniously, and victory would have perched upon our banner. Let us not lose | sight of settled principles and qudicy, in our i preferences for, or hostilities against, men. Calmness, self-possession, and fidelity to our selves, on the one hand, and on the other, jus tice and magnanimity to our Northern friends, will secure a re-union of the party at Balti more. The South need not fear. She holds the balance of power, and no obnoxious candi date can be forced upon her by the Conven tion. The enemy are now in the field, mar shalled under their chosen leaders; we are al ready weakened by the existing rupture; let us close up the breach, if possible, and, by our concentrated efforts, save the country from the deep degradation and dire calamities of Black Republican dominion. Respectfully yours, HERSCHEL V. JOHNSON. Slave Trade and a Negro Republic. We clip the following from a racy Washing ton letter in the Ohio Statesman : I see they have 1050 pure Congo Africans at Key West. They are brought in from captur ed slave ships. What is to be done with them ? The Secretary of the Interior told me to-day they will cost, to send them back to Africa, at least $83,000. Such is the computation of a Naval officer. Thon it will cost $l5O for each one of the 1050 for the year’s maintainance in Africa. Then there is $25 per head, to the sailors who captured the vessels, as prize mon ey. Before these 1050 negroes ?.re disposed of, they will cost a half million. This too that they may go back to heathen Africa. There, they will be stolen and sold again. No won der they worry and cry at the idea of going back. But what is to be done? Humanity demands the suppression of this horrible slave trade. But to stop it, it will cost a great deal; unless we get Cuba, and make the slave trade piracy there as it is here. Cuba is the only place, except Porto Rico, where this infamous traffic is now carried on. What is to be done? Take Cuba; or keep up this expensive slave Catching and slave returning ? Surely, if that is the alternative. Cuba! Echo answers in tones as sweet as molasses and sugar—Cuba! Apropos of the African slave trade—lt is a little curious to see in operation —pure African government I wish to commend to our gra cious Governor, Mr. Dennison, a specimen, as reported by an officer in the Navy, who has just returned from Liberia. I commend it to Gov. Dennison in view of his recommendation to colonize the blacks in Central America, and io give them a separate political condition, wherein they will be enthroned with all the i dignity of self government. This Navy officer told me that he visited Mon rovia, the capital of Liberia. He was invited to visit the Congress. He found it all in one room. The House at one end of the room, the Senate at the other. While conversing with a mem ber of Congress he was informed by him: “ Dat Libery would never com’ up to a yW power, till dey employed slave labor.” Said the ebony M. C., “ Can’t make de nigger work, sab, un less we compel ’em. Dey will lay round loose, sah. Must have slave chattels.” When this in teresting confabulation ceased, there was a “ commotion, ’motion” in the House end of the hall. A member rose and said : “ Mister Speakah ; sah! I move, sah, to intro juce a bill to increase de pay of the Judicar-y!” Another glossy legislator jumped to his heels and said : “ Mister Speakah ! I ’pose dat motion to move to introjuce dat bill ; cause Libery, sah, is dun broke, sah. The Judicary can get’long as dey are.” First member— “ I deny dat Libery is dun broke.” Another member— “lf Libery’s dun broke, sah, dat is a good reason —reason, sah, —why we should move to introjuce de bill. It will cost nuffin to ’crease de pay of the Judicary ; cause, sah, if we can’t pay the Judic/try, it don’t cost nuffin.” First member— “ Libery, Mister Speakah, is not dun broke, sah. Sure, we’ve got no money, but we raise rice andcawfi, sah ; and if the Ju dic/wy can’t eat dat —I don’t know.” T 1, O 1 T Distinguished Visitors.— I’he New York Ex press says of Heenan and Sayers : The two heroes are reported to shortly visit his countryt in company, and to give sparring exhibitions in the various cities of the Union, in accordance with the intimation of Mr. Sayers a few months since. They have been : sufficiently advertised already to enable them to make a “good thing” of it A Negro’s Notion About the Color of a j Chinese. —A few days ago, i negro fellow, as ; ter gazing intently at the Chinese, who arc now in this city with Rev. Mr. Cabaniss. ex claimed, “If de white folks is dark as dat out dare, I wonder what’s de color of de niggers.” HARRIED, In the Presbyterian Church, in tills city, on the night of the 31st nit., Wm. A. Huff, Esq., to Miss M. E. Vir gin, daughter of J. A. Virgin, Esq., all of this city. New 3bucrtisements. Attention Macon Volunteers! VPPEAR at the Armory on Wednesday night, the 6th inst., to decide on the propriety of an Encampment at the Springs. Full attendance requested. By order of the Captain. June 6- WOODRUFF, O. S. , _ r _ ——. . rpWO months after date hereof, application will be J. made to the Ordinary of Bibb county, for leave to ■ sell all the real estate belonging to the estate of John Rape, late of said county, deceased, for the benefit of 1 the heirs and creditors. This June 6th, 1860. WM. R. BUSBEE, June 6- Adm!r de bonis non. | VTEW BOOKS RECEIVED AT THE BAPTIST BOOK 1N STORE.—Preston's Interest Tables at seven per | cent; New supply of Encyclopedia of Religious Knowl edge; The Crucible; The Eclipse of Faith; Olshausen’s Commentary on the New Testament, 6 vois., cloth ; five hundred Sketches and Skeleton's of Scnnons; Horne’s Introduction to the Study of the Scriptures: Horne’s Commentary of the Book of Psalms; Webster's Quarto Dictionary, unabridged edition. 1500 illustrations. J. D. I’I'BBEDGE, June 6- Depository Agent. CLOSING OUT. rpHE subscriber desiring to close up the business of 1 the firm of C. Campbell & Son, offers the remainder of their stock at greatly reduced prices for cash or ap proved paper. THOS. K. CAMPBELL, Macon, May 3,1860-ts Surviving Partner. * By Electric Telegraph Expressly lor this l’ap er ALABAMA DEMOCRATIC Montgomery’, Ala., June s.—Regular (' 0// vention adopted resolutions sending dekg atfcs to Richmond, with authority to go to Balti more, if the Richmond Convention so deter mines. If, however, Baltimore refmes to re consider and adopt in substance the Charles ton majority platform, they must withdraw and nominate at Richmond. In this course the Convention has been influenced by dis patches received to-day from Virginia and Georgia, pledging future co-operation, if Balti more remains obstinate. The Douglas Convention will appoint dele gates to Baltimore, and Presidential electors. Nothing more done. The Randolph county delegation withdrew from the regular Conven tion with the exception of one member. Second Despatch. Montgomery, Ala., June s.—The Douglas Convention sends a full delegation to Baltimore, and nominated an electoral ticket. The seceders send a delegation to Richmond, and another to Baltimore. VOCAL AND INSTRUMENTAL CONCERT, GIVEN BY THE Macon Philharmonic Society, ASSISTED BY The whole Music Class of Prof. Schreiner, AT RALSTON’S HALL, THIRSI)A Y EVENING, June Vh, 1860. HERMANN L. SCHREINER, June2-5t Conductor. MISS MATHEWS H AVING returned to Macon for the purpose of clu- . ing her business, now offers the remainder of her stock of MILLINERY DRESS GOODS, TRIMMINGS, MANTILLAS, FANCY HAIR PINS, Ac., at greatly reduced prices. N. B.—Having taken a few desirable goods with me, will make to or er Bonnets, Caps, ana Headdresses, in the most fashionable style, till the last day of June, when all will be sent to auction, for disposal. June 5- Cherry st reet. Macon, Ga. ROSS & COLEMAN, Determining to Close Their DRESS GOODS, AT A GREAT SACRIFICE, WILL sell, for the next twenty days, Magnificent Ikr age Borgs, at f7.(X) a Pattern, Grenadine SffKs. new styles, at $7.00 a Pattern, Misses Lace Talma> al $3.00 each, new style, Lace Mantillas, from $4.00 to sl2. Muslin Robes, from $2.00 to $7.00. EVERY STYLE OF I)Ki;SS €K>OI>S, lii Like Proportion. Let everybody and his neighbor avail themselves of this opportunity, as it may never again be presented. Remember the “Bazaar of Fashion.” bv May 11- ROSS &' COLEMAN. CORNOUNiONOC. A. C. BUTLER, Surgeon Chiropodist, (FROM BALTIMORE,) OFFERS his professional sevices to the citizens of Macon and vicinity for a limited time; he may be found at BROWN’S HOTEL, during the day, unless absent professionally. Orders to call at residences will be promptly attended to. Il is charges will be reasonable, and satisfaction guarantied. His services may be had either day or night. His stay cannot possibly be prolonged beyond two weeks. He is allowed to refer to the following citizens of Sa vannah. who, with hundreds of others, have been treat ed by him: R. Habersham, Esq., of R. Habersham & Sons; I. h Test, Esq., Cashier of State Bank; A. T. Habersham. Esq., of Habersham & Sons; A. M. Rose. Esq., of Sts Bank; Joseph S. Caruthers, Esq., Central R. 11. Bani John R. Johnson and Thos. Holcombe, Esqs., of He! combe, Johnson & Co.; Wm. H. Tison, Esq., of Tisou & Gordon; Wm. Remshart, Esq.; J. W. Gaut, Esq., of Gaut & Remshart; Wm. Duncan. Esq., of Duncan a - Johnston ; Dr. C. VV . West; Dr. John Ashby Wragg; Dr H. L. Byrd; Dr. W. L. Davie; Dr. T. A. Burke, Associ ate Editor Daily Morning News; J. R. Sneed, Editor Republican; R. R. Lawson, Associate Editor Evening Express. May 26-2 w He also refers to Mr. E. E. Brown of Brown’s Hotel, in this city. To those who wish, he will furnish the means fur keeping their feet in a healthy condition. AN UNUSUAL CHANCE •J • ‘ E rJ J - < BUY CHEAP! S U HAVING an extra large stock on hand, we will sell off the majority of our Straw Hats, a large portion o our Soft Wool Hats, a number of Silk Dress mts, a ltd of Caps, and a few Silk and Cotton Umbrellas, ALL AT COST, FOR O J9L S H. We will only keep these at this low notch until have reduced our overplus Stock on liand. We are in earnest! if you don’t believe it, come and see for your self! C. B. STONE & BROTHER. Opposite the Lanier House, May 16- Macon, Ga. HAIR JEWELRY' MBS. GIOVAXNINI, ' ARTIST IN HAIB. MACON, GA., tsbe RESPECTFULLY announces to the receives and executes orders in Hair-brai NECKLACES, BROACHES, PINS- EAB j RINGS. FINGER RINGS, CHATELAINS, GEN VEST CHAINS, SLEEVE BUTTONS, STUDS, - 20<) different patterns. As fine work as can be jin Paris or New York. Specimens of her w virg »> seen at the Jewelry Store of Messrs. J. A. «prices on Cotton Avenue, where orders may be leu or der» and ascertained. Particular attention paid to Ke!i jdencc communications received by mail or expre® l ’- on Fifth St. near Mrs. Watts. 1 f ISSUING TACKLE, Wholesale and < feb 1 d-ly D. C. HODGEJNS