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The State of the Country. j real issne, nor mitigate the real danger.
Concluded. I We know that there are various types
We are happy to line! that the Su- j ot opinion at the North with reference
prerne Court of the United States has j to the moral aspects ot slavery, and we
fully confirmed the interpretation have never apprehended that, under
which we have given to this clause of j the Constitution as it stands, there was
the Constitution. In the case ofPrigg i any likelihood ot .an attempt to inter-
vs. the Commonwealth of Pennsylva- | fere, by legislation,'with our property
iiia (10 Peters, p. 539, st seq.), it was j on our own soil.
assorted by every Judge upon the 2. But, in the second place, it matt
Bench, that the design of the provision | likewise be conceded that the general,
vra> "to secure to the citizens of the ] almost the universal, attitude of the
slaveholding States the complete right
an i title of ownership in their slaves, as
property, in every State in the Union
into which they might escape from the
gi
tude.” These are the very words of
Mr. Justice Story, in delivering the
opinion of the Court. He went on to
add: “The full recognition of this right
and title was indispensable to the secu
rity of this species of property in all
slaveholding States; ana, indeed, was
so vital to the preservation of their do
mestic interests and institutions that it
cannot be doubted that it constituted a
fundamental article, without the adop
tion of which the Union could not have
been formed.” (ib. p. 611.) Again :
“We have said that the clanse contains
a positive and unqualified recognition
of the right of the owner in the slave.”
(il). p. 013.) Chief Justice Taney held :
that "bv the national compact, this right
Off property is recoguized as an existing
right iri every State of the Union.” (ib.
]». 62s.) Judge Thompson said: the
Constitution “affirms, in the most une
quivocal manner, the right of the
Northern mind is one of hostility to
slavery. Those who are not prepared
to condemn it as a sin, nor to meddle
with it where it is legally maintained,
where they were held in servi-1 are yet opposed to il, as a natural and
political evil, which every good man
should desire to see extinguished. They
all regard it as a calamity, an affliction,
a misfortune. They regard it as an
element of weakness, and as a drawback
upon the prosperity and glory of the
country. They pity theSontb, as caught
in the folds of a serpent, which is grad
ually squeezing out her life. And, even
when they defend us from the reproach
of sin in sustaining the relation, they
make so many distinctions between the
abstract notion of slavery and the sys
tem of our own law3, that their defence
would hardly avail to save us, if there
were any power competent to hang and
quarter us. We are sure that we do
not misrepresent the general tone of
Northern sentiment. It is one oihostil
ity to slavery—it is one which, while
oak as effectually by girdling it as by
| cutting it down. The North are well
’ assured that if they can circnmscribe
j the area of slavery, if they can surround
i it wtth a circle of nouslaveholding
States, and prevent, it from expanding,
nothing more is required to secure its
ultimate abolition. “Like the scorpion
girt by fire,” it will plunge its fangs into
its own body, and perish. If therefore
the South is not prepared to see her
institutions surrounded by enemies, and
wither and decay under these hostile
influences, if she means to cherish and
protect them, it is her bounden duty to
resist the revolution which threatens
them with ruin. The triumph of the
principles which Mr. Lincoln is pledged
to carry out, is the death-knell of
slavery.
In the next place, the state of the
Northern mind which has produced this
revolution cannot be expected to remain
content with its present victory. It
will hasten to other triumphs. The
same spirit which has prevaricated with
the express provisions of the Constitu*
tion, and resorte i to expedients to evade
the most sacred obligations, will riot
hesitate for a moment to change the
Constitution, when it finds itself in pos
session of the power. It will only be
consistency to harmonize tfie funda-^
mental law of the Government with its
chosen policy, the real workings ot its
life. The same hostility to slavery which
a numerical majority has impressed
upon the Federal Legislature, it will
not scruple to impress upon the Federal
Constitution. If the South could be
it. might not be willing to break faith,
under the present administration, with
ister J respect to the express injunctions of the ^
i i the service of his slave, according to Constitution, is utterly and absolutely I induced to submit to Lincoln, the time,
the laws of the State under which he is opposed to any further extension of the we confidently predict, will come when
so held.” (ib. p.634.) Judge Wayne system. all grounds of controversy will be re
affirmed that all the Judges concurred 3. In the third place, let it be dis- J moved in relation to fugitive slaves, by
“in the declaration that the provision tinctly understood that we have no j expunging the provision under which
in the Constitution was a compromise complaint to make of the opinions of they are claimed. The principle is at
between the slaveholding and the non- | the North, simply considered as their
slaveholding States, to secure to the opinions. They have a right, so far as
former fugitive slaves as property..” (ib. human authority is concerned, to think
p. 637.) “The paramount authority of as they please. The South has never I eg
this clanse in the Constitution,” says asked them to approve of slavery, or to
Judge Daniel, “to guarantee to the own- change their own institutions and to in-
er the right of property in his slave, and troduceit among themselves. The South
the absolute nullity of any State power, j has been willing to accord to them the
work and enthroned in power, whose
inevitable tendency is to secure this re
sult. Let us ernsh the serpent in the
directly or indirectly, openly or covert
ly, aimed to ipipair that right, or to ob
struct its enjoyment, I admit, nay, insist
npon, to the fullest extent.” (ib. p. 165.)
If, now, the Constitution recognizes
slaves a8 property, that is, as persons
to whose labor and service the master
has a right, then, upon what principle
shall Congress undertake to abolish this
right upon a territory, of which it is the
local Legislature! It will not permit
the slave to cancel it, because the ser
vice is due. Upon what ground can
itself interpose between a man and his
dues! Congress is as much the agent
of the slaveholding as it is of the non-
slaveholding States; and, as equally
bound to protect both, and to bold the
scales of justice even between them, it
must guard the property of the one with
tiie same care with which it guards the
property of the other. ~
We have now refuted the postulates
upon which the recent revolution in the
Government is attempted to be justified.
We have shown that slavery is not the
creature of local and municipal law, and
that the Constitution distinctly recog
nizes the right of the master to the la
bor or serviee of the.slave: that
1-Iglifc of property in slaves. There is
no conceivable pretext, then, for saying
that the Government should resist the
circulation of this kind of property more
than any other. That question it must
leave to the providence of God, and to
the natural and moral laws by which
its solution is conditioned. All that the
Government can do, is to give fair play
to both parties, the slaveholding and
nonBlavebolding States; protect the
rights of both on their common soil,
and as soon as a sovereign State emer
ges, to which the soil is henceforward
to belong, remit the matter to its abso
lute discretion. This is jnstice—this is
the impartiality which becomes the
agent of a great people, divided by two
such great interests.
That the rights of the Sooth, as slave-
holding—for it is in that relation only
that she is politically a different section
from the North—and the rights of the
North, as nonslaveholding, are abso
lutely equal, is so plain a proposition
that one wonders at the pertinacity with
which it has been denied. Here let us
expose a sophism whose only force con
sists in a play upon words. It is al
leged that the eqnality of the sections
most perfect and unrestricted right of
private judgment,
4. But, in the fourth place, what we
do complain of, and what we have a
right to complain of, is that they should
not be content with thinking their own
thoughts themselves, but should under
take to make the Government think
them likewise. We of the South have,
also, certain thoughts concerning slav
ery, and we cauuot understand upon
what principle the thinking of the South
is totally excluded, and the thinking of
the North made supreme. The Gov
ernment is as much ours as theirs, and
we cannot see why, in a matter that
vitally concerns ourselves, we shall be
allowed to do no effective thiuking at
all. This is the grievance. The Gov
ernment is made to take the type of
Northern sentiment—it is animated, in
its relations to slavery, by the Northern
mind, and the-Soath, henceforward, is
no longer of the Government, but only
under the Government. The.extension
of slavery, in obedience to Northern
prejudice, is to lie forever arrested.
Congress is to treat it as an evil, an el
ement ot political weakness, and tore-
rtmiri-its itrilueuce wltlfln • the' ' limits
which now circumscribe it. All this
because the North thinks so; While the
South, an equal party to the Govern
ment, lias quite other thoughts. And
when we indignantly complain of this
absolute suppression of all right to think
in and through, our own Government,
upon a subject that involves our homes
and our firesides, we are coolly remind
ed, that, as long as Congress does not
usurp therights of our own Legislatures
and abolish slavery on our own soil, nor
harbor our fugitives when they attempt
to escape from ns, we have reason to be
grateful for the indulgence accorded to
us. The right to breathe is as much
as we should venture to claim. You
may exist, says freesoilism, as States,
and manage your slaves at home—we
will not abrogate your sovereignty.
Your runaways we do not want, and
we may occasionally send them back to
you. But if you think that you have
aright to be heard at Washington upon
this great subject, it is time that your
presumption should be rebuked. The
North is the thinking power—the soul
of the Government. The life of the
Government is Northern—not South
ern; the type to be impressed npon all
is not disturbed b^ the exclusion of future States is Northern, not Southern,
slavery from the territories, because the The North becomes the. United States,
Southern man can take with him all and the South a subject province,
that the Northern man can take. The Now, we say that this is a state of
plaiu English of which is this: if the I things not to be borne. A free people
Southern man will consent to become can never consent to their own degra-
as a Northern man, and renounce what dation. We say boldly, that the Gov-
distinguishes him as a Southern man, ernment has no more right to adopt
he may go into the territories. But if Northern thoughts on the subject of
he insists upon remaining a Southern slavery than those of the South' It has
man, he must stay at home. — The geog- no more right to presume that they are
raphy is only an accident in this-mat- true. It has no right to arbitrate be-
rom these considerations it is obvi-
ous that nothing more nor less is at
stake in this controversy than the very
life of the South. The real question is,
whether she shall be politically annihi
lated. We are not struggling for fleet
ing and temporary interests. We are
struggling for onr very being. And
none know' better than the Republican
party itself, that if we submit to their
new type of Government, our fate, as
slaveholding, is forever sealed. They
have already exulted in the. prospect of
this glorious consummation. They boast
that they have laid a mine which must
ultimately explode in our utter ruin.
They are singing songs of victory in
advance, and are confidently anticipat
ing the auspicious hour when they shall
have nothing to do but to return to the
field and bury the dead.
The sum of what we have said is
briefly this: We have shown that the
Constitutional attitude of the Govern
ment towards slavery, is one of abso
lute neutrality or indifference in relation
to the moral and political aspects of
the subject. We have shown, in the
next place, that it is hereafter to take an
attitude of hostility ; that it is to repre
sent the opinions and feelings exclus
ively of the North ;- that it is to become
the Government of one section over an
other ; and that the South, as South, ie
to sustain no other relation to it but the
duty of obedience.
This is a thorough and radical revo
lution. It makes a new Government
—it proposes new and extraordinary
terms of union. The old Government
is as completely abolished as if the peo-
pie ot the United States had met in
Convention and repealed the Cousti
tution. It is frivolous to tell us that
the change has been made through the
forms of the Constitution. This is to
add insult to injury. What signify
forms, when the substance is gone ? Of
what value is the shell, when the ker
nel is extracted? Rights are things,
not words ; and when the things are
takeji from us, it is no time to be nib
bling at phrases. If a witness under
oath, designedly gives testimony, which
though literally true, conveys a false
impression, is he not guilty of peijury ?
Is hot his truth a lie? Temures kept
the letter of his promise to the garrison
of Sebastia, that if .they would surren
der, no blood should he shed, but that
did not save him from the scandal of
treachery in burying them alive! No
man objects to the legality of the pro
cess of Mr. Lincoln’s election. Tbeob-
jection is to the legality of that to which
he is elected. He has been chosen, not
to administer, but to revolutionize the
Government. The very moment that
he goes into office, the Constitution of
the United States, as touching the great
question between North and South, is
dead. The oath which makes him Pres
ident, makes a new Union. The import
of secession is simply the refusal, on
the part of the South, to be parties to
any such Union. She has not renoun-
ter. The Southern man, politically, is j tween them. It must treat them both ce< t> and it it hud beeu permitted to
with equal respect; and give them an i stand, she never would have renounced
qual chance. Upon no other looting the Constitution which oar fathers fram-
Lrniffrt lint/** cfnnrl Ktt it: i\nr*-
the slaveholder; the Northern man,
politically, is tue nonslaveholder. The
rights of the South are, the rights of
the South as slaveholding; therights
of the North are the rights of the North
os nonslaveholding. This is what
makes the real difference between the
two sections. To exclude slaveholding
is, therefore, to exclude the South. By
the free-soil doctrine, therefore, she, as
South, is utterly debarred from every
foot of the soil, which belongs, of right,
as much to lier as to her Northern con
federates. The Constitution is made
to treat her institutions as if they were
a scandal and reproach. It becomes
the patron of the North, and an enemy,
instead of a protector, to her.
That this is the attitude which the
Government is henceforward to assume,
we shall now proceed to show:
1. In the first place, let it be dis
tinctly understood that wedo notcharge
can the South, with honor, remain in
the Union. It is not to be endured for
a moment, that fifteen sovereign States,
embodying, in proportion to their pop
ulation, as much intelligence, virtue,
public spirit and patriotism, as any
other people upon the globe, should be
quietly reduced to zero, in a Govern
ment which they framed for their own
protection! We put the question again
to the North : if the tables were turned
and it wao your thoughts, your life, your
institutions, that the Government was
henceforward to discountenance; if
nonslaveholding was hereafter to be
prohibited in every territory, and - the
whole policy of the Government shaped
by the principle that slavery is a bles
sing, would you endure it? Would not
your blood boil, and would you not call
upon your hungry millio
ns to come to
the great body of the Northern people | the rescue? _Aud yet this is precisely
who have accomplished the recent rev- I what woo have done to us, and think
olutiou, with being abolitionists, in the | wrought not to resist, \ou have made
S rict and technical sense. We are ! us cyphers, and are utterly amazed that
willing to concede that they have no : we should claim to be any thing,
design, for tiie present, to interfere with J But apart from the degradation which
slavery in the .slaveholding States. Wt 1 it inflicts upon the South, it may he
shall give them credit for an honest
purpose, under Mr. Lincoln’s adminis
tration, to execute, as far as the hostility
ot theStates will let them,the provisions
of the lugitive slave law. All this may
be admitted, but it does not affect the
asked, what, real injury will result
from putting the Government in an at
titude of hostility to slavery?
The answer is, in the first, place, that
it will certainly lead to the extinction
of the system. You may destroy the
Site would have stood by it for
ever. But, as the North have substan
tially abolished it, and, taking advan
tage of their numbers, have substituted
another in its place, which dooms the
South to perdition, surely she has the
right to say she will enter into no such
conspiracy. The Government to which
she consented, was a Government un
der which she might hope to live. The
new one presented in its place, is one
under which she $an only die. Under
these circumstances, we do not see how
any man can question either the right
eousness ov the necessity of secession.
The South is shut up to the duty of re
jecting these new terms of Union. No
people on earth, without judicial infat
uation, can organize a Government to
destroy them. It is too much to ask a
man to sign his own death warrant.
II. We wish to say a few words as to
the policy of the slavoholding States in
the present emergency.
We know it to be a fixed determina
tion of-them all not to acquiesce in the
principles which have brought Mr. Lin
coln into power. Several of them,
however, have hesitated—and it is a
sign of the scrupulous integrity ot the
Smith in maintaining her faith—wheth
er the mere fact of his election, apart
from any overt act of the Government,
is itself a casus belli, and a sufficient
reason for extreme measures of resis
tance. These States have, also, clung-
to the hope that there would yet be a
returning sense of justice at the North,
which shall give them satisfactory guar
antees for the preservation of their
rights, and restore peace without the
necessity of schism. We respect the
motives which have produced this hesi
tation. We have no sympathy with
any taunting reflections upon the cour
age, magnanimity, public spirit or pa
triotism of such a commonwealth as
Virginia. The mother of Washington
is not to be insulted, if, like her great
hero, she takes counsel of moderation
and prudence. Wo honor, too, the
sentiment which makes it hard to give
up the Union. It was a painful strug
gle to ourselves; the most painful strug
gle of our lives. There were precious
memories and hallowed associations,
connected with a glorious history, to
which the heart cannot bid farewell
without a pang. Few men, in all the
South brought themselves to pronounce
the word Disunion, without sadness of
heart. Some States have not yet been
able to pronounce it. But the tendency
of events i9 irresistible. It is becom-
every jjay clearer that the people
oOke Noijh hate slavery more than
% irsKK&IJnion, and they are dc-
pit'it in a form, which
mtist~8t?Hp#l>ring every slaveholding
State wiilun the ranks of secession.—
The evil day may be put off, but it
must come. The country must be di
vided into two peoples, and the point
which we^wish now to press upon the
whole South is, the importance of pre
paring, at once, for this consummation.
The slaveholding interest is one, and
it seems to us clear- that the slavehcld-
ing States ought speedily to" be organ
ized under one general Government.—
United, they are strong enough to main
tain themselves against the world.—
They have the territory, the resources,
the population, the public spirit, the
institutions, which, under a genial and
fostering Constitutibn, would soon en
able them to become one of the first peo
ple upon the globe. And if the .North
snail have wisdom to see her true policy,
two governments upon this continent
may work out the problem of human
liberty more successfully than one. Let
the two people maintain the. closest al
liance for defence against a foreign foe,
or, at least, let them be agreed that no
European power shall ever set foot on
American soil, and that no type of
government but the republican shall
ever be tolerated here, and what is to
hinder the fullest and freest develop-,
raent of our noble institutions? The
separation changes nothing but the ex
ternal relations of the two sectious.—-
Such a division of the Union is jiot
like the revolution of a State, where the
internal system of government is sub
verted, where laws are suspended,
and where anarchy reignS- The coun
try might divide into two great nations
to-morrow, without a jostle ora jar;
the government of each State might go
on as regularly as before, the lSw*be as
supreme, the order as perfect, if the
passions of the people could be kept
from getting the better of their judg
ments. It is a great advantage in the
form of onr Confederacy, that a radical
revolution ea*i without con
fusion and without anarchy. Every
State has a perfect internal system at
work already, and that undergoes no
change,'except, in adjusting it to its al
tered external relations. Now, given
this system ofStates,with every element
of a perfect government in full and un
disturbed operation, what is there in
the circumstance of one,Confederacy of
divided interests^ that shall secure a
freer aud safer development than two
Confederacies, each representing an un
divided interest? Are not two homo
geneous Unions stronger than one that
is heterogeneous? Should not the life
of a Government be one ? We do not
see, therefore, that anything will be
lost to freedom by the union of the
South under a separate government.—
She will carry into it every institution
that she ever had before—her State
Constitutions, her Legislatures,, her
Courts of Justice, her halls of learning
—everything that she now possesses.
She will put these precious interests
under a government embodying every
principle which gave value to the old
one, and amply adequate to protect
them. What will she lose of real free
dom? We confess that we cannot un
derstand the declamation that with the
American Union, American Institu
tions are gone. Each section of the
Union will preserve them and cherish
them. Every principle that has ever
made ns glorious, aud made our. Gov
ernment a wonder will abide with us.
The sections, separately, will not he as
formidable to foreign powers as before.
That is all. But each section will be
strong enough to protect itself, and botli
together can save this continent for re
publicanism forever.
Indeed, it is likely that both Govern
ments, will be pprer, in consequence of
their mutual rivalry, and the diminu
tion of the ext^B&of their patronage.—
They wUUJj^l^wpriBh intensely the
American' JK-tli maintain the
pride of American character, and both
try to make their Governments at home
what they would desire to have them
appear to be abroad. Once take away
all pretext for meddling with one ano
ther’s peculiar interests, and vve do'not
see but that the magnificent visions of
glory, which our imaginations have
delighted to picture as the destiny of
the Anglo-Saxon race on this North
American continent, may yet be fully
realized. They never can be, if we
continue together to bite and devour
one another.
But, whether it bo for weal or woe,
the South, lias no election. She is driv
en to the wall, and the on!j question is,
will she take care of herself in time?
The sooner she can organize a general
Government, the better. That will be
a centre of unity, and once combined,
we are safe.
We cannot close without saying a
few words to the people ot the North
as to the policy which it becomes them
to pursue. The' whole question of
peace or war is in their hands. The
South is simply standing on tho defen
sive, and has no motion of abandoning
that attitude. Let tfib Northern people,
then, seriously consider, and consider •
in the fear of God, how, under present j
circumstances, they can best conserve i
those great interests of freedom, of re- |
ligion and of order, which are equally j
dear to us both, and which they can j
fearfully jeopard. If their counsels in
cline to peace, the most friendly” rela- j
tions can speedily be restored, and the
mostfavorabletreaties entered iqto. We
should feel ourselves the joint possess
ors of the continent, and should be
drawn together by ties which unite no
other people. ~Wc eould, indeed, real- I
ize all the advantages of the Union,
without any of its inconveniences. The I
cauSe of Eiutnafl liberty would not-even
he retarded, it the North can rise to a
level with the exigencies of the occasion.
If,, on the other hand, their thoughts I
incline to war, ,ve solemnly ask them |
what they, expect.to gain ? What mfer- I
est will be promoted ? What ..end, wor
thy oTa great people, will they be able
to secure? They may gratify-their bad
passions, they may try to wreak their
resentment upon the seceding States,
and they may inflict a large amount of
injury, disaster; and. suffering.,, JJut
what have they 7 gained T Shall a' free
people be governed by their passions ?
Suppose they should conquer us, what
will they do with us? How will they
hold ns in subjection ? How many gar
risous,. and how many men, and how
much treasure will it take to keep the
South in order as a conquered province?
and where are these resources to come
from? After they have subdued us, the
hardest part of their task will remain.
They will have the wolf by tile ears.
But, upon what grounds do they hope
to conquer ns? Tli$y know us wellV-
.they know our njirahers^-thej' know
onr spirit, and they know the value
which we set upon our homes aud fire
sides. We have fought for the glory
of the Union, and the world admired us,
but it. was not such fighting as we shall
do for our wives and children, arid our
sacred- honor. The very women of the
South* like the Spartan ^matrons, will
take hold of shield aud buckler, and
our boys at school will go to the field
in all the determination of disciplined
valor. Conquered we can never be.—
It would'be fnadhessTo'dfetdmpt it; and;
after years ot blood and slaughter, the
parties would be just where they began,
except that they would have learned to
hate one another with an intensity of
hatred equalled only in hell. Freedom
would suffer, religion would suffer,
learning would suffer, every human in
terest would suffer from such a war.—
But upon -whose head would fall the
responsibility ? There can be but one
answer. We solemnly believe that -the
South will be guiltless betore the eyes
of the Judge of all the .earth. She has
stood ip herigt, and resisted aggression.
If the North could rise to the dignity
of their present calling, this country
would -present to the world a spectacle
-of'unparalleled ■ grandeur. It would
show how deeply the love of liberty
and the influence of religion are rooted
in our people, when a great empire can
be divided without confusion, war, or
disorder. Two great people united un
der one government differ upon a-ques
tion of vital importance to one. Nei
ther can conscie'nciously give away. In
tlio-moenonimttjr- of their souls, IlTey
say, let there be no strife between us,
for we are bret hren. The land is broad
enough fO]r us both. Let us part in
peace, let us divide our common inheri
tance, adjust our common obligations,
and, preserving as a sacred treasure our
common principles, let each set up for
himself, and let the Lord bless us both.
A course like this, heroic,, sublime,
glorious, would be something altogetb
er unexampled in the history of the
world. It would be the wonder and
astonishment of the nations. . It would
do more to command for American in
stitutions the homage and respect of
mankind, than all the armies and fleets
of the Republic. It would be a victory
more august and imposing than any
which can be achieved by the thunder
of cannon and the shock of battle.
Peace is the policy of both North and
South. Let peace prevail, and nothing
really valuable is loBt. To save the
Union is imposible. The thing for
Christian men and patriots to aim at
now, is tosave the country from war.
That will be a scourge ; and-a curse.
But the South -will emerge from it free
as she was before. She is the invaded
party, and her institutions are likely
to gain strength from the conflict. Can
the North, as the invading party, be
assured that she will not fall into the
Lands of a military despot ? The whole
question is with her, and we calmly
await her decision. We prefer peace
---but if war must come, we are prepared
to meet it with unshaken confidence in
the God of battles. We lament the
widespread mischief it will do, the*ar
rest it will put upon every holy enter
prise of the Church, and upon all. the
interests of life; but the South can bold
ly say to the bleeding, distracted coun
ty, ,
4‘Shake not thy gory locks at me;
Thou canst not say I did it,”
professional £arbs.
O
A. P. COLLINS,
V I T F PHYSICIAN,
ITICE on Third Street, next door to R. W. Phillip-'
Negro Mart. oet 2 a
R. J. EMMETT BLACKSHEAR offers his service*
as Physician to the people of Macon.
D
and residence (for the present) on Fourth
Street, opposite the Primitive Baptist Church.
dec 2s tim*
~X>R. R. K. NISBET.
O FFICE on Cherry Street, over Freeman’s Provision
Store.
Rksuxekce on tnc “11111,” in front of the Female Coi
cge. ; [oct 3 ’60]
J. C. McREYAOLDS,
DENTIST,
C ORNER of Mulberry and Second streets, above La
nier House, over Methodist Book Store. All opera
tions warranted. [May 31
«. W. frLUKKWttiV ». g*.
DENTIST, zt&kk
OPPOSITE
fob 11 d-ly
LASlEB HOUSE.
j u DOCTORS
SMITH & HOLT,
PRACTICING PHYSICIANS
l”S
Dr
MACON, OA,
OFFICE.—Over Greer a: Freeman's. RESIDENCE.—
T. Smith at J. 15. Boss', Dr. Holt, in Vineville.
feb 1 d-ly ,
BR. A. FIERCE,
HOMOEOPATH,
OFFICE IN WASHINGTON BLOCK
fob 1 d-ly
Dr. C. J, iioosovott,
HOMEOPATHIC PHYSICIAN.
Residence and Office, comer Walnut and Third Strcelf.
ft - MACON, GEOEGIA.
JunelSi.
Insurance Companies.
Continental Insurance Company,
OF THE CTTY O F NEW YORK.
Cash Capital $500,000—/ •jssats July Int,
1860, $906,601,85 Stabilities, $16,~
514,37.
I NSURES Buildings, Jlerchandire ir.
tnre, Rent?, Leases, and other insHrable i.'runerrv at
the usual rates. Three-fourths of the nett profits of the
holders of ita policies in iciii heariT interest which
scrip will be redeemed as rapidly, in.I to the extent that
the piofitB accruin'' to t'
of $50tl,000..
H. H. Lamport
feb 1 d-ly
»B. JOHN HARDEMAN,
Office over Dr. E. L. Slrohecheds Drug Store
augio d-
H. A. NETTAllBK,
ITAVING spent a portion of three successive years in
AJL this city, during which time he has Umited his prac
tice almost exclusively to Surgery, now respectfully oil
era his services to the citizens of Macon and surround
ing country. In aU tho branches of his profession. OMu
on the South East Corner of 3d and CMerry streets, over
llr. Asher Ayres’ new Grocery Store.
May 1C
DOCTORS ,.v
McDonald & ym gieser
DENTISTS,
OFFICE IN WASHINGTON BLOCK, WEST SIDE,
feb 2 d-ly
J. F. BASS,
ATTORNEY AT LAW
MACON, OA.
OFFICE in Triangular Block, 2nd St., over Bearden 4
Staines’ Shoe Store. feb sa d-ly*
RIVERS & STANLEY,
Attorneys at Law, IRWINTON, Ga.,
WILL PRACTICE IN THE OCMULGEE & SOUTHERN
ClKC 0 ITS.
jona. Bivens. [feb 29d-ly*] boun a. stanlei
REMOVAL,.
QPEER & HUNTER, Attorneys at Law, have removet.
Q their office to the new building on Mulberry Street,
directly opposite the Lanier House, over the store ol A.
G. Bostick. oct 30 d
Walton C. Dnnson,
ATT 0 RNE Y AT LAW,
MACON, GEORGIA.
OFFICE on Second street, in Damons Building,
feb lG-d
J. BRANHAM, Jr.
ATTOENEV -A.T LAt/VlT,
IMA CON, GA.
OFFICE on Cotton Avenne over the Baptist Book
Store, room formerly occupied by Dr. Green,
jan 30 d-ly
LAMAR COBB,
Attorney at Xiaw,
MACON, GEORGIA.
12?“Orricz—on Mulberry Street, over the Store ot A.
- . M. Blackshear & Co., in Boardman’s Washingtoi
Block.
'Y^7'IDD practice in Bibb, Crawford, Dooly, D'—*”o»
nov
J-iU iimuiu: m ajiuu, vianuiiu, a/uui
Macon, Twiggs, Worth and Sumter,
>v 16—d lywlm Inside
' CIIAELBS X, HARRIS,
ATTORNEY A.T L.A.'W,
MACON, GA.
O FFICE over Ellis' Drug Store, opposite Bowdre
Anderson. feb 13-d 2m
NOTICE.
I AM now prepared to execute all orders for Tin Roof
ing, Galvanized Iron Cornice, Guttering, &c.
Mr. A- E. Kimball
Will have direct charge of my business in this city, and
hopes to receive a liberal share of public patronage.
tS?~Tin Roofing in the country prompO^aUcnded to.
Office on Cotton Av., opp. J. H. Cherry & Co.
■ £5?-ReferKNCE.—B. A. Wise, G. V.Scuttcrgood,
D. B. & J. W. Woodruff,
Volney Pierce, W. J. McElroy,
octal. W. S. Brantly.
NEW HOTEL.
P LANTER’S HOUSE—Two squares from tho Rail R.
Depot, Cherry Street, Macon, Ga.
dec 11 dtt J. O. GOODALE, Proprietor.
Musical Instruction.
O SCAR VON BRIESEN, Professor or Music having
been permanently located in Macon since December
last, continues to otter his services to the citizen a as
instructor on tne Piano, Gnilar, and Harmony at the
residences of pupils or in schools. Terms $15,00 per
quarter of 24 lessons,
Reference*.—L. N. Whittle, Esq., I. C. Plant, Dr. E. L
Strohecker, Mrs. Butler and others. Applications may be
left at Messrs E. J. Johnston & Co.’s Piano and Jewel
ry Store. -.
Repairing and tuning Pianos will he done faithfully
and at reasonable prices hy the same sep 10
FORT VALLEf
RAIL ROAD HOTEL.
rpHE undersigned take great pleasure in informing the
to give tho best accommodation to all who may favor
them with a call. We wonld also state, that the South.
Western Railroad Company has appointed onr Hotel aa
the regular eating house for Passengers as well as for
their officers and employees on the road, which-enables
ns to give as good faro aa there Is offered at any other
flrflt class Hotel, South.
Parlors,^ Dressing and Bedrooms for ladies and taml-
goo’d table^ctean and comfortable bed/, prompt and
friendly accommodations will always greet onr patrons.
N. B.—We keep also a Livery Stable with Fine Horses,
Carriages, Hacks, Buggies, <tc., and will send Passen
gers after the arrival orevery Train, to any desired place;
at very low and reasonable prices.
Respectfully, GARKE & BRO.
aug4-dly '
rv L-;-. JOHN A. NELSON,
Warehouse 8f General Commission Merchant,
Slaist Macon, G-a..
-\TTIU, ATTEND, PERSONALLY, to the Sale and
V V Stqragcof Cotton r Bacon, Grain, and all oilier pro
duco consnjnedto him. Also, to the rilling all orders lor
Bagging, Itope and Family Supplies. feb. 1
*3? a Is. e 3XT o 11 ce !
Freincli Boot and Shoe Shore,
OnlSecond St.,Tour Doors South Mulbury St.
-' Where always can bo found.
Ladies, Gents and Childrens Boots & Shoes
OF ALL DES CRIPTIONS.
People, will find it to their advantage to CALL and EX
AMINE before Purchasing elnuwliere.
H. COLEMAN.
Custom Work dono to Order. Also, REPAIR
ING done at the Shortest notice, and in the BEST man
ner. [dec 1,7] II. C.
‘Something New under the Sun,”
WHERE THE STAR WAS.
W. T. NELSON
H AS opened, at his old stand, on Cherry street, a
choice lot of Family Groceries, each aa Flour, -Mt al,
Cirite, Sugar, Codec, Caudlca, Soap, Starch, Butter, Lard,
Checite, Crackcra, Beef Tongue.*, Bologna Sausages,
Cabbage, Potatoes, ami, in tuct, every urticle usually
kept in a first ela.-s Family Grocery, to which he invites
the attention of his friends and the public.
ALM->, tiie very best brands of line Old Brandies,
Wines, .to., put up in bottles, or by the gallon.
W. T. NELSON.
Macon, Ga., Sept , 1 SOO
THE GEORGIA,
BAE AND BILLIAEDS,
Macon, Greorgia.
A. PATTERSON H. S. NEWCOM
Fehl.
Hardeman & Sparks,
Warehouse & Comm >sion Merchants,
Bft CON, GA.,
WILL give pr. nipt attention to the selling and
storing of 0 t ton. and o the filling of order a
Tor Plantation and Family supplier, and hope.
♦ otfonMnn to ltiiuiriiKu nnil with mir
equircu.
Ang 13-d
OITT" HOTEL.
TALLAHASSB FLA.
J. L. DEMILLY, Proprietor.
Staga Office kept at this Hotel. feb IC
geoI't^uope'
INSURANCE A&ENCT.
pEORGIA—BIBB COUNTY.
At j,,. virtue of an order from the Inferior CourtofBald-
win countv will be sold before the court house door in
Macon, during the legal hours of sale, on the first Tues
day In May next, Lois of land Nos. 157 and 353, in the
7th district of originally Baldwin now Bibb county.—
Terms cash. P. A. CLA1TON,
Ex'or of Geo. R. Cluyton, sr., dec., of Baldwin county.
feb as ;
P 1 . R33ICH:3E3H.T,
Upholsterer and Mattress Maker
On Cation Avenue, Opposite Ross, Coleman A Ross, .I/a
con. Ga.
Paper Hanging in all its branches done to order at shot i
notice,Loungcs.Oouchcs.Springaud Hair Mattresses mad
to order- old ones done up. Old Furniture neatly le
paired aud varuiafted. Curtains put up. Carpets and Gi.
Clotb laid. feb 26 d
JLcrfjjtion of property, In tfie following named'First
rEtna Insurance Company, Conn.
Phoenix Insurance Company, Conn.
North America Fire Insurance Company, Conn.
State Fire Insurance Company, Conn.
LaFayette Fire Insurance Company, Brooklyn.
tSy Loseea promptly adjustedby
May 25- RICHARD CURD, Agent.
$330,000.
FEARS & PBITCHETT,
The Selma Insurance and Trust Company.
Located at Selma, Ala.
: : Organized in I860. '
Capitol Stock, all paid in, ....$300,000(10
Cash premium on hand, i m
$330,00000
W. M. SMITH,President.
11. Lapsley, tsc-cretnry.
Uefkuznce.—E. A. i J. it. Nisbet, Macon, Ga.
A CAKD.
\I e would say to the business men r
con, that being satisfied from letters
the list of Stockholders in tae above -
Company is safe, and deserving \
ken the Agency, and are now r—„
stock* or Buildings, at as low a rate aa any other rcepon- ,
sible Company or Agency. “This is a Southern Compa
ny, located in a Southern city, owned by Southern peo
ple, and we caJ on Southern Merchants” to patronize
us, all.things being equal.
May 4,1880- FEARS * PRITCHETT.
Incorporated I860!
HARTFORD FIRE INSURANCE
COMPANY,
or —.
HARTFORD, CONNECTICUT.
Capital and Assetts - - - - $937,708.00,
P POLICIES lamed and renewed; Losses equitably ad
justed and paid immediate///upon satisfactory proofs,
in New York funds, by the undersigned, the duly anthor-
IzedAgent.^ E. J. JOHNSTON, Agent.
Insurance Companies.
CITY FIRE INSURANCE COMPANY—NEW HAVE
Capital $300,000.
SPRINGFIELD INSURANCE CO.—SPRINGFIELD
Capital $160,000.
LORRILT.ARD INSURANCE COMPANY—N. YORK
Capital $200,000.
With a large surplus security invested. Policie i
the above first class Companies issued and losses prom
ly f^; B d^ by B-J-JOHNSTO^Agen^
Fire and Life Insurance Agency
'|’HE Subscriber Is Agent for tho following first class
_L Insurance Companies:
Southern Mutual Fire Insurance Company. -
Southern Mutual Life Insurance Company.
Augusta Insurance and Banking Company.
Unity Fire Insurance Company, of London.
Applications received. Policies issued and :
juste? 1 by
onsreceiv ,
{febld-Iy]
es issued and Losses at
3. M. BOARDMAN.
CHARTER OAK FIRE
t AND
MARINE INSURANCE COMPANY
Hartford, Conn.. *
CASH CAPITAL 800,000 DOLLARS.
Josxph H-SPBAotns, Sec’y. Rath Oolxt, Prest.
feb 1 d-ly T. R. BLOOM, Agent, Macon.
Fire and Life Insurance Agency*
' ■ ’HE subscriber is Agent for the following first class
X Insurance Companies, viz:
The Southern Mutual Insurance Company, Athens, Ga.
The Augusta Insurance and Banking Company, Au
gusta, Ga.
Tho Georgia Home Insurance Company, Columbu-. Ga
The Alabama Insurance Company, Montgomery* Ala.
Tue Unity Fire Insurance Company, London, Engiam'.,
The Southern Mutual Life insurance Company, Co-
Applications received, Policies IrsnccL and Losses ad
justed, hy [nov 16] J. M. BOARDMAN, Agent.
Mules for Sale.
I HAVE twenty broke Mules, young and very fine,
that I will sell on twelve months time, at myploce
2 miles from Macon, on the Macon Ss Western R. Road,
dec 25 A. M. LOCKETT.
“Til ATTOBACCO.”
A NOTHER lot of
x\. for sale by
feb 2—d
‘that Tobacco” just received and
MASSENBURG & SON.
Stubblefield House!
• MACON, GEGRGIA.
r niS New and substantial Hotel is now open for tho
receptionof Guests.
@The House is entirely new, and newly famished
throughout, with everything needful to comfort. The
Proprietor will be glad to see his old friends, and will
omit nothing to maze all his patrons comfortable.
A good.Stable is attached, to the House, with faithful
and attentive Ostlers. M. STUBBLEFIELD,
nov28
oar coarsiGariHEarT.
/'VNE pipe of pure Holland Gin, “ direct importation,”
U in quantities to suit purchasers. In store aud for
sale by WHEELER A WILBUR.
Macon, Feb. 7-d-tf
HAEDWAEE,
IRQNJ. STEEL
CAB1IABT & CORD !
Are now receiving their Fallj
DIRECT IMPORTATIONS,
CONSISTING IN PABT^OP
850,000 lbs. Assorted Swedes Iron,
224,000 lbs. “ Refined Iron, il
20,000 lbs. “ Band Crabs and Hoops.
66,000 lbs. “ Plow Steel.
5,000 lbs. Cost and German Steel.
- 5,000 lbs. Nall Rods.
100 English Anvils.
75 Vices, at their new
Iron Front Store,
CHERRY STREET.
HARDWARE, CUTLERY, &c.
3,000 Pair Trace Chains,
100 Dozen Assorted Hoes,
Together with? laraeStock of evmrthing usually kept
in their line. Call and soe. . ,
CARHAET & CURD,
oct31 Iron F’ront, Cherry Street.
For Sale.
R1NE BANK S_-
8 Shares Central Rail Road.
Bv
Macon, Feb 19th, 1801—d
S. F. DICKINSON.
FRESH FRUIT,
Confectionaries and Groceries l
JVST ItECJEIJ'JES) !
A FINE LOT OF BANANAS.
Au Pine Apples, Lemons^Raisins and Dates,
Fine lot of Pickles, ftesh Figs, Buckwheat,
Beet Tongues, Pig Ha^a^Sid^
Cream Cheese, French Confectionaries, ■ •
Fig Paste, Gum Drops, Ac., Pastcry of various kinds.
Fine Wines, Brandies^ an J many other ;things too
numerous to mention.
For sale at the lowest terms for Cash.
feb 21 d • •• - c. HANSE.
jSTBW GOODS!
For Spring Trade, 1861 11
T htc subscriber luis this day received some very hand
some English Prints, Muslins, Embroidered ana
Plain Barege Anlais for Spring Dresses*, and a flood
stock of Staple Goods. All of which will be gold on
reasonable terms toprot*pl paying credit customer*; or
for Cash. - - ' ... _ , . .
Give my stock an examination before making von
purchaser A. t«. dost 1CK.
Macon, Feb Oth, lSill— d-tf
MACON SEED STORE.
L A
ELLIS has jn.t received a large supply of
GARDEN SEEDS,
From Landreth'*, warranted genuine, for sale st the
lowest prices, wholesale and retail.
Also, a general assortmeet of
DRUGS AND MEDICINES.
Macon, Ga., Jan. S, d*2in* W, 8. SLIA9.