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Griffin Daily News
SECURITY SPECIALIST Muriel Siebert, 38; has become
the first woman ever elected to the New York Stock
Exchange. She paid $445,000 for a seat on the 175-year
old exchange.
BRUCE BIOSSAT
Total Victory in Vietnam:
Nixon's Tough N.H. Theme
By BRUCE BIOSSAT
NEA Washington Correspondent
MANCHESTER, N.H. (NEA)
Contrary to some reports, Richard M. Nixon is taking a
consistent hard line on Vietnam as he moves leisurely about
New Hampshire in his initial bid for the 1968 Republican
presidential nomination.
Whether he is talking to night-time rallies of adult Repub
licans or to groups of restless, inquiring students on college
and secondary school campuses, Nixon’s fundamentally hawk
ish theme is the same:
There must be no reward, “in whole or in part,” for Hanoi’s
aggression in South Vietnam. We must make no settlement
in Vietnam which can be interpreted either in Asia or any
where else as a defeat for the United States.
To a crowded hall at nearby Derry he said: “The debate
in this country over Vietnam is not about how we are going
to lose this war, but about how we’re going to win it.”
Earlier, at Dover, he had underscored in the strongest
terms the necessity for an American victory—on the battle
field and at the negotiation table.
Some political analysts suggest that Nixon’s tough line is
mostly either a special response to the alleged hawkish senti
ments of the New Hampshire voters he is wooing in this first
1968 primary campaign or reflects awareness of new opinion
polls showing a sharp jump in popular support for the war.
The fact is, however, that he settled upon this theme months
ago and has outlined it to this and other reporters in private
conversations in his New York law office.
Furthermore, in those conversations he expressed very
bluntly another idea which he has not so far broached directly
in his front-running New Hampshire campaign:
We need to win the war in Vietnam because, once our large
military presence is removed from Southeast Asia, it would
be almost impossible for any American president to lead this
nation into another similar war in Thailand or the Philippines
or anywhere else.
This strongly held Nixon view explains more than anything
else why he has been telling New Hampshire people and
others that the goal of our future diplomacy must be to
strengthen other countries seeking freedom, so that they can
fight their own wars if necessary and not call on us to fight
them for them.
His goal of future “preventive diplomacy” is the only one he
believes an American president can stress to a people sick
of half war-half peace.
His speeches are laced with stiff warnings to his listeners
that if America allows Hanoi any semblance of reward for
aggression in Vietnam, then Reds in Hanoi and Peking and
Moscow will be emboldened to try the tactic of a “national
liberation war” somewhere else soon again—and we will be
in it
Since he privately voices doubt that we would become so
engaged, it is plain that Nixon’s overriding intent is to em
phasize with real hammer strokes the necessity of U.S. vic
tory in Vietnam. __
RAY CROMLEY
a
Red Strikes at Viet Cities
First Step in Long Drive
By RAY CROMLEY
NEA Washington Correspondent
WASHINGTON (NEA)
There is something very mysterious indeed about the Viet
Cong documents captured in the past four months.
One after another of these documents states clearly that
the aim of the 45-city attacks is to stir up popular uprisings
that will rapidly sweep the VC into power through a Red
dominated coalition government.
This analysis is extremely surprising because Ho Chi Mlnh,
Nguyen Giap and Mao Tse-tung are careful students of recent
Asian and Latin-American history. The lesson of the past two
decades is that in almost every case documented, quick
Communist revolutionary take-over attempts have failed
disastrously.
The quick government overthrow attempted in Indonesia
the year before last led to a blood-bath purge of the Com
munists, the military ouster of their patron, President
Sukarno, and the creation of a strongly anti-Commumst Indo
nesian government.
In this latest quick-revolution attempt, the Indonesian Com
munists repeated their mistakes of two decades ago, when
they set off “quick-victory” uprisings in several Indonesian
cities. As in Vietnam, the Indonesian Communists combined
well-organized military operations with terrorism. They
expected an immediate take-over. But the people did not come
to their support and the revolts failed. It took the Indonesian
Reds 10 years to recover from this blow.
In the Dominican Republic, the Communists attempted to
piggy-back on a revolt in the capital. Though they allied
themselves with elements of the army, they were thwarted
by President Johnson’s quick shift of U.S. troops to the island.
In Venezuela, seven years ago, the Communist underground
set up terrorist units to kick off revolts in the cities. As in
Vietnam, these armed units struck in the cities. They
attempted to disrupt government functions, frighten the
people, paralyze the army and police. The objective was to
destroy the effectiveness of government and thus lead to a
dramatic Communist take-over.
The Rgds did disrupt life in Venezuela’s cities. They were
unable to arouse sufficient support or create enough terror to
keep the government from functioning.
Again in Guatemala in 1962, Communist subversives moved
to whip up the people for a quick seizure of the capital. The
Communists believed a short, intense military attack would
cause “the masses” to join the Red revolution. The people
did not rise.
Since Mao, Ho and Giap know their recent history (so dif
ferent from that of the Communists in the Russian revolu
tion), ifmust be assumed they did not, in their 45-city attack,
expect a national uprising. More likely, they were using these
promises of a national revolt to whip their squads to daring
suicidal attempts.
It is more likely that Ho, Giap and Mao are still aiming at
protracted war or Allied capitulation through peace talks. II
this theory is right, the current city battles are the first step
in a long urban campaign.
Wednesday, Feb. 21, 1968
21
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